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THE 


DOCUMENTARY  HISTORY 

OF  THE 


ARRANGED  UNDER  DIRECTION  OF  THE 


HON.  CHRISTOPHER  MORGAN, 

Secretary  of  State. 


BY  E.  B.  O'CALLAGHAN,  M.  D. 
VOLUME  I. 


ALBANY: 
WEED,  PARSONS  &  CO.,  PUBLIC  PRINTERS. 
1850. 


.p<M- 


*#*  The  Map  facing  the  Title  page  of  this  Volume  is  taken  from  one  of  North  America,  engraved  by 
Ltjcini,  an  Italian  artist,  originally  on  four  sheets,  three  of  which  belong  to  the  Warden  Collection  of  the 
State  Library. 

It  will  be  perceived  from  its  Title  that  it  is  a  Map  of  New  Belgium  (now  New- York,)  and  part  of  New 
England,  the  former  of  which  Provinces  was  claimed  at  the  time,  to  extend  from  Cape  Cod  to  the  Capes  of 
Delaware.  The  absence  of  any  date  renders  it  difficult,  however,  to  ascertain  precisely  the  year  it  was 
engraved  and  this  point  can  be  determined  only  by  other  evidence. 

Boston,  which  was  settled  in  1630,  is  found  laid  down,  but  there  is  no  mention  of  Maryland,  the  Province 
of  Virginia  forming  the  southern  Boundary  of  New  Belgium. 

As  Maryland  was  first  granted  in  1632,  it  is  evident  the  date  of  this  Map  must  be  some  year  between 
that  and  the  settlement  of  Boston.    Most  probably,  it  was  engraved  in  1631. 

In  point  of  time,  it  may  be  considered  the  third  oldest  Map  of  the  Province  extant,  having,  as  far  as  yet 
known,  been  preceded  by  only  two  Dutch  Maps,  one  of  1616  and  one  1618,  transcripts  of  which  are  in  the 
office  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  of  one  of  which  this  Italian  Map  is  evidently  an  improved  copy. 


CONTENTS. 


?AGE. 

I.  Papers  relating  to  the  Iroquois  and  other  Indian  tribes,   9 

II.  Papers  relating  to  the  first  settlement  at  Onondaga,  and  the  discovery  of  the  Salt  Springs 

at  Salina,   --------------       -  27 

III.  Papers  relating  to  De  Courcelles'  and  De  Tracy's  expeditions  against  the  Mohawk  Indians, 

1665-6,     -   41 

IV.  Govs.  Nicoll  and  Andros'  reports  on  the  Province  of  New- York,  1669-1678,     ...  57 
V.  Papers  relating  to  M.  de  la  Barre's  expedition  to  Hungry  Bay,  1684,        ...       -  63 

VI.  Governor  Dongan's  report  on  the  state  of  the  Province,  1687,  ------  93 

VII.  Papers  relating  to  Denonville's  expedition  to  the  Genesee  Country  and  Niagara,  1687,      -  119 

VIII.  Names  of  the  male  inhabitants  of  Ulster  Co.,  1689,   171 

IX.  Papers  relating  to  the  invasion  of  New- York  and  the  burning  of  Schenectady  by  the 

French,  1690,     -    177 

X.  Civil  list  of  the  Province  of  New-York,  1693,   197 

XI.  Papers  relating  to  Frontenac's  expedition  against  the  Onondagas,  1696,   -       -       -       -  205 

XII.  New- York  army  list,  1700,   227 

XIII.  Census  of  the  counties  of  Orange,  Dutchess  and  Albany,  1702,  1714,  1720,    -       -       -  237 

XIV.  Cadwallader  Colden  on  the  lands  of  New- York,  1732,   247 

XV.  Papers  relating  to  the  Susquehannah  river,  1683-1757,   257 

XVI.  Papers  relating  to  Ogdensburgh,  1749,   275 

XVII.  Papers  relating  to  Oswego,   287 

XVIII.  Papers  relating  to  the  Oneida  Country  and  Mohawk  Valley,  1756,  1757,  327 
XIX.  Papers  relating  to  French  Seigniories  on  Lake  Champlain,      ------  345 

XX.  Boundary  line  between  the  whites  and  the  Indians,  1765,       ------  377 

XXI.  Papers  relating  to  the  city  of  New- York,   383 

XXII.  Papers  relating  to  Long  Island,     -  409 

XXIII.  Statistics  of  population,  1647-1774,   465 

XXIV.  Statistics  of  revenue,  imports,  exports,  etc.,  1691-1768,   475 

XXV.  Papers  relating  to  trade  and  manufactures,  1705-1757,   483 

XXVI.  Report  of  Gov.  Tryon  on  the  state  of  the  Province,  1774,   501 

Index,  -   527 

Index  to  illustrations,  -  7 


INDEX  TO  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Map  of  Nuova  Belgia,   To  face  Title. 

Indian  Totums,    To  face  page  13 

That  marked  Indian  Portrait,    do  14 

Map  of  the  head  waters  of  the  Susquehanna,   do  274 

Plan  of  La  Presentation,   do  281 

Oswego  in  1727   do  292 

English  Plan  of  Oswego  in  1756,   do  312 

French  Plan  of  Oswego  in  1756,   do  315 

View  of  Oswego,   do  319 

Outline  Map,  showing  sites  of  Forts  Bull  and  Williams,   do  329 

French  Map  of  Lake  Champlain,   do  359 

English  Map  of  Lake  Champlain,   do  368 

Boundary  Line  between  the  Whites  and  Indians,  1768   do  377 

Sauthier's  Map  of  the  Province  of  New  York  in  1779,    do  526 


PAPERS 

RELATING  TO 

®l)e  3roqtt0t0  auir  otl)er  JfnMan  ®rtbe0* 


lB8e — 1075. 


[Vol.  1.] 


2 


THE  NINE  IROQUOIS  TRIBES.  1666. 


[  Paris  Doc.  1.  ] 

The  Iroquois  Nation  consists  of  nine  tribes,  which  form  two  divisions;  one  of  four  tribes,  and  the 
other  of  five. 

They  call  the  first  division  Guey-niotiteshesgue,  whicli  means  the  four  tribes;  and  the  second 
division  they  call  it  Ouiche-niotiteshesgue,  which  means  the  five  tribes. 

The  first  is  that  of  the  Tortoise,  which  calls  itself  Miniathin.  It  is  the  first,  because  they  pretend, 
when  the  Master  of  Life  made  the  Earth,  that  he  placed  it  on  a  tortoise;  and  when  there  are  earth- 
quakes, it  is  the  tortoise  that  stirs. 

The  second  tribe  is  that  of  the  Wolf,  and  calls  itself  Enanthayonni,  or  Cahenhisenhonon,  and  brother 
of  the  Tortoise  tribe.    When  there  is  question  of  war  they  deliberate  together;  and  if  the  affair  is  of- 
great  moment,  they  communicate  it  to  the  other  tribes  to  deliberate  together  thereupon;  so  of  all  the 
other  tribes.    They  assemble  in  the  hut  of  a  war-chief  when  the  question  is  of  war,  and  in  the  hut 
of  a  council-chief  when  it  is  for  ordinary  matters  of  state. 

The  third  tribe  is  that  of  the  Bear,  which  they  call  Atinionguin. 

The  fourth  tribe  is  that  of  the  Beaver,  and  bi other  to  that  of  the  Bear.  Thesefour  tribes  compose 
the  first  division,  which  they  call  Guey-niotiteshesgue. 

SECOND  DIVISION. 

The  fifth  tribe  is  that  of  the  Deer,  which  they  call  Canendeshr. 
The  sixth  is  that  of  the  Potatoe,  whicli  they  call  Schoneschioronon. 
The  seventh  is  that  of  the  Great  Plover,  which  they  call  Otinanchahe. 
The  eighth  is  that  of  the  Little  Plover,  which  they  call  Jlsco,  or  Nicohes. 

The  ninth  is  that  of  the  Kiliou  [Eagle],  which  they  call  Canon-chahonronon.  They  call  these  five 
tribes  Ouiche-niotiteshesgue. 

These  nine  tribes  formerly  occupied  nine  villages,  which  were  finally  collected  together  in  order 
to  sustain  war  more  easily. 

The  ninth  tribe  derives  its  origin  from  a  cabin  that  was  in  the  interior  (dans  les  terres),  and  com- 
posed of  several  fires  or  establishments.  In  the  middle  of  the  cabin  was  a  partition  which  divided 
the  cabin  in  two. 

Weary  of  knowing  no  one,  and  consequently  unable  to  marry,  they  all  married  among  themselves; 
which  is  the  reason  that  their  name  signifies  two  cabins  united  together. 

Each  tribe  has  in  the  gable  end  of  its  cabin,  the  animal  of  the  tribe  painted;  some  in  black,  others 
in  red. 


12 


THE  IROQUOIS  AND  OTHER  INDIAN  TRIBES. 


When  they  assemble  together  for  consultation,  the  first  Division  ranges  itself  on  one  side  of  the 
fire  in  a  cabin;  and  the  other  Division  places  itself  on  the  other  side. 

When  the  matter  on  which  they  have  met  has  been  discussed  on  one  side  and  the  other,  they 
accompany  the  decision  with  much  ceremony. 

The  Division  which  decides  the  matter  gives  two  opinions,  so  that  the  best  may  be  adopted,  and 
offers  all  possible  opposition  in  proposing  its  opinions,  in  order  to  shew  that  it  has  well  considered 
what  it  says. 

They  adopt,  usually,  the  first  opinion,  unless  there  be  some  strong  motive  to  the  contrary. 

When  they  go  to  war,  and  wish  to  inform  those  of  the  party  who  may  pass  their  path,  they  make 
a  representation  of  the  animal  of  their  tribe,  with  a  hatchet  in  his  dexter  paw;  sometimes  a  sabre  or 
a  club;  and  if  there  be  a  number  of  tribes  together  of  the  same  party,  each  draws  the  animal  of  Ins 
tribe,  and  their  number,  all  on  a  tree  from  which  they  remove  the  bark.  The  animal  of  the  tribe 
which  heads  the  expedition  is  always  the  foremost. 

They  generally  have  a  rendezvous  when  they  propose  to  strike  a  blow,  where  in  case  of  pursuit, 
they  leave  a  part  of  their  clothes  and  ammunition.  When  they  fight,  they  are  very  Molochs,  and 
have  merely  the  waistcloth  on,  with  a  pair  of  mocasins  on  the  feet. 

When  the  expedition  is  numerous  they  often  leave  a  party  a  hundred  or  a  hundred  and  fifty 
leagues  (lieues,  qy.  paces?)  from  the  village  which  they  are  about  to  attack.  When  they  have 
finished,  if  they  have  casse-tetes  or  clubs,  they  plant  tliem  against  the  corpse  inclining  a  little 
towards  the  village  of  the  slain. 

On  their  return,  if  they  have  prisoners  or  scalps,  they  paint  the  animal  of  the  tribe  to  which  they 
belong,  rampant,  (debout)  with  a  staff  on  the  shoulder  along  which  are  strung  the  scalps  they  may 
have,  and  in  the  same  number.  After  the  animal  are  the  prisoners  they  have  made,  with  a  chichicois, 
.  (or  gourd  filled  with  beans  which  rattle),  in  the  right  hand.  If  they  be  women,  they  represent  them 
with  a  Cadenette  or  queue  and  a  waistcloth. 

If  there  be  several  tribes  in  the  war  party,  each  paints  the  animal  of  his  tribe  with  'the  scalps  and 
prisoners  it  has  made,  as  before,  but  always  after  that  which  is  head  of  the  party. 

When  they  have  scalps  they  give  them  to  one  or  two  men  who  suspend  theni  behind  them  to  their 
girdle. 

These  men  who  cany  these  scalps  follow  the  others  at  a  distance,  that  is  to  say,  at  a  quarter  of  a 
league,  because  they  pretend  that  when  they  retreat  and  have  scalps,  if  these  precede  the  others 
they  cannot  march  any  further  because  they  are  seized  with  terror  at  the  sight  of  the  dripping  blood. 
.But  this  is  only  the  first  day,  sometimes  the  second  and  third  when  they  are  pursued. 

When  they  come  again  together,  they  proceed  to  notify  the  others  and  then  each  one  takes  Ins 
station  or  awaits  the  enemy.  When  night  falls  they  make  a  hole  in  the  earth  where  they  kindle  a 
fire  with  bark  to  cook  their  meat,  if  they  have  any,  and  that  during  three  or  four  days. 

They  tie  the  prisoners  to  stakes  set  in  the  ground,  into  which  they  fix  their  leg  or  rather  foot,  and 
this  stake  is  closed  by  another  tied  together  at  a  man's  height.  They  place  a  man  at  each  side  who 
sleeps  near  them  and  who  is  careful  to  visit  the  prisoners  from  time  to  time  during  the  night. 

When  they  have  lost  any  men  on  the  field  of  battle  they  paint  the  men  with  the  legs  in  the  air, 
and  without  heads  and  in  the  same  number  as  they  have  lost;  and  to  denote  the  tribe  to  which  they 
belonged,  they  paint  the  animal  of  the  tribe  of  the  deceased  on  its  back,  the  paws  in  the  air,  and  if 
it  be  the  chief  of  the  party  that  is  dead,  the  animal  is  without  the  head. 

If  there  be  only  wounded,  they  paint  a  broken  gun  which  however  is  connected  with  the  stock,  or 
even  an  arrow,  and  to  denote  where  they  have  been  wounded,  they  paint  the  animal  of  the  tribe  to 
which  the  wounded  belong  with  an  arrow  piercing  the  part  in  which  the  woimd  is  located;  and  if  it 
be  a  gunshot  they  make  tho  mark  of  the  ball  on  the  body  of  a  different  color. 


THE  IROQUOIS  AND  OTHER  INDIAN  TRIBES. 


13 


If  they  have  sick,  and  are  obliged  to  carry  them,  they  paint  Utters  (boyards)  of  the  same  number 
as  the  sick,  because  they  carry  only  one  on  each  litter. 

When  they  are  thirty  or  forty  leagues1  from  their  vilage  they  send  notice  of  their  approach,  and 
of  what  has  happened  them.  Then  every  one  prepares  to  receive  the  prisoners,  when  there  are  any, 
and  to  torment  each  as  they  deem  proper. 

Those  who  are  condemned  to  be  burnt  are  conveyed  to  the  cabin  which  has  been  given  them. 
All  the  warriors  assemble  in  a  war  cabin  and  afterwards  send  for  them  to  make  them  sing,  dance, 
and  to  torment  them  until  they  are  carried  to  the  stake. 

During  tins  time  two  or  three  young  men  are  preparing  the  stake,  placing  the  fuel  near  and  keep 
their  guns  loaded. 

When  every  thing  is  ready,  he  is  brought  and  tied  to  the  stake  and  finally  burnt.  When  he  is 
burnt  up  to  the  stomach  they  detach  him,  break  all  his  fingers,  raise  the  scalp  which  was  left  hanging 
behind  by  a  small  tongue  of  skin  to  the  head.  They  put  him  to  death  in  these  agonies,  after  which 
each  takes  his  morsel  and  proceeds  to  make  merry. 

Explanation  of  the  First  Designs. 

A.  This  is  a  person  returning  from  war  who  has  taken  a  prisoner,  killed  a  man  and  a  woman 
whose  scalps  hang  from  the  end  of  a  stick  that  he  carries. 

B.  The  prisoner. 

C.  Chichicois  (or  a  gourd),  which  he  holds  in  the  hand. 

D.  These  are  cords  attached  to  his  neck,  arms  and  girdle. 

E.  This  is  the  scalp  of  a  man,  what  is  joined  on  one  side  is  the  scalp  lock. 

F.  This  is  the  scalp  of  a  women;  they  paint  it  with  the  hair  tliin. 

G.  Council  of  war  between  the  tribe  of  the  Bear  and  that  of  the  Beaver;  they  are  brothers. 

H.  A  Bear. 

I.  A  Beaver. 

L.  Is  a  belt  wliich  he  holds  in  his  paws  to  avenge  the  death  of  some  one  and  he  is  conferring 
about  it  with  liis  brother,  the  Beaver. 
K.  Council  for  affairs  of  state. 
M.  The  Bear. 
N.  The  Council  fire. 

0.  The  Tortoise;  so  of  the  other  tribes,  each  ranges  at  its  own  side. 
P.  Canoe  going  to  war. 

Q.  Paddles.    They  know  hereby  how  many  men  there  are  in  the  canoe,  because  they  place  as 
many  paddles  as  there  are  men.    Over  these  is  painted  the  animal  of  the  tribe  to  which  they  belong. 
R.  The  Canoe. 

S.  This  is  a  man  returning  from  hunting  who  has  slept  two  nights  on  the  hunting  ground  and 
killed  three  does;  for  when  they  are  bucks,  they  add  their  antlers. 
What  is  on  his  back,  is  his  bundle. 
T.  Deer's  head.    This  is  the  way  they  paint  them. 

V.  This  is  the  manner  they  mark  the  time  they  have  been  hunting.  Each  mark  or  rather  each 
bar  is  a  day. 

Y.  Fashion  of  painting  the  dead;  the  two  first  are  men  and  the  third  is  a  woman  who  is  distin- 
guished only  by  the  waistcloth  that  she  has. 

As  regards  the  dead,  they  inter  them  with  all  they  have.  When  it  is  a  man  they  paint  red  calu- 
mets, calumets  of  peace  on  the  tomb;  some  times  they  plant  a  stake  on  which  they  paint  how  often 

1  Three  or  four  miles.— Colden. 


1 1 


THE  IROQUOIS  AND  OTHER  INDIAN  TRIBES. 


lie  has  been  in  battle;  how  many  prisoners  he  has  taken;  the  post  ordinarily  is  only  four  or  five  feet 
high  and  much  embellished. 

a.  These  are  punctures  on  his  body. 

b.  This  is  the  way  they  niark  when  they  have  been  to  war,  and  when  there  is  a  bar  extending 
from  one  mark  to  the  other,  it  signifies  that  after  having  been  in  battle,  he  did  not  come  back  to  his 
village  and  that  he  returned  with  other  parties  whom  he  met  or  formed. 

c.  This  arrow,  which  is  broken,  denotes  that  they  were  wounded  in  this  expedition. 

d.  Thus  they  denote  that  the  belts  which  they  gave  to  raise  a  war  party  and  to  avenge  the  death 
of  some  one,  belong  to  them  or  to  some  of  the  same  tribe. 

e.  He  has  gone  back  to  fight  without  having  entered  his  village. 

f.  A  man  whom  he  killed  on  the  field  of  battle  who  had  a  bow  and  arrows. 

g.  These  are  two  men  whom  he  took  prisoners,  one  of  whom  had  a  hatchet,  and  the  other  a  gun 
in  his  hand. 

g.  g.  This  is  a  woman  who  is  designated  only  by  a  species  of  waistcloth. 

h.  This  is  the  way  they  distinguish  her  from  the  men. 
Such  is  the  mode  in  which  they  draw  their  portraits. 


A.  This  is  the  manner  they  paint  the  tribe  of  the  Potatoe  and  not  as  it  is  on  the  other  plate. 

b.  Is  a  stick  set  in  the  ground  to  the  extremity  of  which  two  or  three  pieces  of  wood  are  attached, 
to  denote  the  direction  in  which  they  went  when  they  are  hunting;  and  on  the  nearest  tree  they 
paint  the  animal  of  the  tribe  to  which  they  belong,  with  the  numbers  of  guns  they  have;  that  is  to 
say  if  they  are  tliree  men,  they  paint  tliree  guns,  if  they  are  more  and  there  are  some  who  have  a 
bow  and  no  gun,  they  put  down  a  bow. 

When  they  return  from  hunting  and  are  near  the  village  they  do  the  same  thing  and  add  the  num- 
ber of  beasts  they  have  killed  —  that  is  to  say,  they  paint  the  Deer,  and  the  Stag  from  the  head  to 
the  neck;  if  some  are  male  they  add  antlers;  they  paint  the  other  animals  entire;  if  they  are  some 
days  at  the  chase  they  mark  the  number  as  you  see  on  the  other  plate. 

c.  Club  which  they  use  to  break  the  skull  when  they  are  at  war. 


THE  IROQUOIS  AND  OTHER  INDIAN  TRIBES. 


15 


Stake  to  tie  the  prisoners.  They  place  his 
leg  between  these  two  posts  in  the  hollow  of 
the  larger — that  is  the  two  posts  catch  the  leg 
above  the  ankle,  and  they  afterwards  join  one 
to  the  other  and  tie  them  at  a  man's  height — 
sometimes  higher,  so  that  it  is  impossible  to 
withdraw  the  foot  without  untying  the  cords. 


OBSERVATIONS  OF  WENTWORTH  GREENMLGH, 

IN  A  JOURNEY  FROM  ALBANY  TO  Ye  INDIANS,  WESTWARD  ;   BEGUN  MAY  20th  1677,  AND  ENDED  JULY 

Ye  14,  FOLLOWING. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  III.  ] 

The  Maquaes  have  four  townes,  vict.  Cahaniaga,  Canagora,  Canajorha,  Tionondogue,  besides  one 
small  village  about  110  miles  from  Albany. 

Cahaniaga  is  double  stockadoed  round;  has  four  forts,  [ports  ?]  about  four  foot  wide  a  piece,  con- 
teyns  about  24  houses,  and  is  situate  upon  the  edge  of  an  hill,  about  a  bow  shott  from  the  river  side. 

Canagora  is  only  single  stockadoed;  has  four  ports  like  the  former,  conteyns  about  16  houses;  itt 
is  situated  upon  a  fflatt,  a  stone's  throw  from  ye  waters  side. 

Canajorha  is  also  singly  stockadoed;  and  the  like  manr  of  ports  and  quantity  of  houses  as  Canagora; 
the  like  situacon;  only  about  two  miles  distant  from  the  wTater. 

Tionondogue  is  double  stockadoed  around,  has  four  ports,  four  foot  wide  a  piece,  contains  abt  30 
houses;  is  scituated  on  a  hill  a  bow  shott  from  ye  River. 

The  small  village  is  without  flfence,  and  conteyns  about  ten  houses;  lyes  close  by  the  river  side,  on 
the  north  side,  as  do  all  the  former. 

The  Maquaes  pass  in  all  for  about  300  fighting  men. 

Their  corn  grows  close  by  the  River  side. 

Of  the  Situacon  of  the  Oneydas  and  Onondagoes  and  their  Strength. 

The  Onyades  have  but  one  town,  which  lys  about  130  miles  westward  of  the  Maques.  Itt  is 
situate  about  twenty  miles  from  a  small  river  which  comes  out  of  the  hills  to  the  southward,  and 
runs  into  lake  Teshiroque,  and  about  30  miles  distant  from  the  Maquaes  river,  which  lyes  to  the 
northward;  the  town  is  newly  settled,  double  stockadoed,  but  fit  tie  cleared  ground,  so  thatt  they 
are  forced  to  send  to  the  Onondagoes  to  buy  corne;  The  towne  consists  of  about  100  houses.  They 
are  said  to  have  about  200  fighting  men,   Their  Corne  grows  round  about  the  towne. 

The  Onondagoes  have  butt  one  towme,  butt  itt  is  very  large;  consisting  of  about  140  houses,  nott 
fenced;  is  situate  upon  a  hill  thatt  is  very  large,  the  banke  on  each  side  extending  itself  att  least 
two  miles,  all  cleared  land,  whereon  the  corne  is  planted.  They  have  likewise  a  small  village  about 
two  miles  beyond  thatt,  consisting  of  about  24  houses.    They  ly  to  the  southward  of  ye  west,  about 


L6 


THE  IROQUOIS  AND  OTHER  INDIAN  TRIBES. 


36  miles  from  the  Onyades.  They  plant  aboundance  of  Corne,  which  they  sell  to  the  Onyades.  The 
Onondagos  are  said  to  be  about  350  fighting  men.    They  ly  about  15  miles  from  Tshiroqui. 

Of  the  Caiougos  and  Senecques,  their  Situacon  and  Strength,  fyc. 
The  Caiougos  have  three  townes  about  a  mile  distant  from  each  other;  they  are  not  stockadoe  I. 
They  do  in  all  consist  of  about  100  houses;  they  ly  about  60  miles  to  the  southward  of  ye  Onon- 
dagos; they  intend  the  next  spring  to  build  all  their  houses  together  and  stockade  them;  they  have 
abundance  of  Corne;  they  ly  within  two  or  three  miles  of  the  lake  Tichero.  They  pass  for  about 
300  fighting  men. 

The  Senecques  have  four  townes,  vict.  Canagora,  Tiotohatton,  Canoenada  and  Keint-he.  Canagora 
and  Tiotohatton  lye  witliin  30  miles  of  ye  Lake  ff  rontenacque,  and  ye  other  two  ly  about  four  or  five 
miles  apiece  to  ye  Southward  of  those.  They  have  abundance  of  Corne.  None  of  their  towns  are 
stockadoed. 

Canagorah  lyes  on  the  top  of  a  great  hill,  and  in  that,  as  well  as  in  the  bignesse,  much  like  Onon- 
dago,  contayning  150  houses,  northwestward  of  Caiougo,  72  miles.  Here  ye  Indyans  were  very 
desirous  to  see  us  ride  our  horses,  wch  wee  did:  they  made  great  feasts  and  dancing,  and  invited  us 
yl  when  all  ye  maides  were  together,  both  wee  and  our  Indyans  might  choose  such  us  lyked  us  to 
ly  with. 

Tiotohattan  lyes  on  the  brincke  or  edge  of  a  hill;  has  not  much  cleared  ground;  is  near  the  river 
Tiotehatton,  wch  signifies  bending.  It  lyes  to  Westward  of  Canagorah  about  30  miles,  containing 
about  120  houses,  being  ye  largest  of  all  the  houses  wee  saw,  ye  ordinary  being  50  @  60  foot  long 
with  12  @  13  fires  in  one  house.  They  have  good  store  of  corne,  growing  about  a  mile  to  the  North- 
ward of  the  towne. 

Being  at  this  place  the  17  of  June,  there  came  50  prisoners  from  the  South  westward.  They  were 
of  two  nations,  some  whereof  have  few  guns;  the  other  none  at  all.  One  nation  is  about  10  days 
journey  from  any  Christians  and  trade  only  with  one  greatt  house,  nott  far  from  the  sea,  and  the 
other  trade  only,  as  they  say,  with  a  black  people.  This  day  of  them  was  burnt  two  women,  and  a 
man  and  a  cliild  killed  with  a  stone.  Att  night  we  heard  a  great  noyse  as  if  ye  houses  had  all  fallen, 
butt  itt  was  onely  ye  Inhabitants  driving  away  ye  ghosts  of  y°  murthered. 

The  18th  going  to  Canagorah,  wee  overtook  ye  prisoners;  when  the  soudiers  saw  us  they  stopped 
each  his  prisoner,  and  made  him  sing,  and  cutt  off  their  fingers,  and  slasht  their  bodies  wth  a  knife, 
and  when  they  had  sung  each  man  confessed  how  many  men  in  his  time  bee  had  killed.  Thatt  day 
att  Canagorah,  there  were  most  cruelly  burnt  four  men,  four  women  and  one  boy.  The  cruelty 
lasted  aboutt  seven  hours.  When  they  were  almost  dead  letting  them  loose  to  the  mercy  of  ye  boys", 
and  taking  the  hearts  of  such  as  were  dead  to  feast  on. 

Canoenada  lyes  about  four  miles  to  ye  Southward  of  Canagorah;  conteynes  about  30  houses,  well 
furnished  with  Come. 

Keint-he  lyes  aboutt  four  or  five  miles  to  ye  Southward  of  Tietehatton;  contayns  about  24  houses 
well  furnished  with  corne. 
The  Senecques  are  counted  to  bee  in  all  about  1000  fighting  men. 


THE  IROQUOIS  AND  OTHER  INDIAN  TRIBES. 


17 


The  French  call  the 


Maques 
Onyades 
Onondagos 
& 

Onondago  town 

Caiougos 

Senecques 

Cangaro 

Tiotehatton 


By  the 
name 
of 


Les  Anniez 
lies  Onoyauts 
Les  Montagneurs 

La  Montagne 
Les  Petuneurs 
Les  Paisans 
St.  Jaques 
La  Conception 


Note.  The  above  paper  will  be  found  also  in  Chalmers'  Political  Annals,  in  which,  however,  Green- 
halgh's  name  is  misspelt.    That  paper  differs  likewise  in  other  respects  from  the  MS.  now  followed. 


ENUMERATION  OF  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

CONNECTED  WITH  THE  GOVERNMENT  OF  CANADA  ;  THE  WARRIORS  AND  ARMORIAL  BEARINGS  OF  EACH 

NATION.  1736. 

[  Paris,  Doc.  VIII.  ] 

The  Eskimaux,  ) 

The  Micmacs,  >  These  Nations  are  below  Quebec,  and  beyond  my  knowledge. 

The  Amaleates  or  rather  the  Maneus.  ) 

At  Quebec. 

The  Hurons.      -       1  Village  60  a  70  men  bearing  arms,       -      -      -      -      -      -  60 

At  the  River  St.  John,  near  the  English. 
The  Abenakis.  -  -  1  Village  called  PanaHamsket  towards  the  mouth  of  said  river.  Warriors.  200 

The  Hbenakis  at  the  head  of  said  River. 

1  Vilage  called  NarentchBan.    Warriors.    -      -  150 

Becancour.    The  Abenakis.    1  Village.    Warriors.    -      ---  ----60 

The  Bbenakis.    At  St.  Francis.    1  Village.    War.  180 

including  those  of  Michikoui  and  those  who  migrate. 

The  armorial  bearings  (Totums)  of  this  Nation,  which  is  divided  into  two  sec- 
tions, are  the  Pigeon  (tourtre)  and  the  Bear. 

There  are  besides  some  tribes  who  carry  the  Partridge,  the  Beaver  and  the  Otter.   

b  '  650 

[Vol.  i.J  3 


IS 


THE  IROQUOIS  AND  OTHER  INDIAN  TRIBES. 


650 

At  Three  Rivers.    See  Montreal. 
The  Algonquins.       -       fifteen  men.       ----------  15 

The  Tetes  de  Boule  or  Tribes  of  the  Interior. 
These  are  wandering  Savages  who  have  no  knowledge  either  of  the  order  or  form  of  vil- 
lages, and  those  who  evince  the  least  intellect  (esprit);  they  inhabit  the  mountains  and  the 
lakes  from  Three  Rivers,  in  the  interior,  to  Lake  Superior.    Their  armorial  bearings  (To- 
tums)  are  unknown,  if  they  have  any. 

Boston  and  Orange. 

The  Loups  (Mohegans)  who  understand  the  8abenakis  and  whom  the  8benakis  understand 
are  dispersed  from  Boston  to  Virginia,  which  is  equal  to  from  Lake  Champlain  to  the  head  of 
Lake  Erie — 300  leagues.  This  nation  maybe  six  hundred  men,  under  British  rule.  No  per- 
son could  give  me  any  information  of  their  customs.    This  only  by  way  of  remark. 

Montreal. 

Algonquins.  They  are  twenty  men  settled  with  the  Iroquois  of  the  Two  Mountains  ;  this  is 
all  that  remains  of  a  nation  the  most  warlike,  most  polished  and  the  most  attached 
to  the  French.    They  have  for  armorial  bearings  an  Evergreen  Oak  (chene  vert.)    -  20 

At  the  Lake  of  the  Two  Mountains. 
The  Nepissingues.    A  part  of  this  Tribe  is  incorporated  with  the  Iroquois.    The  remainder 

has  its  village  at  the  lake  of  the  same  name.  There  are  here  fifty  men  bearing  arms.  50 
The  armorial  bearings  of  this  Nation  are  the  Heron  for  the  Achague,  or  Heron  tribe  ;  the 
Beaver  for  the  Amekoves  ;  the  Birch  for  the  Bark  tribe  (lafamille  de  I'Ecorce);  Blood  for  the 
Miskouaha  or  the  Bloody  people. 

Remark,  Sir,  if  you  please,  that  besides  the  bearings  of  the  principal  stocks  to  which  I  ex- 
clusively confine  myself,  leisure  not  permitting  me  to  obtain  thorough  details,  each  tribe 
distingiushes  itself  hy  peculiar  devices.  The  Iroquois  who  are  masters  of  this  village,  amount 
to  no  more  than  sixty- three — I  mean  warriors.   60 

At  Sault  St.  Louis. 

The  Iroquois,  who  compose  exclusively  the  village  are  nearly  three  hundred  and  tliree 

bearing  arms.      -      --      --      --      --      --      --  300 

These  two  villages  proceeding  from  the  Iroquois  of  Lake  Ontario,  or  Frontenac,  have  the 
same  armorial  devices.    Three  principal  tribes  carry  the  Wolf,  the  Bear  and  the  Tortoise. 

Note. — Argent,  to  the  Wolf  gules,  &c. 

They  usually  ornament  them  merely  with  charcoal. 

The  Great  River  of  the  Outawas. 
At  Lake  Nepissingue  there  is  one  small  village  of  thirty  men,  who  bear  a  Squirrel,  AtchitamH.  30 

River  and  Lake  Themiscaming. 

The  Tabittibis  are  one  hundred  warriors.  -       -  -100 

They  have  for  device  an  Eagle. 

At  the  mouth  of  the  TheniLscaming  there  are  twenty  warriors.  -  -  -  -  20 
At  the  head  of  the  Lake  twenty  domiciled.  20 

1265 


THE  IROQUOIS  AND  OTHER  INDIAN  TRIBES.  19 

1265 

These  savages  are  what  are  called  Tetes  de  Boule,  who  amount  to  over  six  hundred  in  the 

Northern  country.  600 

I  shall  speak  of  them  hereafter  without  reference  to  their  numbers. 

Jit  Missilimakinak. 

The  Outawas  of  this  village  amount  to  one  hundred  and  eighty  warriors ;  the  two  principal 

branches  are  Kiskakous  (1)  and  Sinago  (2);  the  Bear  (1)  and  Black  Squirrel  (2).  180 

River  Missisague. 

The  Missisagu<§s  on  the  river  number  thirty  men,  and  twenty  men  on  the  Island  called  Mani- 

touatim  of  Lake  Huron.       -       --       --       --       --       --  50 

And  have  for  device,  a  Crane. 

Lake  Superior — At  the  Mouth. 

At  Saidt  St.  Mary  are  the  Sauteurs,  to  the  number  of  thirty  ;  they  are  in  two  divisions,  and 

have  for  devices,  the  Crane  and  the  Vine,  {la  Barbue.)    ------  30 

North  of  this  Lake  is  Michipicoton. 

The  Papinakois  and  those  of  the  interior ;  the  first  are  twenty  warriors,  and  have  for  device, 

a  Hare.  -----  20 

River  Ounepigon. 

The  Oskemanettigons  are  domiciled  there  to  the  number  of  forty  warriors.  40 
They  have  for  device,  the  bird  called  the  Fisher. 

The  Monsonies,  who  are  migratory,  estimate  themselves  two  hundred  men,  and  have  for  de- 
vice, the  Moose.   -      -      -   200 

The  Abettibis  and  the  Tetes  de  Boule  come  there  also.  Some  have  informed  me  that  the  first 
have  for  arms  the  Partridge  with  the  Eagle.  I  have  already  stated  that  they  are  in 
all  one  hundred  warriors. 

The  Name8ilinis  have  one  hundred  and  fifty  fit  to  bear  arms.    They  have  for  device,  a 

Sturgeon.     -      --      --      -      -      --      --      --      -  150 

The  tribes  of  the  Savannas,  one  hundred  and  forty  warriors  strong,  have  for  armorial  device, 

a  Hare.       -   -  140 

Gamanettigoya. 

The  Ouace  are  in  number  sixty  men,  and  have  for  device  a  Vine,  (une  Barbue.)  60 

Tecamamiouen,  or  Rainy  Lake — (Lac  de  la  Pluie.) 

These  savages  are  the  same  as  those  who  come  to  Nepigon.    They  are  about  this  lake  to  the 

number  of  one  hundred  men.   100 

Lake  of  the  Woods — (Lac  des  Bois.) 
The  Cristinaux  are  scattered  hereabout,  to  the  number  of  two  hundred  warriors.    They  have 

for  device  the  Bustard,  (P Outarde.)  200 

Lake  Ounepigon. 

The  Cristinaux  are  around  this  lake  to  the  number  of  sixty  men.  60 

Assenipoels.    See  Scioux. 


3095 


20  THE  IROQUOIS  AND  OTHER  INDIAN  TRIBES. 

3095 

South  of  Lake  Superior. 

Kiouanan.    In  this  quarter  there  are  domiciled  forty  Sauteurs,  who  have  for  device  the  Craue 

and  the  Stag.   40 

The  Sauteurs  of  Point  Chagouamigon  are  one  hundred  and  fifty  warriors,  -  -  -  -  1 50 
The  Scioux  are  at  the  head  of  this  lake  in  the  woods  and  along  the  lakes.    Though  scattered 

they  are  computed  at  three  hundred  men,  300 

The  Scioux  of  the  Prairies  are,  in  the  opinion  of  voyageurs,  over  two  thousand  men,   -      -  2000 

Their  armorial  devices  are  the  Buffalo,  the  Black  Dog,  and  the  Otter. 
The  Assenipoels,  or  Pouans  according  to  others,  can  vie  with  the  Scioux,  from  whom  they 

formerly  sprung.     They  number  one  hundred  and  fifty  to  the  south  of  Lake  150 

Ounepigon,  and  have  for  device,  a  Big  Stone  or  a  Rock. 
The  Puans  have  withdrawn,  since  1728,  to  the  Scioux,  to  the  number  of  eighty  ;  they  have 

for  armorial  bearings,  the  Stag,  the  Polecat  (Pichoux),  the  Tiger,     -      -       -       -  80 

The  head  of  Lake  Superior. 

The  Ayobois  are  settled  at  the  south  of  the  River  de  Missouris,  at  the  other  side  of  the  Missis- 
sippi.   They  are  no  more  than  eighty.    They  have  for  device  a  Fox.  80 

Lake  Michigan  with  its  dependencies. 

The  Folles  Avoines,  north  of  this  lake,  number  one  hundred  and  sixty  warriors.    The  most 

considerable  tribes  have  for  device,  the  Large  tailed  Bear,  the  Stag,  a  Kiliou — that  is  160 
a  species  of  Eagle  (the  most  beautiful  bird  of  this  country,)  perched  on  a  cross. 
In  explanation  of  a  cross  forming  the  armorial  bearings  of  the  savages,  it  is  stated  that 
formerly  a  Chief  of  the  Folles  Avoines  finding  himself  dangerously  sick,  consented,  after 
trying  the  ordinary  remedies,  to  see  a  Missionary,  who,  cross  in  hand,  prayed  to  God  for  his 
recovery,  and  obtained  it  from  his  mercy.    In  gratitude  for  this  benefit,  the  Cliief  desired  that 
to  his  arms  should  be  added  a  Cross  on  which  the  Kiliou  has  ever  since  been  always  perched. 
Poutetfatanis.    In  1728  there  was  a  village  of  this  name  retired  on  an  island  to  the  number  of  20 
The  Bay.    At  the  head  of  this  Lake  is  the  sojourn,  or  rather  the  country  of  the  Sakis.  This 
nation  could  put  under  arms  one  hundred  and  fifty  men.  Others  do  not  count  but  one  hundred  150 
and  twenty.    They  have  for  device,  a  Crab,  a  Wolf,  and  a  She-Bear. 

Fox  River. 

Fox  river  discharges  into  this  Lake.    This  nation  now  migratory,  consists,  when  not  sepa- 
rated, still  of  one  hundred  men  bearing  arms,  100 

They  have  for  device,  a  Fox. 
The  Kickapous,  formerly  their  allies,  may  be  eighty  men.    They  bear  for  device  the  Pheasant 

and  the  Otter,  80 

The  Maskoutin  has  for  armorial  device  the  Wolf  and  the  Stag.    This  nation  is  estimated  at^ 

sixty  men,  60 

River  St.  Joseph,  south  of  Lake  Michigan. 
The  PotteSatamies,  who  call  themselves  the  Governor's  eldest  sons,  compose  the  village  of  St. 

Joseph,  to  the  number  of  one  hundred  warriors,  -       -       -       -       -       -  100 

The  principal  families  have  for  device  the  Golden  Carp,  the  Frog,  the  Crab,  the 
Tortoise. 


6565 


THE  IROQUOIS  AND  OTHER  INDIAN  TRIBES. 


•21 


G565 

There  are  in  the  village  about  ten  Miamis  who  bear  in  their  arms,  a  Crane,       -  10 
Eight  Illinois  Kaskakias  are  also  included  whose  device  is  a  feather  of  an  arrow, 
— j^^^^-s^  notched  ;  ( x )  or  two  arrows  supported  one  against  the  other  in 
saltier  (like  a  St.  Andrew's  cross. 
These  are  the  nations  best  known  to  us  as  well  along  the  great  river  of  the  Outawas  as 
north  and  south  of  Lakes  Superior  and  Michigan.    I  propose  now  proceeding  again  from 
Montreal  by  way  of  the  Lakes  to  Missilimakinak. 
From  Montreal  on  the  Lake  route,  I  spoke  of  Sault  St.  Louis,  on  the  first  sheet. 

Toniata. 

Some  Irocpiois,  to  the  number  of  eight  or  ten  men  have  retired  to  this  quarter.  Their  device 
is  without  doubt,  like  that  of  the  village  from  which  issue  the  Deer,  the  Plover,  &c, 
as  hereafter,       -   -10 

Lake  Ontario,  or  south  of  Frontenac. 
There  are  no  more  Iroquois  settled. 
The  Mississagues  are  dispersed  along  this  lake,  some  at  Kente,  others  at  the  River  Toronto, 
and  finally  at  the  head  of  the  Lake,  to  the  number  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  in  all, 
and  at  Matchedach,     -       --       --       --       --       --  -150 

The  principal  tribe  is  that  of  the  Crane. 

North  of  Lake  Ontario. 
The  Iroquois  are  in  the  interior  and  in  five  villages,  about  fifteen  leagues  from  the  Lake,  on 
a  pretty  straight  line,  altho'  one  days  journey  distant  from  each  other.    This  nation, 
though  much  diminished,  is  still  powerful. 

South  of  Lake  Frontenac. 
The  Onondagoes  number  two  hundred  warriors.    The  device  of  the  village  is  a  Cabin  on  the 

top  of  a  mountain,  200 
The  Mohawks,  towards  New-England,  not  far  from .  Orange  (Albany)  are  eighty  men,  and 

have  for  device  of  the  village  a  Battefeu  [  a  Steel  ]  and  a  flint,  80 
The  Oneidas,  their  neighbours,  number  one  hundred  men  or  a  hundred  warriors,        -       -  100 
This  village  has  for  device  a  Stone  in  a  fork  of  a  tree,  or  in  a  tree  notched  with 
some  blows  of  an  axe. 

The  Cayugas  form  a  village  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  warriors.    Their  device  generally  is 

a  very  large  Calumet,  120 

The  Senecas  form  two  villages  in  which  are  three  hundred  and  fifty  men.    Their  device  is  a 

big  Mountain,     -   350 

Besides  the  arms  of  each  village,  each  tribe  has  its  own,  and  every  man  has  Ms 

particular  mark  to  designate  him.    Thus  the  Oneida  designates  his  village  by  a 

Stone  [  in  ]  a  fork — next  he  designates  his  tribe  by  the  bird  or  animal,  and  finally 

he  denotes  himself  by  his  punctures.    See  the  designs  which  I  had  the  honor  to  send 

you  in  1732  by  Father  Francois,  the  Recollet. 

The  five  villages  which  belong  to  the  same  tribe,  have  fur  their  arms  in  common, 

the  Plover,  to  which  I  belong  ; 1  the  Bear,  the  Tortoise,  the  Eel,  the  Deer,  the  Beaver, 

the  Potatoe,  the  Falcon,  the  Lark,  and  the  Partridge.   

7585 

1  M.  de  Joncaire,  the  supposed  author  of  this  Report,  is  here  thought  to  be  alluded  to.  He  was  adopted  at  an  early- 
period  by  the  Senecas,  among  whom  he  had  much  influence. 


22 


THE  IROQUOIS  AND  OTHER  INDIAN  TRIBES. 


7585 


I  doubt  not  but  the  other  nations  are  as  well  distinguished,  but  our  voyaguers, 
having  little  curiosity  in  these  matters,  have  not  been  able  to  give  me  any  information. 
The  Tuscarorens  have  a  village  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  men  near  the  Onondagoes,  who 

brought  them  along.    I  know  not  their  hieroglyphics,  -  250 

The  Iroquois  have  some  cabins  at  the  Portage,  (Niagara,  Lake  Ontario.) 

Lake  Erie  and  Dependancies,  on  the  South  Side. 
The  Chaouanons  towards  Carolina,  are  two  hundred  men,  200 
The  Flatheads,  Cherakis,  Chicachas,  Totiris,  are  included  under  the  name  of  Flatheads  by  the 

Iroquois,  who  estimate  them  at  over  six  thousand  men,  in  more  than  thirty  villages. 

They  have  told  me  they  had  for  device  a  Vessel,  {un  Vaisseau.)  6000 
The  Ontationoue,  that  is  those  who  speak  the  language  of  men ;  so  called  by  the  Iroquois 

because  they  understand  each  other — may  be  fifty  men.    I  am  ignorant  of  them.    -  50 
The  Miarnis  have  for  device  the  Hind  and  the  Crane.    These  are  the  two  principal  tribes. 

There  is  likewise  that  of  the  Bear.    They  are  two  hundred  men,  bearing  arms.     -  200 
The  Ouyattanons,  Peanguichias,  Petikokias,  are  the  same  Nation,  though  in  different  villages. 

They  can  place  under  arms  three  hundred  and  fifty  men.  350 

The  devices  of  these  savages  are  the  Serpent,  the  Deer,  and  the  Small  Acorn. 
The  Illinois,  Metchigamias  at  Fort  Chartres,  number  two  hundred  and  fifty  men.        -      -  250 
The  Kaskakias,  six  leagues  below,  have  a  village  of  one  hundred  warriors.         -       -       -  100 

The  Peorias,  at  the  Rock,  are  fifty  men.   50 

The  Kaokias,  or  Tamarois,  can  furnish  two  hundred  men,   200 

All  those  savages  comprehended  under  the  name  of  Illinois  have,  for  device,  the  Crane, 
the  Bear,  the  White  Hind,  the  Fork,  the  Tortoise. 


River  of  the  Missouris. 

The  Missouris. 

The  Okams  or  Kamse,  the  Sotos,  and  the  Panis. 
This  only  as  a  note,  not  knowing  any  thing  of  these  Nations  except  the  name. 


Lake  Erie — The  Detroit. 

The  Hurons  at  present  are  two  hundred  men,  bearing  arms.  200 

They  mark  the  Tortoise,  the  Bear  and  the  Plover. 

The  Pouteouatamis  have  a  village  there  of  one  hundred  and  eighty  men.*  They  bear  for  de- 
vice the  Golden  Carp,  the  Frog,  the  Crab,  the  Tortoise.  (See  South  of  Lake  Michigan ; 
River  St.  Joseph.)        -   180 


The  Outawas  there  have  two  villages,  composed  one  of  the  tribe  of  Sinagos ;  the  other  of 

Kiskakous,  and  may  count  two  hundred  warriors.  200 

They  have  the  same  devices  as  those  of  Missilimakinac  ;  that  is  to  say,  the  Bear 

and  Black  Squirrel.  "  " 

1  15S15 


•  Note  in  Orig.   Instead  of  180,  only  100  men  must  be  counted. 


THE  IROQUOIS  AND  OTHER  INDIAN  TRIBES. 


23 


15815 

Lake  St.  Clair,  which  leads  to  Lake  Huron. 
At  the  end  of  the  Little  Lake  St.  Clair,  there  is  a  small  village  of  Mississagues,  which  num- 
bers sixty  men.    -      --      --      --      --      --  --60 

They  have  the  same  devices  as  the  Mississagues  of  Manitouatin  and  of  Lake 
Ontario ;  that  is  to  say,  a  Crane. 

Lake  Huron. 

I  have  spoken  before  of  the  Mississagues  who  are  to  the  North  of  this  Lake. 

I  do  not  know,  on  the  South  side,  but  the  Outawas,  who  have  at  Saguinan  a  village  of  eighty 

men,  and  for  device  the  Bear  and  Squirrel.  80 


15955 

Less,  80 


15875 

Remark. 

All  the  Northern  Nations  have  this  in  common  ;  that  a  man  who  goes  to  war  denotes  himself  as 
much  by  the  device  of  his  wife's  tribe  as  by  that  of  his  own,  and  never  marries  a  woman  who  carries 
a  similar  device  to  his. 

If  time  permitted,  you  would,  Sir,  have  been  better  satisfied  with  my  researches. 

I  would  have  written  to  the  Interpreters  of  the  Posts,  who  would  have  furnished  me  with  more 
certain  information  than  that  I  could  obtain  from  the  Voyageurs  whom  I  cpuestioned.  I  am  engaged 
at  the  history  of  the  Scioux,  which  you  have  asked  from  Monsieur  de  Linerot. 

Missiliniakinak. 


24  THE  IROQIOIS  AND  OTHER   INDIAN  TRIBES. 


PRESENT  STATE  OF  THE  NORTHERN  INDIANS 

IN  THE  DEPART*  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON  BART.,  COMPREHENDED  UNDER  THE  SIX  NATIONS  AND  OTTAWA 
CONFEDERACIES,  ETC.,  CONTAINING  THE  NAMES,  NUMBERS  AND  SCITUATION  OF  EACH  NATION,  WITH 
REMARKS.     NOV.   18,  1763. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XXXVI.  ] 


SIX  NATION  CONFEDERACY  COMPREHENDING  THAT  OF  CANADA,  OHIO,  &c. 


Names. 

Number 
of  Men. 

Scituation. 

Remarks. 

160 

Two  villages  on  the  Mohock  river, 
with  a  few  emigrants  at  Schohare 
about  16  miles  from  Fort  Hunter. 

Of  the  Six  Nations  the  Mohawks  or  Mo- 
hocks, Onondages  and  Senecas  are 
considered  as  the  chief  and  elder 
branches.  The  Oneidas,  Cayugas  and 
Tuscaroras  are  younger ;  the  last  men- 
tioned Nation  having  many  years  ago 
retired  from  the  South,  and  were  ad- 
mitted into  the  confederacy  with  the 
then  Five  Nations,  the  Oneidas  giv- 

1  n  O*   t  H  f  TT>    Iq  nil   onil   til  oir   nan-    an  iau  oil 

nig  iiitriii  id.nu  tiiiu  int.  j  nu w  enju>  all 

priviledges  with  the  rest. 

250 

Two  villages,  one  25  miles  from  Fort 
Stanwix,  the  other  twelve  miles  west 
of  Oneida  Lake,  with  emigrants  in 
several  places  towards  the  Susquehan- 
na river. 

Tuscaroras, 

• 

• 

140 

One  village  6  miles  from  the  first  Onei- 
das,  and  several  others  about  the  Sus- 
quehanna. 

Onondagas, 

• 

• 

150 

One  large  village  6  miles  from  the  lake 
of  their  name  (which  is  the  place  of 
Congress  for  the  confederates)  with  a 
smaller  at  some  distance. 

■ 

200 

One  large  village  near  the  Lake  of  their 
name  with  several  others  from  thence 
to  the  Susquehanna. 

1050 

Have  several  villages,  beginning  about 
50  m.  from  Cayuga,  and  from  thence 
to  Chenussio,  the  largest  about  70  m. 
from  Niagara,  with  others  thence  to 
the  Ohio. 

Of  the  Senecas,  two  villages  are  still  in 
our  interest,  vizt.  Kanadasero  and 
Kanaderagey,  the  rest  have  joined  the 
Western  Nations. 

Oswegachys, 

• 

• 

80 

Emigrants  from  the  Six  Nations  chiefly 
Onondages  settled  at  La  Galette  on  the 
river  St.  Lawrence. 

These  are  at  peace  with  the  English. 

Nanticokes, 
Conoys,  f 
Tutecoes,  r 
Saponeys,  ettc.  } 

• 

• 

200 

A  people  removed  from  the  Southward, 
and  settled  on  and  about  the  Susque- 
hanna on  lands  allotted  by  the  Six 
Nations. 

These  people  are  immediately  under  the 
direction  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  at 
peace  with  the  English. 

INDIANS  OF  CANADA  IN  ALLIANCE  WITH  THE  SIX  NATIONS. 

Caghnawagas,  . 

300 

Emigrants  from  the  Mohocks,  settled  at 
Soult  St.  Louis  near  Montreal,  with 
emigrants  at  Aghquissasne,  below  la 
Galette  which  is  the  seat  of  a  Mission. 

All  these  Nations  are  in  alliance  with 
the  Six  Nations,  and  warmly  attached 
to  the  British  Interest,  as  are  all  the 
other  Indians  in  Canada.  Caghnawa- 
ga  is  the  seat  of  a  Mission,  as  is  the 
village  of  Lac  du  deux  Montagnes. 

Canassadagas,  i 
Arundacks,  >- 
Algonkins,  ) 

150 

These  three  Nations  now  reside  togeth- 
er, at  the  Lac  du  deux  Montagnes  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Ottawa  river  near 
Montreal. 

Abenaquis, 

100 

Their  village  having  been  burned  at  St. 
Francis  below  Montreal  during  the 
war,  they  have  since  lived  scattered 
except  a  few. 

These  Indians  are  originally  from  New- 
England:  if  they  were  all  collected 
they  would  amount  to  more  than  is 
represented.  They  have  likewise  a 
Missionary  who  is  a  Jesuit. 

Skaghquanoghronos, 

40 

Reside  at  Trois  Rivieres,  they  are  ori- 
ginally Algonkins. 

40 

Reside  at  Loretto  near  Quebec,  a  very 
civilized  people. 

(There  are  several  other  Nations  to 
the  Northward,  who  avoid  any  con- 
nection wilh  the  white  people;  artd 
as  they  have  no  fixed  residence,  their 
numbers,  though  considerable,  cannot 
be  ascertained.) 

THE  IROQUOIS  AND  OTHER  INDIAN  TRIBES 


SIX  NATION  CONFEDERACY— continued. 


Names. 

Number 
of  men. 

Scituation. 

Remarks. 

INDIANS 

OF  OHIO. 

Shawanese,         •  . 

300 

Removed  to  the  River  Sciota  anil  other 
Branches. 

These  people  are  greatly  influenced  by 
the  Senecas,  and  reside  on  lands  allot- 
ted them  by  the  permission  of  the 
Six  Nations.  They  are  now  at  war 
with  the  English. 

Delawares, 

600 

In  several  villages  on  and  about  the 
Susquehanna,  Muskingham,  ettc.  and 
thence  to  Lake  Erie. 

Wiandots,  ettc. 

200 

Some  villages  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Sandosky  Fort  near  Lake  Erie. 

Total,  . 

3960 

There  are  also  in  the  Six  Nation  Confederacy,  many  Indians  whose  num- 
bers cannot  be  computed  as  they  have  no  fixed  residence. 

OTTAWA  CONFEDERACY  COMPREHENDING  THE  TWIGHTWEES,  ETTC. 


Names. 


Wyandots  or  Hurons, 


Powtewatamis, 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Detroit. 


In  the  neighbourhood  of  St.  Joseph. 

Ottawas,  

residing  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Detroit. 


In  the  neighbourhood  of  Michili- 
makinac. 


In  the  neighbourhood  of  Fort  St. 
Joseph, 


Chippeweighs  or  Mississagais :  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Detroit. 

In  the  neighbourhood  of  Michili- 
nac 


Meynomenys 
Folsavoins 
Puans  . 
Sakis  . 
Foxes 


Twightwees, 

Kickapous 
Mascoutens 
Piankashaws 
Wawiaghtonos 


Ottawas, 

Chippeweighs,  ettc. 


Number 
of  men. 


[Vol.  i.] 


260 

150 

200 
300 

250 

150 

320 
400 


110 
110 

360 
300 
320 


230 

180 

90 
100 
200 


4000 


Sciluation. 


Reside  opposite  Detroit,  their  village  is 
the  seat  of  a  Jesuit  Mission,  their 
language  bears  affinity  with  that  of  the 
Six  Nations. 


Resided  about  a  mile  below  the  Fort, 
but  abandoned  their  village  on  the 
commencement  of  hostilities. 


A  little  below  the  Fort. 


Resided  about  Detroit,  but  with  the 
former,  form  a  flying  camp. 


Resided  in  different  villages,  but  are 
now  probably  with  the  former.  Michi- 
limakinac  is  the  seat  of  a  Mission. 


Remarks. 


Resided  at  a  smp.ll  distance  after  the  re 
duction  of  the  Fort  probably  joined 
the  rest. 


Resided  above  the  Detroit,  now  proba- 
bly in  arms  with  the  rest. 


Had  several  different  villages  in  that 
country,  and  the  environs  of  the  Lake 
Huron. 


All  these  nations  reside  on  the  west  side 
of  La  Baye  at  Lake  Michigan  and  in 
the  neighborhood  of  the  Fort  there. 


This  Nation  has  a  great  influence  over 
the  rest,  and  has  been  greatly  insti- 
gated by  the  neighbouring  French  to 
commit  acts  of  hostility. 


With  these  and  the  above  Indians  arc 
joined  several  others,  who  form  a  fly- 
ing camp  under  Pondiac,  an  Ottawa 
Chief. 

The  Ottawas  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Michilimakinac  are  well  attached  to 
us  for  the  most  part. 


These  are  the  most  numerous  of  all  the 
Ottawa  Confederacy  and  have  many 
villages  about  Lakes  Superior,  Huron, 
Erie,  ettc.  whose  numbers  cannot  at 
present  be  ascertained  with  exactness. 


These  nations  are  at  present  in  alliance 
with  the  Ottawa  Confederacy,  but  ap- 
pear inclined  to  our  interest,  nor  did 
they  take  the  Fort  at  La  Baye,  the 
officer  abandoning  it  on  the  news  of  the 
rupture,  as  he  could  make  no  defence 


MIAMIS  OR  TWIGHTWEES. 


Near  the  Fort  on  the  Miamis  river. 


These  nations  reside  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  the  Fort  at  Wawaighta,  and 
about  the  Walache  river. 


Residing  through  all  the  extent  of  coun- 
try from  the  Lakes  to  the  Great  Otta- 
wa river,  andabt.  Lake  Superior,  ettc. 


The  Twightwees  were  originally  a  ve- 
ry powerful  people,  who  having  been 
subdued  by  the  Six  Nations  were  per- 
mitted to  enjoy  their  possessions. 
There  are  many  tribes  and  villages  of 
them,  but  these  are  all  who  are  per- 
fectly known. 

This  is  the  most  exact  computation  that 
can  be  made  of  these  numerous  peo- 
ple, who  are  scattered  throughout  the 
Northern  Parts  and  who  having  few 
places  of  fixed  residence,  subsisting 
entirely  by  hunting,  cannot  be  ascer- 
tained as  those  ot  their  confederacy, 
residing  near  the  outposts. 


26  THE  IROQUOIS  AND  OTHER  INDIAN*  TRIBES. 


OTTAWA  CONFEDERACY— continued. 


Names. 

Number 
of  men. 

Scituation. 

Remarks. 

Illinois 
number  uncertain. 

i 

Reside  about  the  Illinois  River  and 
hence  to  the  Mississippi. 

We  have  hitherto  had  nothing  to  do 
with  these  people,  who  are  numerous 
anil  variously  computed.  The  Six 
Nations  claim  their  country,  but  their 
right  of  conquest  thereto  does  not  ap- 
pear so  clear  as  to  the  rest,  as  repre- 
sented in  the  letter  herewith. 

Sioux 
number  uncertain  , 

Reside  in  the  country  westward  of 

[One  line  cut  off  here 
Mississippi,  they  are  much  addicted  to 
wandering1  and  live  mostly  in  camps. 

The  Sioux  who  are  the  most  numerous 
of  the  Northern  Indians,  are  little 
known  to  us,  they 

in  binding  the  original.] 
not  appear  well  affected  to  the  Wes- 
tern Indians,  and  promise  to  send 
Deputies  to  me  in  the  spring. 

8020 

November  18th,  1763.  William  Johnson. 


PAPERS 

RELATING  TO 

®l)e  jfirst  Settlement  at  (Dnonimga, 

AND 

THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  SALT  SPRINGS  AT  SALINA. 


2Umo  1654— S. 


VOYAGE  OF  FATHER  SIMON  LE  MOINE 


TO  THE  COUNTRY  OF  THE  IROQUOIS  ONONDAGOES,  IN  JULY,  AUGUST  AND  SEPTEMBER,  1654. 
[Relation  de  la  N.  France  es  annees,  1653  and  1654.] 

On  the  second  day  of  the  month  of  July,  the  festival  of  the  Visitation  of  the  Most  Holy  Virgin 
always  friendly  to  our  undertakings,  Father  LeMoine  departed  from  Quebec  on  a  voyage  to  the 
Iroquois  Onondagoes.  He  passed  Three  Rivers,  and  from  thence  by  Montreal,  where  a  young  man 
of  good  courage,  and  an  old  habitant,  joined  him,  with  much  piety.  I  shall  follow  the  Father's 
Journal  for  greater  facility. 

On  the  17th  day  of  July,  St.  Alexis'  day,  we  left  home  with  this  great  and  holy  traveller,  and  de- 
parted for  a  land  unknown  to  us.  On  the  18th,  following  always  the  course  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence, 
we  met  nothing  but  breakers  and  impetuous  rapids,  all  strewed  with  rocks  and  shoals. 

The  19th.  This  river  grows  wider  and  forms  a  lake,  agreeable  to  the  view,  from  eight  to  ten 
leagues  in  length.  At  night,  an  army  of  troublesome  nmsquitoes  foreboded  the  rain  which  poured 
down  on  us  the  whole  of  the  night.  To  be  in  such  circumstances  without  any  shelter  except  the 
trees,  which  Nature  has  produced  ever  since  the  creation  of  the  world,  is  a  pastime  more  innocent 
and  agreeable  than  could  be  anticipated. 

20th.  Nothing  but  islands,  in  appearance  the  most  beautiful,  which  intersect  here  and  there  this 
very  quiet  river.  The  land  on  the  north  bank  appears  to  us  excellent ;  there  is  a  range  of  high 
mountains  towards  the  east,  which  we  called  St.  Margaret's. 

21st.  Continuation  of  the  islands.  In  the  evening  we  break  our  bark  canoe ;  it  rains  all  night. 
The  naked  rocks  serve  us  for  bed,  mattrass  and  all.  Whoever  hath  God  with  him  reposes  quietly 
every  where. 

22d.  The  precipices  of  water  which  for  a  while  are  no  longer  navigable  oblige  us  to  carry  on  our 
shoulders  both  our  baggage  and  the  canoe  which  carried  us.  At  the  other  side  of  the  rapid,  I  per- 
ceived a  herd  of  wild  cows  which  were  passing  at  their  ease  in  great  state.  Five  or  six  hundred  are 
seen  sometimes  in  these  regions  in  one  drove. 

23d  and  24th  of  the  month.  Our  pilot  being  hurt,  we  must  remain  a  prey  to  the  musquitoes,  and 
have  patience,  often  more  difficult  in  regard  to  the  inconveniences  which  have  no  intermission  neither 
night  nor  day,  than  to  behold  death  before  one's  eyes. 

25th.  The  river  is  so  very  rapid  that  we  are  obliged  to  throw  ourselves  in  the  stream  to  drag  our 
canoe  after  us,  amid  the  rocks,  as  a  cavalier,  dismounting,  leads  his  horse  by  the  bridle.  At  night 
we  arrive  at  the  entrance  of  Lake  St.  Ignatius,  in  which  eels  abound  in  a  prodigious  quantity. 

26th.  A  high  wind  with  rain  forces  us  to  debark,  after  having  made  four  leagues.  A  hut  is  soon 
built.  The  neighboring  trees  are  stript  of  their  bark  ;  this  is  thrown  on  poles  set  in  the  ground  on 
either  side,  bringing  them  together  in  the  form  of  an  arbor  ;  and  then  our  house  is  built.  Ambition 
finds  no  entrance  into  this  palace.  It  failed  not  to  be  as  agreeable  to  us  as  if  the  roof  was  all  covered 
with  gold. 


30  FIRST  SETTLEMENT  AT  ONONDAGA, 

27th.  We  coasted  along  the  shores  of  the  lake  ;  they  are  rocks  on  one  side  and  the  other,  of  an 
immense  height,  now  frightful,  now  pleasing  to  the  sight.  It  is  wonderful  how  large  trees  can  find 
root  among  so  many  rocks. 

28th.  Thunder,  lightning  and  a  deluge  of  rain  oblige  us  to  shelter  ourselves  under  our  canoe, 
which  being  inverted,  serves  us  for  a  house. 

29th  and  30th  July.  A  rain  storm  continues,  which  arrests  us  at  the  entrance  of  a  great  lake, 
called  Ontario.  We  call  it  the  Lake  of  the  Iroquois,  because  they  have  their  villages  on  the  south 
side  there.  The  Hurons  are  on  the  other  shore,  farther  on  in  the  interior.  This  lake  is  twenty 
leagues  wide  •  its  lengtli  about  forty. 

31st.  St.  Ignatius' day.  The  rain  and  storm  force  us  to  seek  for  lost  roads.  We  cross  long 
islands,  carrying  our  baggage,  provisions  and  canoe  on  our  shoulders.  The  road  seems  long  to  a 
poor  weary  man. 

On  the  first  day  of  the  month  of  August,  some  Iroquois  fishermen  having  perceived  us  from  a 
distance,  get  together  to  receive  us.  One  of  them  runs  towards  us,  advancing  a  half  a  league  to 
communicate  the  earliest  news  and  the  state  of  the  country.  It  is  a  Huron  prisoner,  and  a  good 
Christian,  whom  I  formerly  instructed  during  a  winter  that  I  passed  among  the  savages.  This  poor 
lad  could  not  believe  that  it  was  he  whom  he  never  hoped  to  see  again.  We  disembarked  at  a  little 
village  of  fishermen.  They  crowd  as  to  who  shall  carry  our  bagage.  But  alas !  they  are  apparently 
only  Huron  squaws,  and  for  the  most  part  Christian  women,  formerly  rich  and  at  their  ease,  whom 
captivity  has  reduced  to  servitude.  They  requested  me  to  pray  to  God,  and  I  had  the  consolation 
to  confess  there  at  my  leisure  Hostagehtak,  our  antient  host  of  the  Petun  Nation.  His  sentiments 
and  devotion  drew  tears  from  my' eyes ;  he  is  the  fruit  of  the  labors  of  Father  Charles  Gamier,  that 
holy  missionary  whose  deatli  has  been  so  precious  before  God. 

The  second  day  of  August.  We  walked  about  twelve  to  fifteen  leagues  in  the  woods.  We  camp 
where  the  day  closes. 

The  3d.  At  noon  we  find  ourselves  on  the  bank  of  a  river,  one  hundred  or  one  hunched  and 
twenty  paces  wide,  beyond  which  there  was  a  hamlet  of  fishermen.  An  Iroquois  whom  I  at  one  time 
had  treated  kindly  at  Montreal,  put  me  across  in  his  canoe,  and  through  respect  carried  me  on  his 
shoulders,  being  unwilling  to  suffer  me  to  wet  my  feet.  Every  one  received  me  with  joy,  and  these 
poor  people  enriched  me  from  their  poverty.  I  was  conducted  to  another  village  a  league  distant, 
where  there  was  a  young  man  of  consideration  who  made  a  feast  for  me  because  I  bore  his  father's 
name,  Ondessonk.  The  Chiefs  came  to  harangue  us,  the  one  after  the  other.  I  baptized  little 
skeletons  who  awaited,  perhaps,  only  this  drop  of  the  precious  blood  of  Jesus  Christ. 

4th.  They  ask  me  why  we  are  dressed  in  black  1  and  I  take  occasion  to  speak  to  them  of  our 
mysteries  with  great  attention  They  bring  me  a  little  moribund  whom  I  call  Dominick.  The  time 
is  passed  when  they  used  to  hide  the  little  innocents  from  us.  They  took  me  for  a  great  Medicine- 
man, having  no  other  remedy  for  the  sick  but  a  pinch  of  sugar.  We  pursued  our  route — in  the 
middle  of  which  we  found  our  dinner  waiting  for  us.  The  nephew  of  the  first  Chief  of  the  country, 
who  is  to  lodge  me  in  his  cabin,  is  deputed  by  his  uncle  to  escort  us,  bringing  us  every  delicacy  that 
the  season  could  afford,  especially  new  corn  bread,  and  ears  (of  corn)  which  we  had  roasted  at  the 
fire.    We  slept  again  that  day  by  the  beautiful  light  of  the  stars. 

5th.  We  had  to  make  four  leagues  before  arriving  at  the  principal  Onondaga  village.  There  is 
nothing  but  comers  and  goers  on  the  road  who  come  to  salute  me.  One  treats  me  as  brother ;  another 
as  uncle — never  did  I  have  such  a  number  of  relations.  A  quarter  of  a  league  from  the  village  I 
began  a  harangue,  which  gained  me  much  credit.  I  named  all  the  Chiefs;  the  families  and  persons 
of  note  in  a  drawling  voice  and  with  the  tone  of  a  chief.  I  told  them  that  Peace  walked  along  with 
me  ;  that  I  drove  War  afar  off  among  the  distant  nations,  and  that  Joy  accompanied  me.   Two  Chiefs 


AND  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  SALT  SPRINGS. 


31 


made  their  speech  to  me  on  my  arrival,  but  with  a  gladness  and  cheerfulness  of  countenance  which 
I  never  had  seen  among  savages.    Men,  women  and  children,  all  were  respectful  and  friendly. 

At  night  I  called  the  principal  men  together  to  make  them  two  presents.  The  first  to  wipe  their 
faces,  so  that  they  may  regard  me  with  a  kindly  eye,  and  that  I  may  never  see  a  trace  of  sorrow  on 
their  foreheads.  The  second  to  clear  out  the  little  gall  which  they  still  might  have  in  their  hearts. 
After  several  other  discourses  they  retired  to  consult  together,  and  finally  they  responded  to  my 
presents  by  two  other  presents  richer  than  mine. 

Cth.  I  was  called  to  divers  quarters  to  administer  my  medicine  to  weakly  and  hectic  little  things. 
I  baptized  some  of  them.  I  confessed  some  of  our  old  Huron  Christians,  and  found  God  every 
where,  and  that  He  pleased  to  work  himself  in  hearts  where  faith  reigns.  He  builds  himself  a  tem- 
ple there,  where  he  is  adored  in  spirit  and  truth.    Be  He  blessed  for  ever. 

At  night  our  host  draws  me  aside  and  tells  me  very  affectionately  that  he  always  loved  us,  that 
finally  his  heart  was  satisfied,  seeing  all  the  tribes  of  his  nation  demanded  nothing  but  peace  :  that 
the  Seneca  had  recently  come  to  exhort  them  to  manage  this  matter  well  for  peace,  and  that  with 
that  view  he  had  made  splendid  presents  :  that  the  Cayuga  had  brought  three  belts  for  that  purpose, 
and  that  the  Oneida  was  glad  to  be  rid  of  such  a  bad  affair  through  his  means,  and  that  he  desired 
nothing  but  peace :  that  the  Mohawk  would,  no  doubt,  follow  the  others,  and  thus  I  might  take 
courage,  since  I  bore  with  me  the  happiness  of  the  whole  land. 

7th.  A  good  Christian  named  Terese,  a  Huron  captive,  wishing  to  pour  out  her  soid  to  me  away 
from  noise  and  in  silence,  invited  me  to  visit  her  in  a  field  cabin  where  she  lived.  My  God  !  What 
sweet  consolation  to  witness  so  much  faith  in  savage  hearts,  in  captivity,  and  without  other  assistance 
than  that  of  heaven.  God  raises  up  Apostles  every  where.  This  good  Christian  woman  had  with 
her  a  young  captive  of  the  neutral  nation  (de  la  Nation  Neutrc),  whom  she  loved  as  her  own  daughter. 
She  had  so  well  instructed  her  in  the  mysteries  of  the  faith,  and  in  sentiments  of  piety,  in  the  pray- 
ers they  made  in  this  holy  solitude,  that  I  was  much  surprised.  Eh  !  sister,  I  asked,  why  did  you 
not  baptise  her,  since  she  has  the  faith  like  you,  and  she  is  Christian  in  her  morals,  and  she  wishes 
to  die  a  Christian  1  Alas,  brother,  this  happy  captive  replied,  I  did  not  think  it  was  allowed  me 
to  baptise,  except  in  danger  of  death.  Baptise  her  now,  yourself,  since  you  consider  her  worthy,  and 
give  her  my  name.  This  was  the  first  adult  baptism  at  Onondago ;  we  are  indebted  for  it  to  the 
piety  of  a  Huron. 

#*####*#### 


GENERAL  COUNCIL  OF  PEACE  WITH  THE  FOUR  IROQUOIS  NATIONS, 

AND  THE  SUBSEQUENT  RETURN  OF  FATHER  SIMON  LE  MOINE  FROM  HIS  VOYAGE. 

[  From  the  Same.  ~\ 

On  the  10th  day  of  August,  the  deputies  of  the  three  neighbouring  Nations  having  arrived,  after 
the  usual  summons  of  the  Chiefs  that  all  should  assemble  in  Ondessonk's  cabin,  I  opened  the  pro- 
ceedings (says  the  Father,  continuing  his  Journal)  by  public  prayer,  wliich  I  said  on  my  knees  and  in 
a  loud  voice,  all  in  the  Huron  tongue.  I  invoked  the  Great  Master  of  heaven  and  of  earth  to  inspire 
us  with  what  should  be  for  his  glory  and  our  good ;  I  cursed  aU  the  demons  of  hell  who  are  spirits 
of  division ;  I  prayed  the  tutelar  angels  of  the  whole  country  to  touch  the  hearts  of  those  who 
heard  me,  when  my  words  should  strike  their  ear. 


32  FIRST  SETTLEMENT  AT  ONONDAGA, 

I  greatly  astonished  them  when  they  heard  me  naming  all  by  nations,  by  tribes,  by  families  and  each 
particular  individual  of  any  note,  and  all  by  aid  of  my  manuscript,  which  was  a  matter  as  wonderful 
as  it  was  new.    I  told  them  I  was  the  bearer  of  nineteen  words  to  them. 

The  first :  That  it  was  Onnonthio,  M.  de  Lauzon,  Governor  of  New  France,  who  spoke  by  my 
mouth,  and  then  the  Hurons  and  the  Algonquins  as  well  as  the  French,  for  all  these  three  nations 
had  Onnontluo  for  their  Great  Chief.  A  large  belt  of  wampum,  one  hundred  little  tubes  or  pipes  of 
red  glass,  the  diamonds  of  the  country,  and  a  caribou's  hide  being  passed  :  these  three  presents  made 
but  one  word. 

My  second  word  was,  to  cut  the  bonds  of  the  eight  Seneca  prisoners,  taken  by  our  allies  and 
brought  to  Montreal,  as  already  stated. 

The  third  was,  to  break  the  bonds  of  the  Mohegans  also,  captured  about  the  same  time. 

The  fourth  ;  to  thank  those  of  Onontago  for  having  brought  our  prisoner  back. 

The  fifth  present  was,  to  thank  the  Senecas  for  having  saved  lum  from  the  scaffold. 

The  sixth  for  the  Cayuga  Iroquois,  for  having  also  contributed. 

The  seventh,  for  the  Oneidas  for  having  broken  the  bonds  which  kept  him  a  prisoner. 

The  8th,  9th,  10th  and  11th  presents  to  be  given  to  the  four  Iroquois  Nations — a  hatchet  to  each — 
for  the  new  war  they  were  waging  against  the  Cat  Nation. 

The  twelfth  present  was  to  heal  the  head  of  the  Seneca  who  had  lost  some  of  his  people. 

The  thirteenth,  to  strengthen  his  palisades  ;  to  wit,  that  he  may  be  in  a  state  of  defence  against 
the  enemy. 

The  fourteenth,  to  ornament  his  face  :  for  it  is  the  custom  of  warriors  here  never  to  go  to  battle 
unless  with  the  face  painted,  some  black,  some  red,  others  with  various  other  colors,  each  having 
herein  as  if  particular  liveries  to  wluch  they  cling  even  unto  death. 

The  fifteenth  to  concentrate  all  their  thoughts.  I  made  three  presents  for  this  occasion ;  one 
wampum  belt,  little  glass  beads  and  an  elk  hide. 

The  sixteenth — I  opened  Annoncliiasse's  door  to  all  the  Nations  ;  that  is,  they  would  be  welcome 
among  us. 

The  seventeenth.  I  exhorted  them  to  become  acquainted  with  the  truths  of  our  faith,  and  made 
three  presents  for  this  object. 

The  eighteenth.  I  asked  them  not  to  prepare  henceforward  any  ambushes  for  the  Algonquin  and 
Huron  Nations,  who  would  come  to  visit  us  in  our  French  settlement.  I  made  three  presents  for 
this  purpose. 

Finally,  by  the  nineteenth  present  I  wiped  away  the  tears  of  all  the  young  warriors  for  the  death 
of  their  great  Chief  Annencraos,  a  short  time  prisoner  with  the  Cat  Nation. 

At  each  present  they  heaved  a  powerful  ejaculation  from  the  bottom  of  the  chest  in  testimony  of 
their  joy.  I  was  full  two  hours  making  my  whole  speech,  talking  like  a  Chief,  and  walking  about 
like  an  actor  on  a  stage,  as  is  their  custom. 

After  that  they  grouped  together  apart  in  nations  and  tribes,  calling  to  them  a  Mohawk  who  by 
good  luck  was  there.  They  consulted  together  for  the  space  of  two  hours  longer.  Finally  they 
called  me  among  them  and  seated  me  in  an  honorable  place. 

The  Cliief  who  is  the  tongue  of  the  country,  repeats  faithfully  as  orator  the  substance  of  all  my 
words.  Then  all  set  to  singing  in  token  of  their  gratification  ;  I  was  told  to  pray  God  on  my  side, 
which  I  did  very  willingly.  After  these  songs  he  spoke  to  me  in  the  name  of  his  Nation.  1.  He 
thanked  Onnontio  for  his  good  disposition  towards  them,  and  brought  forward  for  this  purpose  two 
large  belts  of  wampum. 

2.  He  thanked  us  in  the  name  of  the  Mohawk  Iroquois  for  having  given  their  lives  to  five  of  their 
allies  of  the  Mohegan  nation.    Two  other  belts  for  that. 


AND  DISCOVERY  OF  THK  SALT  SPR1  M.S. 


33 


3.  He  tlianked  us  in  the  name  of  the  Seneca  Iroquois  for  having  drawn  five  of  their  tribe  out  of 
the  fire.    Two  more  belts.    Ejaculations  from  the  whole  assembly  follow  each  present. 

Another  Captain  of  the  Oneida  Nation  rises  :  Onnontio,  said  he — speaking  of  M.  de  Lauzon  our 
Governor — Onnontio  thou  art  the  pillar  of  the  Earth  ;  thy  spirit  is  a  spirit  of  peace  and  thy  words 
soften  the  hearts  of  the  most  rebellious  spirits.  After  other  compliments  expressed  in  a  tone  ani- 
mated by  love  and  respect,  he  j)roduced  four  large  belts  to  thank  Onnontio  for  having  encouraged 
them  to  fight  bravely  against  their  new  enemies  of  the  Cat  Nation,  and  for  having  exhorted  them 
never  again  to  war  against  the  French.  Thy  voice,  said  he,  Onnontio  is  wonderful,  to  produce  in 
my  breast  at  one  time  two  effects  entirely  dissimilar  ;  thou  animatest  me  to  war,  and  softenest  my 
heart  by  the  thoughts  of  peace ;  thou  art  great  both  in  peace  and  war,  mild  to  those  whom  thou 
lovest,  and  terrible  to  thine  enemies.  We  wish  thee  to  love  us,  and  we  will  love  the  French  for  thy 
sake. 

In  concluding  these  thanks,  the  Onontaga  Chief  took  up  the  word.  Listen  Ondessonk,  said  he  to 
me ;  five  entire  nations  speak  to  thee  through  my  mouth.  My  breast  contains  the  sentiments  of  the 
Iroquois  Nations,  and  my  tongue  responds  faithfully  to  my  breast.  Thou  wilt  tell  Onnontio  four 
tilings,  the  sum  of  all  our  councils. 

1.  We  are  willing  to  acknowledge  Him  of  whom  thou  hast  spoken,  who  is  the  master  of  our  lives, 
who  is  unknown  to  us. 

2.  Our  council  tree  is  this  day  planted  at  Onnontaga — meaning  that  that  would  be,  henceforth,  the 
place  of  their  meetings  and  of  their  negotiations  for  peace. 

2.  We  conjure  you  to  select  on  the  banks  of  our  great  lake  an  advantageous  site  for  a  French 
settlement.  Fix  yourself  in  the  heart  of  the  country,  since  you  ought  to  possess  our  hearts.  There 
we  shall  go  for  instruction,  and  from  that  point  you  will  be  able  to  spread  yourself  abroad  in  every 
direction.    Be  unto  us  careful  as  fathers  and  we  shall  be  unto  you  submissive  as  children. 

4.  We  are  engaged  in  new  wars  ;  Onnontio  encourages  us.  We  shall  entertain  no  other  thought 
towards  him  than  those  of  peace. 

They  reserved .  their  richest  presents  for  these  last  four  words  ;  but  I  can  assure  you  their  coun- 
tenances told  more  than  their  tongues,  and  expressed  joy  mingled  with  so  much  mildness  that  my 
heart  was  full.  What  appeared  to  me  most  endearing  in  all  this  was  that  all  our  Huron  Christians  and 
the  captive  women,  lighted  this  fire  which  melts  the  hearts  of  the  Iroquois.  They  told  them  so  much 
good  of  us,  and  spoke  so  often  of  the  great  value  of  the  Faith,  that  they  prize  it  without  being  ac- 
quainted with  it ;  and  they  love  us  in  the  hope  that  we  shall  be  for  them  what  we  have  been  for  the 
Indians.    To  return  to  the  Father's  Journal : 

The  11th  day  of  August.  There  is  nothing  but  feasts  and  rejoicings  every  where.  A  misfortune 
occurred,  however,  at  night.  A  cabin  catching  fire,  no  one  knew  how,  an  impetuous  wind  drove 
the  flames  to  the  others,  and  in  less  than  two  hours  more  than  twenty  were  reduced  to  ashes,  and 
the  remainder  of  the  village  was  in  danger  of  being  burnt.  God  preserved  all  hearts  however  in 
the  joy  of  the  preceding  day,  and  their  dispositions  as  calm  towards  me  as  if  this  misfortune  had 
never  happened. 

The  12th.  Our  Christian  captives  wishing  to  confess  before  my  departure  gave  me  employment, 
or  rather  repose  which  I  wished  for.  I  baptized  a  little  girl  of  four  years  who  was  dying.  I  re- 
covered from  the  hands  of  these  barbarians,  the  New  Testament  of  the  late  Father  Jean  de  Brebouf, 
whom  they  put  to  a  cruel  death  five  years  ago,  and  a  small  book  of  devotion  which  was  used  by  the 
late  Father  Charles  Gamier  whom  they  also  killed  four  years  ago. 

########*#####**# 

The  13th.    Came  the  leave  taking.    Observing  the  custom  of  friends  on  similar  occasions,  having 
convoked  the  Council,  I  made  them  two  presents  to  console  them.    And  with  tliis  view  I  first 
[Vol.  I.]  5 


34 


FIRST    SETTLEMENT  AT  ONONDAGA, 


planted  in  the  name  of  Achiendasse  (wiiicli  is  the  appellation  of  the  General  Superior  of  all  our 
Society's  Missions  in  these  countries)  the  first  post  on  which  to  begin  a  cabin.  This  is  like  laying 
the  first  stone  in  France  of  a  house  one  intends  to  build.  My  second  present  was  to  throw  down  the 
first  bark  that  is  to  cover  the  cabin.  This  evidence  of  affection  satisfied  them,  and  three  of  their 
Chiefs  thanked  me  publicly  in  speeches  which  one  could  not  be  persuaded  issued  from  the  hps  of 
men  called  savages. 

###*############# 

Nevertheless  they  seek  me  every  where  to  give  me  my  parting  feast,  all  the  men  and  women  of 
consideration  being  invited  in  my  name  into  our  cabin,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  country,  in 
order  to  do  honor  to  my  departure.  We  part  in  good  company.  After  the  public  cry  of  the  Chief, 
every  one  vies  to  carry  our  little  baggage. 

About  hall' a  league  from  there  we  found  a  group  of  old  men,  all  Chiefs  of  the  Council,  who  waited 
to  bid  me  Adieu  hoping  for  my  return  for  which  they  ardently  testified  their  wishes. 

16th.  We  arrive  at  the  entrance  of  a  small  lake  in  a  large  half  dried  basin ;  we  taste  the  water  of 
a  spring  that  they  durst  not  drink,  saying  that  there  is  a  Demon  in  it  which  renders  it  foetid ;  having 
tasted  it  I  found  it  was  a  lomitain  of  Salt  water ;  and  in  fact  we  made  Salt  from  it  as  natural  as  that 
from  the  sea ;  of  which  we  carried  a  sample  to  Quebec.  This  lake  abounds  in  fish — in  salmon  trout 
and  other  fish. 

17th.  We  enter  their  river,  and  at  a  quarter  of  a  league  meet  at  the  left  the  Seneca  river,  which 
increases  this  ;  it  leads,  they  say,  to  Cayuga  (Onioen)  and  to  Seneca  in  two  sunsets.  At  three  leagues 
of  a  fine  road  from  there,  we  leave  the  river  Oneida  (Oneiout)  which  appears  to  us  very  deep. 
Finally  a  good  league  lower  down  we  meet  a  rapid  which  gives  the  name  to  a  village  of  fishermen. 

I  found  there  some  of  our  Christians  and  some  Huron  Christian  women  whom  I  had  not  yet  seen. 

########*####*#** 

19th.  We  proceed  on  our  journey  on  the  same  river  which  is  of  a  fine  width  and  deep  through- 
out, except  some  shoals  where  we  must  get  into  the  water  and  draw  the  canoe  lest  the  rocks  break  it. 

20.  We  arrive  at  the  Great  Lake,  Ontario,  called  the  Lake  of  the  Iroquois. 

21.  This  lake  is  in  a  fury  in  consequence  of  the  violence  of  the  winds  after  a  storm  of  rain. 

22.  Coasting  quietly  the  shores  of  this  Great  Lake,  my  sailors  kill  with  a  shot  from  a  gun,  a  large 
stag  :  my  companion  and  I  content  ourselves  looking  at  them  broiling  their  stakes,  it  being  Saturday, 
a  day  of  abstinence  for  us. 

23.  We  arrive  at  the  place  which  is  fixed  on  for  our  house  and  a  French  settlement.  Beautiful 
prairies,  good  fishing ;  a  resort  of  all  Nations.  There  I  found  new  Christians  who  confessed  them- 
selves and  furnished  me  with  devotion  in  their  sentiments  of  piety. 

24  and  25.  Being  windbound,  one  of  our  canoes  foundered  on  the  2G,  our  sailors  having  em- 
barked before  the  tempest  had  abated,  and  we  thought  we  should  have  perished — finally  we  cast  our- 
selves on  an  island  where  we  dried  ourselves  at  our  leisure. 

27.    In  the  evening  a  little  lull  afforded  us  time  to  regain  the  main  land. 

28  and  29.  The  chase  stops  our  sailors  who  are  in  the  best  possible  humor ;  for  flesh  is  the  para- 
dise of  the  man  of  flesh. 

30  and  last  of  August.  The  rain  and  wind  seriously  inconvenience  poor  travellers,  who  having 
worked  all  day  are  badly  provided  for  at  night. 

1st  day  of  Sept.  I  never  saw  so  many  deer,  but  we  had  no  inclination  to  hunt.  My  companion 
killed  three  as  if  against  his  will.  What  a  pity !  for  we  left  all  the  venison  there,  reserving  the  hides 
and  some  of  the  most  delicate  morsels. 

2(1  of  the  month.  Travelling  through  vast  prairies,  we  saw  in  divers  quarters  immense  herds  of 
wild  bulls  and  cows ;  their  horns  resemble  in  some  respect  the  antlers  of  the  stag. 


AND  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  SALT  SPRINGS.  35 

3d  and  4th.  Our  game  does  not  leave  us ;  it  seems  that  venison  and  game  follow  us  every  where. 
Droves  of  twenty  cows  plunge  into  the  water  as  if  to  meet  us.  Some  are  killed,  for  sake  of  amuse- 
ment, by  blows  of  an  axe. 

5.  In  one  day  we  travel  over  the  road  which  took  us  two  long  days  ascending  the  rapids  and 
breakers. 

6.  Our  Sault  St.  Louis  frightens  my  folks.  They  land  me  four  leagues  above  the  settlement  of 
Montreal,  and  God  gave  me  sufficient  strength  to  arrive  before  noon,  and  to  celebrate  mass,  of  which 
I  was  deprived  during  my  whole  voyage. 

7.  I  proceed  and  descend  to  Three  Rivers  where  my  sailors  desire  to  go.  We  arrived  at  Quebec 
on  the  eleventli  day  of  the  month  of  September  of  this  year,  1654. 


JOURNAL  OF  WHAT  OCCURRED  BETWEEN  THE  FRENCH  AND  SAVAGES. 

[  Relation,  &c.    1657  and  1658.  ] 

The  word  Onnota,  which  signifies,  in  the  Iroquois  tongue,  a  Mountain,  has  given  the  name  to  the 
village  called  Onnontae,  or  as  others  call  it,  Onnontague,  because  it  is  on  a  mountain  ;  and  the  people 
who  inhabit  it  consequently  style  themselves  Onnontae-ronnons,  or  Onnontague-ronnons.  These 
people  have  for  a  long  time  and  earnestly  demanded  that  some  priests  of  our  Society  be  sent 

1655.  to  their  country.    Finally,  Father  Joseph  Chaumont  and  Father  Claude  Dablon  were  granted 
to  them,  in  the  year  1655.    They  embarked  on  the  19*  Sept.,  and  arrived  at  Onnontague  the 

5th  November  of  the  same  year  1655. 

These  two  good  fathers  finding  themselves  listened  to  with,  approval  and  kindness,  Father 

1656.  Dablon  left  Onnontagu6  on  the  second  day  of  March  of  the  following  year  1656,  to  look  for 
help  at  Quebec,  where  lie  arrived  in  the  beginning  of  April,  and  departed  thence  on  the  17th 

May,  in  company  with  three  Fathers  and  two  brothers  of  the  Society,  and  a  good  number  of  French- 
men, who  all  proceeded  towards  this  new  country,  where  they  arrived  on  the  11*  day  of  July  of 
the  same  year,  1656. 

In  the  year  1657,  the  harvest  appearing  plentiful  in  all  the  villages  of  the  upper  Iroquois, 

1657.  the  common  people  listening  to  the  words  of  the  gospel  with  simplicity  and  the  Chiefs  with  a 
well  disguised  dissimulation,  Father  Paul  Ragueneau,  Father  Francois  Du  Peron,  some 

Frenchmen  and  several  Hurons,  departed  from  Montreal  the  26th  July,  to  aid  their  brethren  and 
compatriots. 

On  the  3d  day  of  the  month  of  August  of  the  same  year  1657,  the  perfidy  of  the  Iroquois  began 
to  develop  itself  by  the  massacre  which  they  made  of  the  poor  Hurons  whom  they  brought  into  their 
country,  after  thousands  of  protestations  of  kindness  and  thousands  of  oaths,  in  their  style,  that 
they  should  treat  them  as  brothers.  And  had  not  a  number  of  Iroquois  remained  among  the  French, 
near  Quebec,  to  endeavor  to  bring  with  them  the  rest  of  the  Hurons,  who  distrusting  these  traitors, 
would  not  embark  with  the  others,  the  Fathers  and  the  Frenchmen  who  ascended  witli  them  would 
have  then  been  destroyed ;  and  all  those  who  remained  on  the  banks  of  Lake  Ganantaa,  near  to 
Onnontague,  would  shortly  after  have  shared  the  same  fate.  But  the  fear  that  the  French  would 
wreak  vengeance  on  their  countrymen,  staid  their  design,  of  which  our  fathers  had  had  secret  intel- 
ligence immediately  on  their  arrival  in  the  country.    Even  a  captain  who  was  acquainted  with  the 


36 


FIRST  SETTLEMENT  AT  ONONDAGA, 


secret  of  the  Chiefs,  having-  taken  some  liking  to  the  preaclungs  of  the  Gospel,  and  finding  himself 

very  sick,  demanded  Baptism  ;  having  received  it  with  sufficient  instruction,  he  discovered  the  evil 

designs  of  his  countrymen  to  those  who  attended  him,  and  went  a  short  time  afterwards  to  Heaven. 
*##*###** 

The  9th  of  the  month  of  September.  Our  fathers  at  Onnontague  sent  two  canoes  to  Quebec  with 
intelligence  of  the  massacre  of  the  poor  Huron  Christians,  treacherously  put  to  death  by  these  bar- 
barians, as  we  remarked  above,  3  August  of  the  year  1657. 

#  #  #  *  #  *  #  *  * 

The  7th  of  the  month  of  November.    Two  Mohawks  departed  from  Quebec,  and  took  a  third  at 

Three  Rivers  A  number  of  letters  from  divers  quarters  were  given  to  them 

for  Father  Le  Moine,  part  of  which  were  to  be  sent  to  our  Fathers  and  our  French  of  Onnontagu6 

thro'  the  medium  of  the  Mohawks,  who  often  go  to  that  country. 

######### 

It  is  true  that  the  Mohawks  faithfully  delivered  the  letters  to  Ondessonk,  because  they  feared  evil 
for  their  people  detained  by  the  French.  But  for  the  letters  addressed  to  our  French  at  Onnontagud, 
the  Mohawk  who  was  the  bearer  thereof,  threw  them  in  the  river,  or  gave  them,  probably,  to  the 
chiefs  of  the  country.  But  these  good  fellows,  who  wished  to  rid  themselves  of  the  preachers  of 
the  gospel  and  of  those  who  assisted  them,  threw  them  into  the  fire. 

The  Onnontague  sent  by  Monsieur  de  Maisonneuve  did  still  worse  :  for  he  told  the  chiefs  of  the 
nation,  that  the  French  were  leagued  principally  with  the  Algonquins  to  make  war  on  them,  and 
that  they  had  killed  his  comrade.  It  was  an  Algonquin  killed  him  on  his  way  to  war  as  we  have 
remarked  on  the  3d  November.  Nothing  more  was  necessary  to  excite  these  furious  men,  who  had 
already  concluded  on  the  death  of  some  and  the  captivity  of  others.  They  were  desirous,  however, 
to  act  in  concert  with  the  Mohawks,  who  could,  no  more  than  the  others,  reconcile  themselves  to 
the  detention  of  their  people,  believing  it  very  unjust. 

Our  poor  French  were,  meanwhile,  much  astonished  at  receiving  no  certain  news  either  from 
Quebec,  Three  Rivers,  or  Montreal.  These  barbarians  had  entirely  cut  off  all  communication,  so 
that  Monsr.  de  Dailleboust's  orders  were  not  delivered  to  Monsr.  Du  Puis,  who  commanded  the  sol- 
diers, nor  a  letter  to  any  of  the  French  whomsoever. 


OF  THE  RETURN  OF  OUR  FATHERS  AND  OF  OUR  FRENCHMEN  FROM  THE  COUNTRY 

OF  THE  ONNONTAGUES. 

I  From  the  Same.  ] 

Though  it  be  true  that  the  Iroquois  are  subtle,  adroit  and  great  cheats,  I  nevertheless  cannot  per- 
suade myself  that  they  possess  so  much  intelligence,  so  much  tact,  and  that  they  are  such  great  pol- 
iticians as  to  have  had  recourse  to  the  ruses  and  intrigues  imputed  to  them  to  destroy  the  French, 
the  Hurons,  the  Algonquins,  and  their  allies. 

They  urged  for  many  years  with  incredible  persistence  ;  with  evidences  of  especial  affection  and 
even  with  threats  of  rupture  and  war,  if  their  friendship  were  despised  and  their  demand  rejected  ; 
they  insisted,  I  say,  and  solicited  that  a  goodly  number  of  French  should  ac  company  them  into  their 
country,  the  one  to  instruct,  the  others  to  protect  them  against  their  enemies,  as  a  token  of  peace 
and  alliance  with  them. 


AND  DISCOVERY  OK  THE  SALT  SPRINGS.  37 

The  Mohawks  desired  to  thwart  this  scheme  ;  they  fought  the  one  against  the  other  even  unto 
polluting  the  earth  with  blood  and  murder.  Some  believed  that  all  that  was  mere  feint,  the  better 
to  mask  their  game  ;  but  it  would  seem  to  me  not  a  very  pleasant  game  when  the  stakes  are  life  and 
blood.  I  strongly  doubt  that  Iroquoy  policy  should  extend  so  far  as  that,  and  that  Barbarians  who 
repose  but  little  confidence  in  each  other,  should  so  long  conceal  their  intrigues.  I  believe  rather 
that  the  Onnontague"  Iroquois  demanded  some  Frenchmen  in  sincerity,  but  with  views  very  different. 
The  Cliiefs  finding  themselves  engaged  in  heavy  wars  against  a  number  of  nations  whom  they  had 
provoked,  asked  for  Hurons  as  reinforcements  to  their  warriors ;  they  wished  for  the  French  to  ob- 
tain firearms  from  them,  and  to  repair  those  which  might  be  broken.  Further,  as  the  Mohawks 
treated  them  sometimes  very  ill  when  passing  through  their  villages  to  trade  with  the  Dutch,  they 
were  anxious  to  rise  out  of  tliis  dependence  in  opening  a  trade  with  the  French.  This  is  not  all,  the 
fate  of  arms  being  fickle,  they  demanded  that  our  Frenchmen  should  erect  a  vast  fort  in  their  coun- 
try to  serve  as  a  retreat  for  them,  or  at  least  for  their  wives  and  children  in  case  their  enemies 
pressed  too  close  on  them.  Here  are  the  views  of  the  Iroquois  politicians.  The  common  people 
did  not  penetrate  so  tar  ahead  ;  curiosity  to  see  strangers  come  from  such  a  distance,  the  hope  of  de- 
riving some  little  profit,  created  a  desire  to  see  them  ;  but  the  Christian  Hurons  and  captives  among 
the  people,  and  those  who  approved  their  lives  and  conversations  which  they  sometimes  held  re- 
garding our  belief,  breathed  nothing  in  the  world  so  much  as  the  coming  of  Preachers  of  the  Gospel 
who  had  brought  them  forth  unto  Jesus  Christ. 

But  so  soon  as  the  Captains  and  Chiefs  became  masters  of  their  enemies,  having  crushed  all  the 
Nations  who  had  attacked  them  ;  so  soon  as  they  believed  that  nothing  could  resist  their  arms,  the 
recollection  of  the  wrongs  they  pretended  to  have  formerly  experienced  from  the  Hurons  ;  the  glory 
of  triumphing  over  Europeans  as  well  as  Americans,  caused  them  to  take  the  resolution  to  revenge 
themselves  on  the  one  and  destroy  the  other  ;  so  that  at  the  very  moment  they  saw  the  dreaded  Cat 
Nation  subjugated  by  their  arms  and  by  the  power  of  the  Senecas,  their  allies,  they  would  have 
massacred  all  the  French  at  Onnontague,  were  it  not  that  they  pretended  to  make  use  of  them  as  a 
decoy  to  attract  some  Hurons  and  to  massacre  them  as  they  had  already  done.  And  if  the  influence 
of  some  of  their  tribe,  then  resident  at  Quebec,  had  not  staid  them,  the  path  to  Onnontague  had  be- 
come the  tomb  to  Frenchmen  as  well  as  to  Hurons,  as  will  be  seen  hereafter.  From  that  time  forth 
our  people,  having  discovered  their  conspiracy,  and  perceived  that  their  death  was  concluded  on,  be- 
thought them  on  their  retreat,  which  shall  be  described  in  the  following  letter. 


FATHER  PAUL  MGUENEAU 

TO  THE  REV.  FATHER  JACQUES  RENAULT,  PROVINCIAL  OF  THE  SOCIETY  OF  JESUS  IN  THE  PROVINCE  OF  FRANCE. 

Pax  Christi. 

My  R.  Father, 

The  present  is  to  inform  Y.  R.  of  our  return  from  the  Iroquois  mission,  loaded  with  some  spoils 
rescued  from  Hell.  We  bear  in  our  hands  more  than  five  hundred  children  and  a  number  of  adults, 
the  most  part  of  whom  died  after  Baptism.  We  have  reestablished  Faith  and  piety  in  the  hearts  of 
a  poor  captive  church,  the  first  foundation  of  which  we  had  laid  in  the  Huron  Country.  We  have 
proclaimed  the  gospel  unto  all  the  Iroquois  Nations  so  that  they  are  henceforth  without  excuse,  and 
God  will  be  fully  justified  against  them  at  the  great  day  of  judgment. 


38  FIRST  SETTLEMENT  AT  ONONDAGA, 

The  Devil  enraged  at  seeing  us  reap  so  fine  a  harvest  and  enjoy  so  amply  the  fruits  of  our  enter- 
prise, made  use  of  the  inconstancy  of  the  Iroquois  to  drive  us  from  the  centre  of  his  estates  ;  for 
these  Barbarians,  without  other  motive  than  to  follow  their  volatile  humor,  renewed  the  war  against 
the  French,  the  first  blows  of  which  were  discharged  on  our  worthy  Christian  Hurons,  who  went  up 
with  us  to  Onnontagu6  at  the  close  of  the  last  summer,  and  who  were  cruelly  massacred  in  our  arms 
and  in  our  bosom  by  the  most  signal  treason  imaginable.  They  then  made  prisoners  of  their  poor 
wives  and  even  burned  some  of  them  with  their  children  of  three  and  four  years,  at  a  slow  fire. 

This  bloody  execution  was  followed  by  the  murder  of  three  Frenchmen  at  Montreal  by  the 
Oneidas,  who  scalped  them  and  carried  these  as  if  in  triumph  into  their  villages  in  token  of  declared 
war.  This  act  of  hostility  having  obliged  M.  Dailleboust,  then  commanding  in  this  country,  to 
cause  a  dozen  of  Iroquois,  in  part  Onnontagu6s  and  mostly  Mohawks,  to  be  arrested  and  put  in  irons 
at  Montreal,  Three  Rivers  and  Quebec,  where  they  happened  to  be  at  the  time,  both  Iroquois  Na- 
tions became  irritated  at  this  detention  of  their  people,  pretending  that  it  was  unjust ;  and  to  cruelly 
avenge  themselves  convoked  a  secret  Council  where  they  formed  the  scheme  of  an  implacable  war 
against  the  French.  Yet,  they  judged  it  fitting  to  dissimulate  for  some  time  until  through  the  return 
of  Father  Simon  Le  Moine,  then  with  the  Mohawks,  they  should  have  obtained  the  delivery  of  their 
folks  who  were  in  irons.  In  that  Council  they  even  looked  on  our  persons  as  precious  hostages, 
either  lor  the  exchange  of  some  of  their  tribe  who  were  in  prison,  or  obtaimnent  of  whatever  pleased 
them  when  within  view  of  our  French  settlements  they  should  make  us  feel  the  effects  of  their 
cruelty  ;  doubting  not  that  these  horrible  spectacles  and  the  lamentations  of  forty  and  fifty  innocent 
French  would  touch  with  compassion  and  distress  the  Governor  and  inhabitants  of  what  place  so 
ever. 

We  were  only  privately  acquainted  with  these  disastrous  designs  of  the  Iroquois,  but  we  openly 
saw  their  spirits  prepared  lor  war ;  and  in  the  month  of  February  divers  bands  took  the  field  for 
that  purpose,  200  Mohawks  on  the  one  side,  40  Oneidas  on  the  other  ;  some  Onnontague  warriors 
had  already  gone  forward  whilst  the  main  body  of  the  army  was  assembling. 

We  could  not  expect,  speaking  humanly,  to  extricate  from  these  dangers,  by  which  we  were  sur- 
rounded on  all  sides,  some  fifty  Frenchmen  who  had  entrusted  to  us  their  fives  and  for  whom  we 
should  feel  ourselves  responsible  before  God  and  men.  What  distressed  us  the  most  was,  not  so 
much  the  flames  into  wluch  a  part  of  our  Frenchmen  would  be  cast,  as  the  unfortunate  captivity  to 
which  the  most  of  them  were  destined  by  the  Iroquois,  in  which  the  salvation  of  their  soids  was 
more  to  be  dreaded  than  the  loss  of  their  bodies.  This  is  what  the  greater  number  most  especially 
apprehended,  who  already  seeing  themselves  prisoners,  coveted  rather  the  stroke  of  the  hatchet  or 
even  the  flames,  than  this  captivity.  They  were  determined  in  order  to  avoid  this  last  misfortune, 
even  to  risk  all  and  to  fly  each,  his  way  in  the  woods,  to  perish  there  of  hunger  and  wretchedness 
or  to  attempt  to  reach  some  of  the  French  settlements. 

In  these  circumstances  so  precipitous,  our  Fathers  and  I  and  a  gentleman  named  Monsieur  du 
Puys,  who  commanded  all  our  Frenchmen  and  a  garrison  of  soldiers,  nine  of  whom  had  already  of 
themselves  resolved  to  abandon  us,  concluded  that  it  would  be  better  to  withdraw  in  a  body,  either 
to  encourage  one  another  to  die  or  to  sell  life  more  dearly.  For  that  reason  it  became  necessary  to 
depart  without  breathing  a  syllable  about  it ;  for  the  least  suspicion  that  the  Iroquois  woidd  have  had  of 
our  retreat,  would  hurry  down  on  us  the  disaster  we  would  avoid.  But  how  hope  to  lie  able  to  depart 
without  being  discovered,  being  in  the  heart  of  the  country,  and  always  beset  by  a  number  of  these 
Barbarians  who  left  not  our  house  so  as  to  watch  our  countenances  in  this  conjuncture  ?  It  is  true  they 
never  imagined  that  we  should  have  had  the  courage  to  undertake  this  exploit,  knowing  well  that  we 
had  neither  canoes,  nor  sailors,  and  that  we  were  unacquainted  with  the  paths  topped  by  precipices 
where  a  dozen  Iroquois  could  easily  defeat  us  :  Besides,  the  season  was  insupportable  on  account  of 


AND  DISCOVERY  OK  THE  SALT  SPRINGS. 


39 


the  cold  of  the  frozen  water  through  which,  under  all  circumstances,  the  canoes  were  to  be  dragged, 
tin-owing  ourselves  into  the  river  and  remaining  there  entire  houi-s,  sometimes  up  to  the  neck,  and 
we  never  had  undertaken  such  expeditions  without  having  savages  for  guides. 

Notwithstanding  these  obstacles  which  appeared  insurmountable  to  them  as  well  as  to  us,  God,  who 
holds  in  His  hands  all  the  moments  of  our  lives,  so  happily  inspired  us  with  all  that  was  necessary  to 
be  done,  that  having  departed  on  the  20th  day  of  March  from  our  house  of  Ste.  Marie,  near  Onnon- 
tagu6,  at  eleven  o'clock  at  night,  His  divine  providence  guiding  us,  as  if  by  a  continued  miracle,  in 
the  midst  of  all  imaginable  dangers,  we  arrived  at  Quebec  on  the  23d  of  the  month  of  April,  having 
passed  Montreal  and  Three  Rivers  before  any  canoe  could  be  launched,  the  river  not  having  been 
open  for  navigation  until  the  very  day  that  we  made  our  appearance. 

From  the  same  to  the  same. 

Your  Rev.  will  be  glad  to  learn  the  particulars  of  our  departure  from  Ste.  Marie  of  the  Iroquois. 
*****  The  resolution  being  taken  to  quit  that  country  where  God  took  through 
us,  the  small  number  of  Ins  disciples,  the  difficulties  appeared  insurmountable  in  their  execution  for 
which  every  thing  failed  us. 

To  supply  the  want  of  canoes,  we  had  built,  in  secret,  two  Batteaux  of  a  novel  and  excellent 
structure  to  pass  the  rapids ;  these  batteaux  drew  but  very  little  water  and  carried  considerable 
freight,  fourteen  or  fifteen  men  each,  amounting  to  fifteen  to  sixteen  hundred  weight.  We  had  more- 
over four  Algonquin  and  four  Iroquois  canoes,  which  were  to  compose  our  little  fleet  of  fifty-three 
Frenchmen. 

But  the  difficulty  was  to  embark  unperceived  by  the  Iroquois  who  constantly  beset  us.  The  bat- 
teaux, canoes  and  all  the  equipage  could  not  be  conveyed  without  great  noise,  and  yet  without  secrecy 
there  was  nothing  to  be  expected  save  a  general  massacre  of  all  of  us  the  moment  it  would  be  dis- 
covered that  we  entertained  the  least  thought  of  withdrawing. 

On  that  account  we  invited  all  the  savages  in  our  neighborhood  to  a  solemn  feast  at  which  we 
employed  all  our  industry,  and  spared  neither  the  noise  of  drums  nor  instruments  of  music,  to  deceive 
them  by  harmless  device.  He  who  presided  at  this  ceremony  played  nis  part  with  so  much  address 
and  success,  that  all  were  desirous  to  contribute  to  the  publick  joy  :  Every  one  vied  in  uttering  the 
most  piercing  cries,  now  of  war,  anon  of  rejoicing.  The  savages,  through  complaisance,  sung  and 
danced  after  the  French  fashion  and  the  French  in  the  Indian  style.  To  encourage  them  the  more  in 
this  fine  play,  presents  were  distributed  among  those  who  acted  best  their  parts  and  who  made  the 
greatest  noise  to  drown  that  caused  by  about  forty  of  our  people  outside  who  were  engaged  in  removing 
all  our  equipage.  The  embarcation  being  completed,  the  feast  was  concluded  at  a  fixed  time ;  the 
guests  retired,  and  sleep  having  soon  overwhelmed  them,  we  withdrew  from  our  house  by  a  back 
door  and  embarked  with  very  little  noise,  without  bidding  adieu  to  the  Savages,  who  were  acting- 
cunning  parts  and  were  thinking  to  amuse  us  to  the  hour  of  our  massacre  with  fair  appearances  and 
evidences  of  good  will. 

Our  little  Lake  on  which  we  silently  sailed  in  the  darkness  of  the  night,  froze  according  as  we 
advanced  and  caused  us  to  fear  being  stopt  by  the  ice  after  having  evaded  the  fires  of  the  Iroquois- 
God,  however,  delivered  us,  and  after  having  advanced  all  night  and  all  the  following  day  through 
frightful  precipices  and  waterfalls,  we  arrived  finally  in  the  evening  at  the  great  Lake  Ontario,  twenty 
leagues  from  the  place  of  our  departure.  This  first  day  was  the  most  dangerous,  for  had  the  Iroquois 
observed  our  departure  they  would  have  intercepted  us,  and  had  they  been  ten  or  twelve  it  would 
have  been  easy  for  them  to  have  thrown  us  into  disorder,  the  river  being  very  narrow,  and  terminating 
after  travelling  ten  leagues  in  a  frightful  precipice  where  we  were  obliged  to  land  and  carry  our 
baggage  and  canoes  during  four  hours,  through  unknown  roads  covered  with  a  thick  forest  which 


* 


40  FIRST  SETTLEMENT  AT  ONONDAGA, 

could  have  served  the  enemy  for  a  Fort,  whence  at  each  step  he  could  have  struck  and  fired  on  us 
without  being  perceived.  God's  protection  visibly  accompanied  us  during  the  remainder  of  the  road, 
in  which  we  walked  through  perils  which  made  us  shudder  after  we  escaped  them,  having  at  night 
no  other  bed  except  the  snow  after  having  passed  entire  days  in  the  water  and  amid  the  ice. 

Ten  days  after  our  departure  Ave  found  Lake  Ontario  on  which  we  floated,  still  frozen  at  its  mouth. 
We  were  obliged  to  break  the  ice,  axe  in  hand,  to  make  an  opening,  to  enter  two  days  afterwards  a 
rapid  where  our  little  fleet  had  well  nigh  foundered.  For  having  entered  a  Great  Sault  without 
knowing  it,  wc  found  ourselves  in  the  midst  of  breakers  which,  meeting  a  quantity  of  big  rocks, 
threw  up  mountains  of  water  and  cast  us  on  as  many  precipices  as  we  gave  strokes  of  paddles.  Our 
batteaux  which  drew  scarcely  half  a  foot,  were  soon  filled  with  water  and  all  our  people  in  such  con- 
fusion, that  their  cries  mingled  with  the  roar  of  the  torrent  presented  to  us  the  spectacle  of  a  dreadful 
wreck.  It  became  imperative,  however,  to  extricate  ourselves,  the  violence  of  the  current  dragging 
us  despite  ourselves  into  the  large  rapids  and  through  passes  in  which  we  had  never  been.  Terror 
redoubled  at  the  sight  of  one  of  our  canoes  being  engulfed  in  a  breaker  which  barred  the  entire  rapid 
and  which,  notwithstanding,  was  the  course  that  all  the  others  must  keep.  Three  Frenchmen  were 
drowned  there,  a  fourth  fortunately  escaped,  having  held  on  to  the  canoe  and  being  saved  at  the  foot 
of  the  Sault  when  at  the  point  of  letting  go  his  hold,  his  strength  being  exhausted.       *  * 

*       The  3d  of  April  we  landed  at  Montreal,  in  the  beginning  of  the  night. 

*########**# 

You  noticed  above  how  our  Fathers  and  our  Frenchmen  withdrew  from  their  habitation  built 

on  the  banks  of  Lake  Ganantaa,  near  Onnontague.  That  happened  at  night,  and  without  noise  and 
with  so  much  address,  that  the  Iroquois,  who  cabined  at  the  doors  of  our  house,  never  perceived  the 
removal  of  the  canoes  and  batteaux  and  baggage  which  were  launched,  nor  the  embarcation  of  fifty-three 
persons.  Sleep  in  which  they  were  deeply  enveloped,  after  considerable  singing  and  dancing,  deprived 
them  of  all  consciousness ;  but  at  length  night  having  given  place  to  day,  darkness  to  fight,  sleep  to 
awaking,  these  Barbarians  left  their  cabins,  and  roving  round  our  well  locked  house,  were  astonished 
at  the  profound  silence  of  the  Frenchmen.  They  saw  no  one  going  out  to  work ;  they  heard  no  voice- 
They  thought  at  first  that  they  were  all  at  prayer,  or  in  council,  but  the  day  advancing  and  these  prayers 
not  getting  to  an  end,  they  knocked  at  the  door.  The  dogs,  which  our  Frenchmen  designedly  left 
behind,  answered  by  barking.  The  cock's  crowr  which  they  heard  in  the  morning  and  the  noise  of 
the  dogs,  made  them  think  that  the  masters  of  these  animals  were  not  far  off ;  they  recovered  the 
patience  which  they  had  lost.  But  at  length  the  sun  began  to  decline  and  no  person  answering 
neither  to  the  voice  of  men  nor  to  the  cries  of  animals,  they  scaled  the  house  to  see  the  condition  of 
our  people  in  this  terrible  silence.  Astonishment  now  gave  place  to  fright  and  trouble.  They  open 
the  door ;  the  chiefs  enter  every  where  ;  ascend  the  garret ;  descend  to  the  cellar ;  not  a  Frenchman 
makes  his  appearance  dead  or  alive.  They  regard  one  another — terror  seizes  them  ;  they  imagine 
they  have  to  do  with  Devils.  They  saw  no  batteau,  and  even  if  they  saw  it  they  could  not  imagine 
that  our  Frenchmen  would  be  so  rash  as  to  precipitate  themselves  into  rapids  and  breakers,  among 
rocks  and  horrible  dangers  in  which  themselves  though  very  expert  in  passing  through  Saults  and 
Cascades,  often  lose  their  lives.  They  persuade  themselves  either  that  they  walked  on  the  waves, 
or  fled  through  the  air ;  or  as  seemed  most  probable,  that  they  concealed  themselves  in  the  woods. 
They  seek  for  them  ;  nothing  appears.  They  are  quasi  convinced  that  they  rendered  themselves 
invisible  ;  and  as  they  suddenly  departed,  so  will  they  pounce  as  suddenly  on  their  village. 


PAPERS 

RELATING  TO 

SD*  €ourcelle0r  auir  0c  iftracg's  (JfopeMtians 

AGAINST 

THE  MOHAWK  INDIANS. 


muno  1GG5— G. 


[Vol.  I.] 


0 


OF  THE  FIRST  FORTS  ERECTED  ON  THE  IROQUOIS  RIVER. 

[  Relation  de  ce  qui  s'est  passe  en  la  Nouvelle  France  es  annees  1664  &  1665.  ] 

At  the  same  time  that  the  Outaouaks  embarked  to  return  to  their  country,  the  wind  becoming 
more  favorable,  the  soldiers  who  had  been  obliged  to  stop  at  Tliree  Rivers  likewise  embarked  ;  and 
after  having  navigated  Lake  St.  Peter  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  the  River  Richelieu,  which  leads  to 
the  Iroquois  of  the  Mohawk. 

The  plan  entertained  at  this  first  campaign  was  to  erect  on  the  route  some  forts,  which  were  con- 
sidered absolutely  necessary  as  well  to  secure  the  passage  and  liberty  of  trade  as  to  serve  for  stores 
for  the  troops  and  retreats  for  sick  and  wounded  soldiers.  For  this  purpose  three  advantageous  posts 
were  selected.  The  first  at  the  mouth  of  the  Iroquois  River ;  the  second  seventeen  leagues  higher 
up,  at  the  foot  of  a  current  of  water  called  the  Sault  de  Richelieu;  the  third  about  three  leagues  above 
this  current. 

The  first  fort,  named  Richelieu,  was  built  by  Mons.  de  Chamblay,  who  commanded  five  companies 
which  Monsieur  de  Tracy  sent  there.  The  second  fort,  named  St.  Louis,  because  it  was  commenced 
the  week  of  the  celebration  of  the  festival  of  that  great  saint,  protector  of  our  Kings  and  of  France, 
was  built  by  M.  de  Sorel,  who  commanded  five  other  companies  of  the  Regiment  of  the  Carignan 
Salieres.  .  .  •  The  [third]  fort  was  fortunately  finished  in  the  month  of  October  on  St.  Theresa's 
day,  whence  it  derived  its  name.  From  this  third  fort  of  St.  Therese  we  can  easily  reach  Lake 
Champlain  without  meeting  any  rapids  to  stop  the  batteaux. 

This  Lake,  after  a  length  of  sixty  leagues,  finally  terminates  in  the  country  of  the  Mohawk  Iroquois. 
It  is  still  intended  to  build  there,  early  next  spring,  a  fourth  fort,  which  will  command  those  coun- 
tries, and  from  which  continual  attacks  can  be  made  on  the  enemy,  if  they  do  not  listen  to  reason. 

We  shall  give  at  the  end  of  the  next  chapter,  the  plan  of  these  three  forts,  with  the  map  of  the 
Iroquois  country 1  which  has  not  been  as  yet  seen,  after  having  given  some  particulars  of  those  people? 
who  thwart  us  so  long  a  time,  because  they  have  never  been  efficiently  attacked. 


OF  THE  IROQUOIS  COUNTRY  AND  THE  ROUTES  LEADING  THITHER. 

It  must  be  premised  that  the  Iroquois  are  composed  of  five  Nations,  of  which  the  nearest  to  the 
Dutch,  is  that  of  the  Mohawk  consisting  of  two  or  three  villages  containing  about  three  to  four  hun- 
dred men  capable  of  bearing  arms.  These  have  always  been  at  war  with  us,  though  they  sometimes 
pre  tended  to  sue  for  peace. 

1  For  the  Map  above  referred  to,  see  the  Vol.  of  Relations  in  the  State  Library. 


44 


FRENCH  EXPEDITIONS  AGAINST  THE  MOHAWKS. 


Proceeding  towards  the  West,  at  a  distance  of  forty-five  leagues,  is  found  the  second  Nation,  called 
Oneida,  which  has  no  more,  at  most,  than  one  hundred  and  forty  warriors,  and  has  never  wished  to 
listen  to  any  negotiations  tor  peace ;  on  the  contrary  it  has  always  embarrassed  atl'airs  when  they 
appeared  about  to  be  arranged. 

Fifteen  leagues  towards  sunset  is  Onnontagu<5,  which  has  full  three  hundred  men.  We  have  been 
formerly  received  there  as  friends  and  treated  as  enemies,  which  obliged  us  to  abandon  that  post, 
where  we  remained  two  years,  as  if  in  the  centre  of  all  the  Iroquois  Nations,  whence  we  proclaimed 
the  gospel  to  all  those  poor  people,  assisted  by  a  garrison  of  Frenchmen  sent  by  Monsieur  de  Lauzon, 
then  Governor  of  NeAV  France,  to  take  possession  of  those  countries  in  his  Majesty's  name. 

At  twenty  or  thirty  leagues  from  there  still  towards  the  West  is  the  village  of  Cayuga,  of  three 
hundred  warriors,  where  in  the  year  1657,  we  had  a  mission  which  formed  a  little  church  filled  with 
piety  in  the  midst  of  these  Barbarians. 

Towards  the  termination  of  the  Great  Lake,  called  Ontario,  is  located  the  most  numerous  of  the 
Five  Iroquois  Nations,  named  the  Senecas,  winch  contains  full  twelve  hundred  men  in  two  or  three 
villages  of  which  it  is  composed. 

These  last  two  nations  have  never  openly  made  war  on  us,  and  have  always  remained  neuter. 

All  that  extent  of  country  is  partly  south,  partly  west  of  the  French  settlements,  at  a  distance  of 
from  one  hundred  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues.  It  is  for  the  most  part  fertile,  covered  with  fine 
timber;  among  the  rest  entire  lbrests  of  chestnut  and  hickory  (noyer,)  intersected  by  numerous  lakes 
and  rivers  abounding  in  fish.  The  air  is  temperate  ;  the  seasons  regular  as  in  France,  capable  of 
bearing  all  the  fruits  of  Touraine  and  Provence.  The  snows  are  not  deep  nor  of  long  duration. 
The  three  winters  which  we  passed  there  among  the  Onnontagues,  were  mdd,  compared  with  the 
winters  at  Quebec  where  the  ground  is  covered  five  months  with  snow,  three,  four  and  five  feet  deep. 
As  we  inhabit  the  Northern  part  of  New  France  and  the  Iroquois  the  South,  it  is  not  surprising  that 
their  lands  arc  more  agreeable  and  more  capable  of  cultivation  and  of  bearing  better  fruit. 

There  are  two  principal  rivers  leading  to  the  Iroquois  ;  one  to  those  which  are  near  New  Nether- 
land  and  this  is  the  Richelieu  river  of  which  we  shall  speak  hereafter  ;  the  second  conducts  to  the 
other  Nations  more  distant  from  us,  always  ascending  our  great  river  St.  Lawrence  which  divides, 
above  Montreal,  as  if  into  two  branches,  whereof  one  goes  to  the  antient  country  of  the  Hurons,  the 
other  to  that  of  the  Iroquois. 

Tliis  is  one  of  the  most  important  rivers  that  can  be  seen,  whether  we  regard  its  beauty  or  its  con- 
venience ;  for  we  meet  there  almost  throughout,  a  vast  number  of  beautiful  Islands,  some  large 
others  small,  but  all  covered  with  fine  timber  and  full  of  deer,  bears,  wild  cows  which  supply  abun- 
dance of  provisions  necessary  for  the  travellers  who  find  it  every  where,  and  some  times  entire  herds 
of  lallow  deer.  The  banks  of  the  main  land  are  ordinarily  shaded  by  huge  oaks  and  other  lofty 
timber  covering  a  good  soil. 

Before  arriving  at  the  Great  Lake  Ontario,  two  others  are  traversed,  one  of  which  adjoins  the 
Island  of  Montreal,  the  other  is  amidway.  It  is  ten  leagues  long  by  six  wide.  It  is  terminated  by 
a  great  many  little  islands  very  pleasing  to  the  sight,  and  we  have  named  it  Lake  St.  Francis. 

But  what  renders  this  river  inconvenient  is  the  water  falls  and  rapids  which  extend  for  the  space 
of  forty  leagues,  to  wit  from  Montreal  to  the  entrance  of  Lake  Ontario,  there  being  only  the  two 
lakes  just  mentioned  of  easy  navigation.  To  surmount  these  torrents,  we  must  often  debark  from 
the  canoe  and  walk  in  the  river  whose  waters  are  sufficiently  low  in  these  quarters,  chiefly  towards 
the  banks.  We  take  the  canoe  in  lutnd  dragging  it  after  us.  Ordinarily  two  men  suffice,  one  for- 
ward at  the  bow,  the  other  behind  at  the  stern  ;  and  as  the  canoe  is  very  light,  being  made  merely 
of  the  bark  of  trees,  and  as  it  is  not  loaded,  it  glides  more  smoothly  over  the  water,  nor  meeting 
great  resistance.    Some  times  the  canoe  is  to  be  landed  and  carried  some  distance,  one  man  in  front, 


FRENCH  EXPEDITIONS  AGAINST  THE  MOHAWKS. 


45 


the  other  in  the  rear ;  the  first  carrying  one  end  of  the  canoe  on  the  right  shoulder,  the  second  carry- 
ing the  other  end  on  the  left.  It  becomes  necessary  to  do  this  either  on  meeting  cascades  and  entire 
rivers  which  fall  some  times  perpendicularly  from  a  prodigious  height  or  when  the  current  is  too 
rapid  ;  or  when  the  water  thereabout  being  too  deep,  we  cannot  walk,  dragging  the  canoe  along  by 
the  hand  ;  or  when  the  country  is  to  be  crossed  from  one  river  to  the  other. 

But  when  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Lake  is  reached,  the  navigation  is  easy,  when  the  waters  are 
tranquil,  becoming  insensibly  wider  at  first ;  then  about  two-thirds,  next  one  half  and  finally  out  of 
sight  (of  land) ;  especially  after  one  lias  passed  an  infinity  of  little  islands  which  are  at  the  entrance 
of  the  Lake,  in  such  great  number  and  in  such  a  variety  that  the  most  experienced  Iroquois  Pilots 
sometimes  lose  themselves  there,  and  experience  considerable  difficulty  in  distinguishing  the  course 
to  be  steered,  in  the  confusion  and  as  it  were  in  the  labyrinth  formed  by  the  islands,  which  otherwise 
have  nothing  agreeable  beyond  their  multitude.  For  these  are  only  huge  rocks  rising  out  the  water, 
covered  merely  by  moss,  or  a  few  spruce  or  other  stunted  wood  whose  roots  spring  from  the  clefts  of 
the  rocks  which  can  supply  no  other  aliment  or  moisture  to  these  barren  trees  than  what  the  rains 
furnish  them. 

After  leaving  this  melancholy  abode,  the  Lake,  is  discovered  appearing  like  unto  a  sea  without 
islands  or  bounds,  where  barks  and  ships  can  sail  in  all  safety ;  so  that  the  communication  would  be 
easy  between  all  the  French  colonies  that  could  be  established  on  the  borders  of  this  Great  Lake 
which  is  more  than  a  hundred  leagues  long  by  thirty  to  forty  wide. 

It  is  from  this  point  that  all  the  Iroquois  Nations  can  be  reached,  by  various  directions,  except  the 
Mohawks,  the  route  to  whom  is  by  the  River  Richelieu,  of  which  we  can  safely  say  two  words  since 
they  regard  it,  that  our  troops  have  already  constructed  the  three  forts  of  which  we  have  spoken. 

It  is  called  the  Richelieu  River  because  of  the  fort  of  the  same  name  which  was  erected  there  at  its 
mouth  at  the  commencement  of  the  wars ;  and  which  has  been  rebuilt  anew  to  secure  the  entrance 
of  that  river.  It  likewise  bears  the  name  of  the  River  of  the  Iroquois,  because  it  is  the  route  which 
leads  thither,  and  it  is  by  it  these  Barbarians  used  most  ordinarily  come  to  attack  us.  The  bed  of 
this  river  is  one  hundred  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  paces  wide  almost  throughout,  though  at  its  mouth 
it  is  somewhat  narrower :  its  borders  are  decorated  with  beautiful  pines  through  which  we  can  walk 
with  ease ;  as  in  fact  fifty  of  our  men  have  done  a  foot  by  land  nearly  twenty  leagues  of  the  way 
from  the  mouth  of  the  river  to  the  Sault,  which  is  so  called,  though  it  is  not  properly  a  waterfall  but 
only  an  impetuous  rapid  full  of  rocks,  that  arrest  its  course  and  render  the  navigation  almost  im- 
possible for  three  quarters  of  a  league.  In  time  however  its  passage  may  be  facilitated.  The 
remainder  of  the  river  has  from  the  beginning  a  very  fine  bottom ;  as  many  as  eight  islands  are  to 
be  met  with  before  arriving  at  the  basin,  which  is  at  the  foot  of  the  Sault.  This  basin  is  like  a  little 
lake,  a  league  and  a  half  in  circumference  and  six  to  eight  feet  deep,  where  fish  abounds  almost  at 
all  seasons. 

To  the  right  of  this  basin  in  going  up,  is  seen  Fort  Saint  Louis,  built  quite  recently  here,  which  is 
very  convenient  for  the  design  entertained  against  the  Iroquois,  since  its  position  renders  it  almost 
impregnable  and  causes  it  to  command  the  whole  river. 

After  passing  the  rapids  of  the  Sault  which  extend  three  leagues,  the  third  fort  is  visible  that 
terminates  all  these  rapids  :  for  the  river  afterwards  is  very  beautifid  and  quite  navigable  to  the  Lake 
called  Champlain,  at  the  extremities  of  which  we  enter  on  the  lands  of  the  Mohawk  Iroquois. 


46 


FRENCH  EXPEDITIONS  AGAINST  THE  MOHAWKS. 


OF  THE  WAR  AND  THE  TREATIES  OF  PEACE  OF  THE  FRENCH  WITH  THE  IROQUOIS. 

[  Relation,  &c,  es  annecs,  1665,  1666.  ] 

The  great  varieties  of  Nations  which  are  in  these  countries,  the  changeable  and  perfidious  dis- 
position of  the  Iroquois  and  the  barbarism  of  all  these  tribes  not  permitting  us  to  hope  for  any 
stable  peace  with  them  except  inasmuch  as  it  can  be  maintained  by  the  terror  of  the  king's 
arms,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  peace  succeeds  war  so  easily,  and  that  wars  terminate  so 
quickly  in  peace. 

The  ambassadors  of  five  different  Nations  were  seen  in  one  year  at  Quebec,  who  came  there 
to  solicit  peace;  yet  these  did  not  prevent  us  punishing  by  a  good  war  those  who  answered 
badly  by  their  conduct  the  promises  of  their  deputies. 

The  first  of  these  Ambassadors  who  came  from  the  Upper  Iroquois,  were  presented  to  M.  de 
Tracy  in  the  month  of  December  of  the  year  1065,  and  the  most  influential  among  them  w;i^  a 
famous  Captain,  called  Garacontie,  who  always  signalized  his  zeal  for  the  French,  and  employed 
the  credit  which  he  has  among  all  these  tribes,  in  extricating  our  prisoners  from  their  hands,  as 
he  has  liberated  very  recently  Sieur  Le  Moine,  an  inhabitant  of  Montreal,  who  had  been  cap- 
tured three  months  ago  by  these  Barbarians. 

M.  de  Tracy  having  notified  him  by  the  usual  presents  that  he  would  give  him  a  friendly  audience, 
he  pronounced  a  harangue  full  of  good  sense  and  an  eloquence  evincing  no  trace  of  the  barbarous. 
It  contained  nothing  but  courtesies  and  offers  of  friendship  and  service  on  the  part  of  all  his  tribe  ; 
wishes  for  a  new  Jesuit  Mission,  and  expressions  of  condolence  on  the  death  of  the  late  Father  Le 
Moine,  the  intelligence  of  which  he  had  just  received. 

#*##**#**## 

However  as  no  advantage  can  be  expected  from  these  Nations  except  in  so  far  as  we  appear  able 
to  injure  them,  preparations  were  made  for  a  military  expedition  against  those  with  whom  no  peace 
could  be  concluded.  Monsieur  de  Courcelles,who  commanded,  used  every  possible  diligence  so  that 
he  was  ready  to  start  on  the  9th  January  of  the  year  1666,  accompanied  by  M.  du  Gas,  wmoni  he 
took  for  his  Lieutenant ;  by  M.  de  Salamper,  Gentleman  Volunteer ;  by  Father  Pierre  Raffeix, 
Jesuit ;  by  300  men  of  the  Regiment  of  Carignan  Salieres  and  200  Volunteers,  habitans  of  the  French 
Colonies.  This  march  could  not  but  be  tedious,  every  one  having  snow  shoes  on  his  feet,  to  the  use 
of  which  none  were  accustomed,  and  all,  not  excepting  the  officers  nor  even  M.  de  Courcelles  him- 
self, being  loaded,  each  with  from  25  to  30  pounds  of  biscuit,  clothing  and  other  necessary  supplies. 

A  more  difficult  or  longer  inarch  than  that  of  this  little  army,  can  scarcely  be  met  witli  in  any 
history,  and  it  required  a  French  corn-age  and  the  perseverance  of  M.  de  Courcelles,  to  undertake  it. 
In  addition  to  the  embarrassment  caused  by  the  snow  shoes,  which  is  a  species  of  great  inconve- 
nience and  that  of  the  burthen  which  each  one  was  obliged  to  carry,  it  was  necessary  to  walk  three 
hundred  leagus  on  the  snow  :  cross  lakes  and  rivers  continually  on  the  ice  in  danger  of  making  as 
many  falls  as  steps  ;  sleep  only  on  the  snow  in  the  midst  of  the  forest  and  endure  a  cold  surpassing 
by  many  degrees  in  severity  that  of  the  most  rigorous  European  winters. 

Our  troops,  however,  having  gone  the  first  day  to  Sillery  to  recommend  the  success  of  their  enter- 
prize  to  St.  Michael  the  Archangel  the  patron  of  that  place  ;  many  had,  as  early  as  the  third  day, 
the  nose,  the  cars,  the  knees  and  the  fingers  or  other  parts  entirely  frozen  ami  the  remainder  of  the 
body  covered  with  cicatrixes,  and  some  others  wholly  overcome  and  benumbed  by  the  cold  would 
have  perished  in  the  snow,  had  they  not  been  carried,  though  with  considerable  difficulty,  to  the 
place  where  they  were  to  pass  the  night. 


FRENCH  EXPEDITIONS  AGAINST  THE  MOHAWKS. 


47 


Sieurs  De  la  Fouille,  Maximin  and  Lobiac,  Captains  in  the  Carignan  regiment,  having  joined  this 
little  army  on  the  24th  January,  each  with  20  soldiers  of  their  companies  and  some  habitans  of  the 
place  were  treated  by  the  cold,  on  the  day  following,  worse  than  any  had  previously  been,  and  many 
soldiers  were  obliged  to  be  brought  back,  of  whom  some  had  the  legs  cut  by  the  ice  and  others  the 
hands  or  the  arms  or  other  parts  of  the  body  altogether  frozen.  These  losses  were  repaired  by 
Sieurs  de  Chambly,  Petit  and  Rogemont,  Captains  of  the  same  regiment,  and  by  the  Sieurs  Mignardi, 
Lieutenant  of  the  Colonel's  company  which  was  Withdrawn  from  Forts  St.  Louis  and  St.  Therese, 
where  the  troops  rendezvoused  on  the  30th  of  the  same  month.  So  that  the  army  being  still  500 
men  strong  finally  arrived  on  the  14th  of  February,  with  the  same  difficulties  and  the  same  dangers, 
as  before,  in  the  enemy's  country,  at  20  leagues  distance  from  their  villages.  The  journey  yet  to  be 
travelled,  was  very  long  in  consequence  of  the  prodigious  depth  of  the  snow  and  the  delay  of  the 
Algonquin  guides,  in  whose  absence  unknown  routes  were  to  be  tried  and  continual  mistakes  ex- 
perienced. 

Finally  information  was  received  from  prisoners  who  were  taken  in  some  detached  cabins,  and 
from  the  Commandant  of  a  hamlet  inhabited  by  the  Dutch  of  New  Netherland,  that  the  greater  part 
of  the  Mohawks  and  Oneidas  having  gone  to  a  distance  to  make  war  against  other  tribes  called  the 
Wampum  Makers,  (les  faisetirs  de  porcelaine)  had  left  in  their  villages  only  the  cliildren  and  the 
helpless  old  men  ;  and  it  was  considered  useless  to  push  farther  forward  an  expedition  wliich  had  all 
the  effect  intended  by  the  terror  it  spread  among  all  the  tribes,  who  were  haughty  and  perfidious 
only  because  they  considered  themselves  inaccessible  to  our  troops.  Before  returning  however  we 
killed  several  savages  who  from  time  to  time  made  their  appearance  along  the  skirts  of  the  forest 
for  the  purpose  of  skirmishing  with  our  people.  Sieur  Aiguemorte  and  some  of  our  soldiers  were 
also  killed  pursuing  them. 

The  effects  of  the  terror  produced  by  his  Majesty's  arms  on  the  hearts  of  these  savages  were  appa- 
rent at  Quebec  in  the  month  of  May  following,  by  the  arrival  of  ambassadors  from  the  Senecas, 
{Smnontouaeronncnis)  who  demanded  the  King's  protection  for  their  nation  and  the  continuation  of 
peace,  which  they  pretended  they  never  violated  by  any  hostile  act.  M.  de  Tracy  had  already  re- 
fused 34  presents  that  they  had  tendered  him,  but  perceiving  that  it  affected  them  sensibly  and  that 
they  considered  it  the  greatest  insult  that  could  be  offered,  he  finally  accepted  their  wampum  belts, 
repeating  to  them  that  it  was  neither  their  presents  nor  their  goods  that  the  King  desired,  but  their 
true  happiness  and  salvation  ;  that  they  would  derive  all  sorts  of  advantages  from  their  confidence 
in  his  goodness  which  should  be  extended  to  the  other  Nations  also,  that  they  might  experience  its 
most  favorable  effects,  if  they  took  the  same  care  in  imploring  it  by  sending  their  ambassadors 
forthwith. 

These  were  soon  succeeded  by  those  of  other  tribes  ;  among  the  rest  by  those  from  the  Oneida 
and  even  by  those  from  the  Mohawk,  so  that  the  deputies  from  the  Five  Iroquois  Nations  were  almost 
at  the  same  time  at  Quebec  as  if  to  confirm  by  one  common  accord  a  durable  peace  with  France. 

In  order  the  better  to  accomplish  this  it  was  deemed  proper  to  send  some  Frenchmen  with  the 
Oneida  Ambassadors,  who  were  also  responsible  for  the  conduct  of  the  MohaAvks,  and  even  gave 
hostages  for  them.  The  Dutch  of  New  Netherland  had  likewise  written  in  their  behalf  and  went 
security  for  the  faithful  observance  by  all  those  Barbarians  of  the  articles  of  peace  entered  into  with 
them.  These  French  delegates  had  orders  to  inform  themselves  of  every  thing  carefully  on  the 
spot,  and  to  learn  if  it  were  safe  to  confide  again  on  the  Savages,  so  that  His  Majesty's  arms  should 
not  be  retarded  by  an  illusive  hope  of  peace. 

But  scarcely  were  the  Ambassadors  two  or  three  days  journey  from  Quebec,  when  news  came  of 
the  surprisal  by  the  Mohawks  of  some  Frenchmen  belonging  to  Fort  St.  Anne  who  had  gone  to  the 
chase,  and  of  the  murder  of  Sieur  de  Traversy,  Captain  in  the  Carignan  Regiment  and  Sieur  de 


48 


FRENCH  EXPEDITIONS  AGAINST  THE  MOHAWKS. 


Chusy,  and  that  some  volunteers  had  been  taken  prisoners.  The  French  delegates  were  at  once  re- 
called, and  the  Oneida  savages  who  remained  as  hostages  whose  heads  could  have  been  at  once  split 
by  axes  according  to  the  laws  of  war  in  tliis  country,  were  imprisoned.  But  without  having  recourse 
to  these  barbarous  laws,  means  were  adopted  to  derive  greater  advantage  from  this  treachery ;  and 
M.  de  Sorel,  Captain  in  the  Carignan  Regiment,  immediately  collected  a  party  of  three  hundred 
men,  whom  he  led  by  forced  marches  into  the  enemy's  country,  resolved  to  put  all,  every  where,  to 
the  sword.  But  when  only  20  leagues  distant  from  their  villages  he  encountered  new  Ambassadors 
bringing  back  the  Frenchmen  taken  near  Fort  St.  Anne,  and  who  were  coming  to  offer  every  satis- 
faction for  the  murder  of  those  who  were  slain  and  new  guarantees  for  peace,  so  that  this  Captain 
having  returned  with  his  troops,  there  was  no  more  talk  but  of  peace,  which  they  pretended  to  con- 
clude by  a  general  council  of  all  the  Tribes  who  had  at  the  time  delegates  at  Quebec. 

These  treaties  had  not,  however,  all  the  success  wdiich  was  expected  from  them,  and  M  de 
Tracy  concluded  that,  to  ensure  their  success,  it  was  necessary  to  render  the  Mohawks  by  force 
of  arms  more  tractable,  for  they  always  opposed  new  obstacles  to  the  publick  tranquillity.  He 
wished,  despite  his  advanced  age,  to  lead  in  person  against  these  Barbarians,  an  army  composed 
of  600  soldiers  drafted  from  all  the  companies,  of  six  hundred  habitans  of  the  country  and  one 
hundred  Huron  and  Algonquin  savages.  Through  the  exertions  of  M.  Talon,  all  the  prepara- 
tions lor  this  war  were  completed  by  the  14th  Septr,  the  day  fixed  on  for  departure,  being  that 
of  the  exaltation  and  triumph  of  the  Cross,  for  whose  glory  this  expedition  was  determined  on. 
The  general  rendezvous  was  fixed  for  the  28th  of  Sept.,  at  Fort  St.  Anne  recently  constructed 
by  Sieur  La  Mothe,  Captain  in  the  Carignan  Regiment,  on  an  Island  in  Lake  Champlain.  Some 
of  the  troops  not  being  able  to  come  up  in  sufficient  time,  M.  de  Tracy  would  not  proceed 
before  the  3d  of  October,  with  the  main  body  of  the  army.  But  M.  de  Courcelles  impelled  by 
his  characteristic  impatience  for  the  fight,  started  some  days  ahead  with  400  men,  and  Sieurs 
De  Chambly  and  Berthier,  commandants  of  the  Forts  St.  Louis  and  Assumption  were  left  to 
follow  M.  de  Tracy,  four  days  afterwards,  with  the  rear  guard.  As  it  was  necessary  to  march 
one  hundred  and  twenty  leagues  into  the  interior  to  find  the  enemy's  villages,  and  as  several 
large  lakes  and  many  considerable  rivers  were  to  be  crossed  before  arriving  there,  it  was  neces- 
sary to  be  provided  with  conveniences  for  land  and  water.  Vessels  requisite  lor  this  expedition 
had  been  prepared.  Three  hundred  were  ready ;  consisting  partly  of  very  light  batteaux,  and 
partly  of  bark  canoes,  each  of  which  carried  at  most  five  or  six  hundred  persons.  On  crossing 
a  river  or  lake,  each  was  obliged  to  take  charge  of  his  own  canoe  and  to  carry  the  batteaux  by 
main  strength.  This  caused  less  labor  than  two  small  pieces  of  artillery  winch  were  conveyed 
even  to  the  farthest  Iroquois  villages,  to  force  more  easily  all  the  fortifications. 

Notwithstanding  the  care  taken  to  accomplish  this  march  with  little  noise,  we  could  not  pre- 
vent some  Iroquois,  despatched  from  30  to  40  leagues  to  discover  our  troops,  seeing  from  the 
mountain  tops  this  little  naval  expedition,  and  running  to  warn  the  first  village  of  it ;  so  that 
the  alarm  spreading  afterwards  from  village  to  village,  our  troops  found  them  abandoned,  anch 
these  barbarians  were  only  seen  on  the  mountains  at  a  distance  uttering  great  cries  and  firing 
some  random  shots  at  our  soldiers. 

Our  army  halting  only  for  refreshment  at  all  these  villages,  which  were  found  void  of  men 
but  lull  of  grain  and  provisions,  expected  to  meet  with  a  vigorous  resistance  at  the  last  which 
we  prepared  to  attack  in  regular  form,  because  the  barbarians  evinced  by  the  great  firing  they 
made  there,  and  the  fortifications  they  had  erected,  every  disposition  for  a  desperate  defence. 
But  our  people  were  again  disappointed  in  their  hope;  for  scarcely  had  the  enemy  seen  the 
Vanguard  approach,  when  they  immediately  fled  to  the  woods  where  night  prevented  our  troops 
pursuing  them.     A  triple  palisade,  surrounding  their  stronghold,  twenty  feet  in  height  and 


FRENCH  EXPEDITIONS  AGAINST  THE  MOHAWKS. 


49 


flanked  by  four  bastions,  their  prodigious  quantities  of  provisions  and  the  abundant  supply  of 
water  they  had  provided  in  bark  tanks  to  extinguish  fire  when  necessary,  afforded  sufficient 
evidence  that  their  first  resolution  had  been  quite  different  from  that  which  the  terror  of  our 
arms  had  caused  them  so  suddenly  to  adopt.  A  few  persons  whom  their  advanced  age  had 
prevented  withdrawing  from  the  village  two  days  previously  with  all  the  women  and  children, 
and  the  remains  of  two  or  three  savages  of  another  tribe  whom  they  had  half  roasted  at  a  slow 
fire  with  their  accustomed  fury,  were  all  that  were  found.  After  having  planted  the  Cross  and 
celebrated  Mass  and  sung  the  Te  Deura  on  the  spot,  all  that  remained  was  to  fire  the  palisades 
and  cabins  and  to  destroy  all  the  stores  of  Indian  corn,  beans  and  other  produce  of  the  country 
found  there.  The  other  villages  were  again  visited  where  as  well  as  throughout  the  whole 
country,  the  same  devastation  was  committed ;  so  that  those  who  are  acquainted  with  the  mode 
of  living  of  these  barbarians  doubt  not  but  famine  will  cause  as  many  to  perish  as  would  have 
been  destroyed  by  the  arms  of  our  soldiery  had  they  dared  to  await  them,  and  that  those  who 
survive  will  be  reduced  by  terror  to  peaceful  conditions  and  to  a  demeanor  more  difficult  to  be 
obtained  from  them  by  mere  sanguinary  victories. 

The  return  route  of  our  troops  was  more  disagreeable  than  that  taken  in  going,  because  the 
rivers  being  swollen  some  seven  or  eight  feet  by  the  rains,  were  found  much  more  difficult  to 
cross,  and  a  storm  which  arose  on  Lake  Champlain  wrecked  two  canoes  with  eight  persons, 
amongst  whom  was  to  be  particularly  regretted  Sieur  de  Lugues,  Lieutenant  of  a  company,  who 
made  frequent  displays  of  his  valour  in  France  as  well  as  in  Canada. 

The  courage  of  our  troops  was  ever  wonderfully  excited  in  the  hardships  of  this  expedition 
and  in  the  face  of  danger,  by  the  examples  of  M.  de  Tracy,  M.  de  Courcelles  and  M.  de  Salliere, 
Quarter  Master  (Mestre  de  Camp)  of  the  regiment  and  of  Chevalier  de  Chaumont  who  desired 
always  on  approaching  the  villages  to  be  of  the  forlorn  hope ;  and  their  generosity  was  animated 
by  the  zeal  and  pious  sentiments  with  which  Messrs.  du  Bois  and  Cosson,  secular  Priests,  and 
Fathers  Albanel  and  Rafaix,  Jesuits,  endeavored  to  inspire  them. 

Our  excellent  Prelate  who  had  his  hands  ever  raised  to  Heaven  and  had  called  every  one  to 
prayers,  during  the  absence  of  our  troops,  caused  thanks  to  be  given  to  God  and  the  Te  Deum 
sung  on  their  return.  Every  body  here  has  conceived  renewed  hopes  in  consequence  of  the 
King's  goodness  towards  the  country  and  of  the  manner  in  which  the  West  India  Company,  to 
whom  his  Majesty  has  confided  it,  is  affected  towards  it.  So  that  we  doubt  not  but  we  shall 
very  soon  see  most  populous  towns  in  the  place  of  these  extensive  forests,  and  Jesus  Christ 
worshipped  in  all  these  vast  countries. 

END. 


[Vol.  I.] 


7 


50 


FRENCH  EXPEDITIONS  AGAINST  THE  MOHAWKS. 


A  RELATION  OF  THE  GOVERNO*  OF  CANNADA 

HIS  MARCH  WITH  600  VOLUNTEIRS  INTO  Ye  TERRITORYES  OF  HIS  ROYALL  HIGHNESSE  THE  DUKE  OF  YORKE 

IN  AMERICA. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  II.  ] 

Upon  the  29th  of  Xber  last,  Monsier  Coarsell  the  GoYernour  of  Canada,  in  NoYa  flfrancia  begun  his 
inarch  with  near  GOO  men,  to  seeke  out  their  inveterate  ennemves  called  the  Mahauke  Indians  in  their 
owne  country  and  forts,  there  to  take  reuenge  upon  them  for  the  seuerall  murthers  and  spoyles  which 
the  Barbarians  had  for  many  yeares  exercised  in  Cannada  upon  the  French,  and  the  Indians  of  those 
parts  even  to  the  ruine  of  most,  but  to  the  insufferable  discouragement  of  all  those  Inhabitants, 
who  being  taken  alive  were  usually  tortured  and  eaten,  or  burnt  by  the  Mauhaukes  ;  If  not  taken, 
yet  liv1  in  perpetual]  alarums  to  see  their  dwelling  houses  burnt,  their  Cattell  and  Come  destroyed. 
All  which  powerful!  arguments  furnish't  ye  french  with  heate  enough  to  march  over  the  ffrozen  lake 
of  Canada,  lying  in  the  60th  degree  of  northerne  latitude,  and  taking  their  tyme  that  the  snow  upon 
the  ground  was  hard  frozen  (though  in  most  places  4  foote  deep)  made  use  of  Indian  snow  shoes  wch 
hath  the  very  Ibrni  of  a  Rackett  tyed  to  each  foote,  whereby  ye  body  and  leet  are  kept  from  sinking 
into  the  snow,  and  because  it  was  not  possible  lor  horses  to  pass,  or  subsist  in  the  snow,  or  for  the 
soldiers  to  carry  their  necessary  provisions  on  their  backes,  and  had  lesse  expectation  to  meete  \\  lh 
any  reliefe  in  the  vaste  wilderness,  the  Governor  caused  slight  sledges  to  be  made  in  good  number, 
laying  provisions  upon  them,  drew  them  over  the  snow  with  mastive  doggs,  all  these  difficidtyes  put 
together  impeded  his  march,  and  by  the  mistake  of  his  guides  hapned  to  fall  short  of  the  castles  of 
the  Mauhaukes,  and  to  take  up  his  quarters  or  rather  incamp  upon  the  9th  of  February  within  2  mj  les 
of  a  small  village  called  Schonectade,  lying  w,h  in  the  woods  beyond  fort  Albany  in  ye  territoryes  of 
his  Koyall  highness,  and  3  dayss  march  from  the  first  castle  of  the  Mahaukes. 

The  French  suposed  they  were  then  come  to  their  designed  place,  and  the  rather  because  y1  even- 
ing they  did  rancounter  wth  a  party  of  the  Mohaukes  who  made  appearance  of  retreating  from  the 
French,  whereupon  a  party  of  60  of  their  best  Fuzileers  after  them,  but  that  small  party  drew  the 
French  into  an  ambuscade  of  neare  200  Mohaukes  planted  behind  trees,  (who  taking  their  advantage 
as  it  fell  into  their  hands,)  at  one  volley  slew  eleuen  French  men  whereof  one  was  a  Lieuten1.  wounded 
divers  others,  the  french  party  made  an  honorable  retreit  to  their  body,  wch  was  marching  after  them 
close  at  hand,wch  gave  the  Mohaukes  tyme  and  opportunity  to  marcli  cff  wa  the  loss  of  only  3  slaine 
upon  the  plaice  and  6  wounded,  the  report  whereof  was  soone  brought  to  Schonecktade  by  those 
Indians,  with  the  heads  of  -1  of  the  ffrench  to  the  Commissary  of  the  Village  who  immediately  des- 
patched the  newes  to  Fort  Albany,  from  whence  the  next  day  3  of  the  principle  inhabitants  were  sent 
to  Monsier  Course]]  the  Governor  of  Cannada  to  inquire  of  his  intention  to  bring  such  a  body  of 
armed  men  into  the  dominions  of  his  Matie  of  Great  Brittaine,  w,l,out  accquainting  the  Governor  of 
these  parts  wth  his  designes.  The  Governo1-  reply*  that  he  come  to  seeke  out  and  destroy  his  enne- 
myea  the  Mohaukes  without  intention  of  visiting  their  plantations,  or  else  to  molest  any  of  his  Mal"s 
subjects,  and  that  |  lie]  had  not  heard  of  the  reducing  those  parts  to  his  MatlCS  obedience,  but  desired 
that  bee  and  his  soldiers  might  bee  supplied  with  provisions  for  their  money,  and  that  his  wounded 
men  might  be  sucoured,  and  taken  care  for  in  Albany ;  To  all  which  the  Fmissaryes  freely  consented 
and  made  a  small  but  acceptable  present  of  wine  and  provisions  to  him,  further  offering  the  best 
accommodations  ye  poore  village  afforded,  wch  u as  civilly  refusM,  in  regard  there  was  not  accom- 
madaoon  for  his  Boldyers,  with  whom  he  had  marcht  and  campt  under  the  blew  canopye  of  the  heavens 
full  six  weekes,  but  bee  prudently  foresaw  a  greater  inconvenience  if  bee  had  brought  his  weary  and 


FRENCH  EXPEDITIONS  AGAINST  THE  MOHAWKS. 


51 


hull'  starv'd  people  within  the  smell  of  a  chimney  corner,  whom  hee  now  cold  keepe  from  stragling 
or  running  away,  not  knowing  whither  to  runn  for  feare  of  yc  Indians  ;  The  next  day  Monsieur 
Corsell  sent  his  men  to  the  village  where  they  were  carefully  drest  and  sent  to  Albany,  being  seaven 
in  number,  the  Dutch  bores  carryed  to  the  camp  such  provisions  as  they  had,  and  were  too  well 
payd  for  it ;  Especially  peaz  and  bread,  of  wch  a  good  quantity  was  brought ;  yu  Mohaukes  were  ;ill 
gone  to  their  Castles,  with  resolution  to  fight  it  out  against  the  french,  who  being  refresht  and  sup- 
ply ed  wth  the  aforesaid  provisions  made  a  shew  of  marching  towards  the  Mohaukes  Castles,  but  with 
faces  about  and  great  sylence  and  dilligence  return'd  towards  Cannada. 

Upon  the  12th  of  February,  whether  a  Panick  feare,  some  mutiny,  or  yc  probability  of  the  thawing 
of  the  lake,  caus'd  this  sudden  (wch  the  Indians  call  a  dishono  able  retreit)  I  cannot  learne,  but  surely 
so  bould  and  hardy  an  attempt  (circumstances  considered)  hath  not  hapned  in  any  age.  All  wch 
vanish!  like  false  fyer,  and  hath  given  new  courage  to  their  old  enemyes  ye  Mauhaukes  who  by  their 
spyes  hearing  of  ye  retreat  of  y°  French  pursued  them  back  to  the  Lake,  but  the  French  making 
more  speed  to  them  from  Canada,  the  Mohaukes  did  noe  considerable  prejudice  to  them,  onely  took 
3  one  of  wch  at  his  own  request  they  slew,  not  being  able  to  march,  the  other  they  kept  prisoners,  they 
found  5  others  dead  in  the  way  with  hunger  and  cold,  but  according  to  their  manner  brought  the 
crownes  of  their  heads  away,  those  who  observed  the  words  and  countenance  of  Monsieur  Coursell, 
saw  him  disturbed  in  minde  that  the  king  was  Master  of  these  parts  of  the  Country,  where  hee  ex- 
pected to  have  found  the  Dutch  interest  upermost,  saying  that  the  king  of  England  did  graspe  at  all 
America,  but  hee  did  not  beleive  to  see  the  Dutch  the  masters  ere  long  ;  he  enquired  what  garrison 
or  what  fort  was  at  Albany,  'twas  told  him  a  Captain  and  60  English  soldyers  with  9  peece  of  ordi- 
nance in  a  small  fort  of  foure  Bastions,  and  that  the  Cap1  thereof  Cap1  Baker  had  sent  for  20  men 
from  annother  garrison  of  the  Kings  at  the  Sopes,  who  probably  might  be  arrived  at  Albany  the  same 
hower,  thus  finding  his  men  tyr'd,  the  Mohaukes  resolute,  and  something  doubtfull,  without  tryall 
of  the  good  will  of  the  English  Garrison,  because  ye  reports  were  strong  that  the  French  King  and 
States  of  Holland  were  united  against  His  Matie  of  England,  Monsieur  Coursell  found  it  reasonable 
to  returne  home  nothing  effected,  the  2  prisoners  taken  by  the  Mohaukes  in  the  retreate  tell  them  yt 
this  summer  another  attempt  will  be  made  upon  their  country  with  a  greater  force  and  supplyes  of 
men,  the  truth  or  success  of  which  I  shall  not  now  discourse  upon,  having  given  ye  trew  relation  of 
what  past  from  ye  29th  December  to  the  12th  of  February. 


[  From  Paris  Doc.  I.  ] 

On  the  seventh  of  the  month  of  July  of  the  year  1666,  the  Iroquois  of  the  Oneida  Nation,  having 
learned  from  the  Mohawks,  their  neighbors  and  allies  and  by  the  Dutch  of  Fort  Orange  that  the 
troops  of  Louis  the  fourteenth  by  the  grace  of  God  Most  Christian  King  of  France  and  Navarre,  had 
in  the  month  of  February  of  the  said  year  carried  his  Majesty's  arms,  over  the  snow  and  ice  near 
unto  Fort  Orange  in  New  Netherland,  under  the  command  of  Messire  Daniel  de  Courcellc,  Lieutenant 
General  of  liis  armies,  pursuant  to  orders  which  they  received  front  Messire  Alexandre  de  Prouville 
knight,  Lord  de  Tracy,  member  of  his  Majesty's  councils  and  Lieut.  Genl.  of  his  armies,  both  in  the 
Islands  and  mainland  of  South  and  North  America,  as  well  by  sea  as  by  land,  to  fight  and  destroy  the 
Mohawks,  which  probably  they  woidd  have  accomplished,  had  not  the  mistake  of  their  guides  caused 
them  to  take  one  road  for  the  other,  came  down  to  Quebec  to  solicit  peace  as  well  in  their  own  name 
as  in  that  of  the  Mohawks  by  ten  of  their  Ambassadors,  by  name  Soenres,  Tsoenserouanne,  Gan- 


52 


FRENCH  EXPEDITIONS  AGAINST  THE  MOHAWKS. 


noukoueuioton,Asaregouenioton,Asai-egouaune,Tsendiagou,Achinnhara,Togoukouaras,Oskaraquets, 
Akouehen,  And  after  having  communicated  by  the  mouth  of  their  Orator  and  Chief  Soenres,  the 
object  of  their  Embassy  by  ten  talks  expressed  by  as  many  presents,  and  having  handed  to  us  the 
letters  from  the  officers  of  New  Netherland,  have  unanimously  requested,  acknowledging  the  force  of 
his  Majesty's  arms  and  their  weakness  and  the  condition  of  the  forts  advanced  towards  them,  and 
moreover  aware  that  the  three  upper  Iroquois  Nations  have  always  experienced  great  benefit  from 
the  protection  which  they  formerly  received  from  the  said  Lord  the  King,  that  his  Majesty  would  be 
pleased  to  extend  to  them  the  same  favour  by  granting  them  the  same  protection,  and  receiving  them 
among  the  number  of  his  true  subjects,  demanding  that  the  Treaties  formerly  made  as  well  by  the 
said  Nations  as  by  theirs,  have  the  same  force  and  validity  for  that  of  the  Mohawks,  who  have  re- 
quired of  us  to  solicit  this  with  great  importunity,  as  they  should  have  themselves  done  by  means  of 
their  Ambassadors  had  they  not  been  apprehensive  of  bad  treatment  at  our  hands,  ratifying  on  their 
part  all  the  said  treaties  in  all  their  points  and  articles,  which  have  been  read  to  them  in  the  Iroquois 
tongue  by  Joseph  Marie  Chaumont,  priest,  member  of  the  Society  of  Jesus ;  adding,  moreover,  to  all 
the  said  articles  what  the  protest  effecting  in  good  faith  what  they  offered  by  their  said  presents, 
especially  to  restore  all  the  Frenchmen,  Algonquins  and  Hurons  whom  they  hold  prisoners  among 
them  of  what  condition  and  quality  they  may  be,  and  as  long  as  any  are  detained  there,  even  on  the 
part  of  the  Mohawks,  to  send  families  from  among  them  to  serve,  like  those  of  other  nations  as  the 
most  strict  hostages  for  their  persons  and  dispositions  to  the  orders  of  those  who  shall  in  this 
Country  have  authority  from  the  said  Lord  the  King  whom  they  acknowledge  from  this  time  as  their 
Sovereign  ;  demanding  reciprocally  among  all  other  things  the  restoration  to  them  in  good  faith,  of 
all  those  of  their  Nation  who  are  prisoners  at  Quebec,  Montreal  and  Three  Rivers,  that  French  fam- 
ilies and  some  Black  gowns,  that  is  Jesuits  be  sent  them,  to  preach  the  gospel  to  them  and  to  make 
known  to  them  the  God  of  the  French  whom  they  promise  to  love  and  adore  ;  also  that  trade 
and  commerce  be  open  to  them  with  New  France,  by  the  Lake  du  Saint  Sacrcment,  (L.  George)  with 
the  assurance  on  their  part  that  they  will  provide  in  their  country,  a  sure  retreat  as  well  to  the  said 
families  as  to  the  trading  merchants,  not  only  by  preparing  cabins  to  lodge  them  in,  but  also  by  as- 
sisting to  erect  forts  to  shelter  them  from  their  common  enemies  the  Andastaeronnons  and  others. 
And  that  the  present  Treaty,  made  on  their  part  in  ratification  of  the  preceding,  may  be  stable  and 
known  unto  all,  they  have  signed  it  with  the  separate  and  distinctive  marks  of  their  Tribes,  after 
which  what  they  solicited  from  the  said  Lord  the  King  was  granted  to  them  in  his  name  by  Messire 
Alexandre  de  Prouville,  Knight,  Lord  de  Tracy  member  of  the  King's  Councils,  &c.  (as  above)  in 
the  presence  and  assisted  by  M.  Daniel  de  Remy  Siegneur  de  Courcelles,  King's  Councillor,  &c,  &c, 
and  of  M.  Jean  Talon  also  Councillor,  &c.  who  have  signed  with  the  said  Lord  de  Tracy ;  and  as 
Witnesses,  Francois  le  Mercier,  Priest,  Member  and  Superior  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  at  Quebec  and 
Joseph  Marie  Chaumont  likewise  Priest  and  Member  of  the  said  Society,  Interpreters  of  the  Iroquois 
and  Huron  languages.    Done  at  Quebec  the  12  July,  1G66. 


FRENCH  EXPEDITIONS  AGAINST  THE  MOHAWKS. 


53 


ACTE  OF  POSSESSION 

BY  SIEUR  DU  BOIS  IN  THE  NAME  OF  THE  KING  (OF  FRANCE)  OF  THE  FORTS  TAKEN  FROM  THE  IROQUOIS. 

In  the  year  1666,  the  17th  day  of  Octob.,  the  King's  troops  commanded  by  Messire  Alexander  de 
Prouville  Knight,  Lord  de  Tracy  Lieut.  General  of  His  Maties  Naval  armies  both  in  the  Islands  and 
Continent  of  South  and  North  America  as  well  by  sea  as  by  land,  aided  by  Messire  Daniel  de  Remy 
Knight,  Seigneur  de  Courcelles,  Governor  and  Lieut.  General  for  the  King  in  New  France,  being 
drawn  up  in  battle  array  before  the  Fort  of  Andaraque,  Jean  Baptiste  du  Bois  Esqrs  Sieur  de  Cocreau- 
mont  and  de  St.  Morice,  Commandant  of  the  Artillery  of  the  army,  presented  himself  at  the  head  of 
the  army  by  order  of  Mons.  Lord  de  Tracy  and  deputed  by  M.  Jean  Talon,  King's  CounciDor  in  his 
State  and  Privy  Councils,  Intendant  General  of  Justice,  Police  and  Finance  in  New  France,  for  the 
review  and  direction  of  the  Supplies  of  the  Troops,  who  declared  and  said  that  at  the  request  of 
Mons1-  Talon  he  took  possession  of  said  Fort  and  of'  all  the  lands  in  the  neighbourhood  as  far  and  in 
as  great  a  quantity  as  they  may  extend,  and  of  the  other  four  forts  which  have  been  conquered 
from  the  Iroquois  in  the  name  of  the  King,  and  in  token  thereof  hatli  planted  a  Cross  before  the 
doors  of  said  forts  and  near  this  hath  erected  a  post  and  to  these  hath  affixed  the  King's  arms,  of 
which  and  of  all  the  above  the  said  Sieur  du  Bois  has  required  acte  of  the  undersigned  Royal  Notary 
commanded  in  the  said  army  for  His  Majesty's  service.  Done  at  the  aforesaid  Fort  of  Andaraque 
the  day  and  year  above  written,  in  presence  of  Messire  Alexander  de  Chaumont,  Knight  Seigneur  of 
said  place,  Aid  de  Camp  of  his  Majesty's  armies,  and  of  Hector  d'Andigny,  Knight  of  Grande  Fon- 
taine, Captain  of  a  Company  of  Infantry  in  the  Cariguan  Regiment,  of  the  Nobleman  Antoine  de 
Contrecour  Capn  of  a  Company  of  Infantry  in  said  Regiment,  of  Francois  Masse  Sieur  de  Wally  Jean 
du  Gal  Esqls  Sieur  du  Fresne  Major  of  Canada,  Jean  Louis  Chevalier  du  Glas  Lieut  of  a  Company  of 
said  Regim1,  Rene  Louis  Chartier  Esqr,  Sieur  de  Lobinire  Lieutenant  of  a  Militia  Company  from  Que- 
bec, Dominique  le  Feure  Esqr,  Sieur  de  Quesquelin  Lieutenant  in  said  Regiment,  Witnesses  under- 
signed with  the  said  Seigneur  du  Bois  and  the  Notary.  Signed,  Chaumont,  le  Chevalier  de  Grand 
Fontain,  de  Contrecour,  du  Gal,  Wally,  Chevlier  du  Glas,  du  Guesclin,  Rene  Louis  Chartier,  Lobiniere, 
du  Bois  and  du  Guet  Royal  Notary. 


GOV.  NICOLLS  TO  CHEV.  TRACY,  AT  QUEBEC. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  II.  ] 

Monsieur, 

I  was  in  some  measure  surprized  in  february  last  with  the  newes  of  so  considerable  a  force  of 
for  reiners  under  the  command  of  Monsieur  de  Courcelle  so  farre  advanct  in  these  His  Matics  Domi- 
nions without  my  Knowledge  and  Consent,  or  the  least  notice  given  of  y  intentions  to  any  of  His 
Maties  Colonies  then  in  amity  with  the  French  Nation :  although  y*  proceedings  heerin  were  not 
conformable  to  the  practise  in  Europe,  yet  all  my  officers  both  Military  and  Civill  soon  resolu'd  to 
succor  and  relieve  your  Campe  with  such  meane  provisions  as  the  Country  affords  [and]  from  a  small 
village  could  bee  expected  and  as  they  have  in  all  former  times  been  very  affectionate  with  Christian 
Charity  to  ransome  or  by  any  other  meanes  to  convey  divers  French  prisoners  out  of  the  hands  of 
their  barbarous  Enemies  so  also  their  Intentions  towards  you  is  manifest  in  their  letter  of  the  20l»> 
March  last  wherein  their  purpose  was  to  give  you  a  speedy  notice  that  the  Maquaes  were  at  last 


$4 


FRENCH  EXPEDITIONS  AGAINST  THE  MOHAWKS. 


wrought  upon  to  treat  of  peace  if  you  on  your  parts  were  so  disposed,  but  it  seems  (by  a  sad  accident 
intervening,)  you  are  pleas'd  to  lay  a  greater  burden  upon  them  than  they  deserve  after  their  sincere 
affections  to  your  peace.  To  both  yr  Letters  directed  to  the  Captain  and  Commissaries  at  Albany 
themselves  will  return  answer  but  hearing  that  you  had  Emploied  Le  Sr  Couture  with  yr  Letters  I 
tooke  a  suddaine  Resolution  to  have  discourse  with  him  to  wch  purpose  I  came  hither  but  find  that 
he  is  returned  without  the  Knowledge  of  the  Capt.  or  Commissarie.  I  could  have  wislit  that  hee  bad 
staid  for  mee,  or  that  I  could  wait  his  coming  for  I  now  want  the  opportunity  of  enlarging  myself  to 
him  and  by  him  to  yselfe  with  how  much  Integrity  I  shall  constantly  attend  the  European  Interest 
amidst  the  heathen  in  America  as  becomes  a  good  Christain,  provided  that  the  bounds  and  limits  of 
these  His  Majesties  of  Englands  dominions  be  not  invaded  or  the  Peace  and  Safety  of  Ids  subjects 
interrupted,  In  all  other  points  I  shall  be  found  to  entertaine  yr  Correspondence  with  Mutuall  Civility 
and  respect  the  rather  because  the  Reputation  of  yr  honour  hath  spread  itself  in  all  these  parts  of 
the  world,  as  well  as  it  is  known  in  Europe,  whereof  I  can  beare  some  Testimony,  when  I  had  the 
honour  to  attend  my  master  his  R.  H.  the  Duke  of  York  and  Albany  a  few  yeares  in  the  french  army, 
and  now  that  I  serve  the  same  Master  in  his  interest  in  this  part  of  the  World,  I  should  count  my 
selfe  very  fortunate  in  an  opportunity  at  least  to  acknowledge  some  part  of  yr  great  civilities  to  my 
Master  and  all  his  Servants  in  their  low  estate  and  condition  of  Exile,  The  Memory  whereof  obligeth 
me  (a  reasonable  time  and  good  occasion  concurring)  to  give  you  certaine  proofe  with  how  much 
truth  I  am,  Sir, 

Yor  Most  afl>.  Servant 

Richard  Nicolls. 

20th  Aug :  St ;  Vet :  i 
In  fort  Albany  1U66.  $ 

A  Monsieur,  Monsieur  Le  Chevalier  et  Seigneur  de  Tracy  Lt.  Generall  Du  Roy  tres  Chrestien  dans  toute  L'Amerique. 

A  Quebec. 


M.  TALON  TO  M.  COLBERT,  13  Nov.  1666. 

[  Paris  Doc.  I.  J 

Monsieur  de  Tracy  and  Monsiem*  de  Courcelles  are  returned  from  their  Expedition,  the  Iroquois 
having  concluded  to  retreat  and  abandon  their  settlements.  The  said  M.  de  Tracy  could  do  nothing 
else  than  bum  their  forts  and  lay  waste  everything.  These  two  gentlemen  wdl  inform  you  of  what- 
ever occiuTed  tliroughout  their  march  which  occupied  fifty-three  days.  What  I  learn  from  public 
opinion  is  that  in  what  has  been  performed  nothing  has  been  left  undone,  and  that  the  King's  orders 
had  been  executed  and  his  expectations  entirely  realized  had  those  savages  stood  their  ground.  It 
would,  in  truth,  have  been  desirable  that  a  part  had  been  defeated  and  some  others  taken  prisoners. 

The  advanced  age  of  M.  de  Tracy  must  greatly  enhance  the  merit  of  the  service  he  has  rendered 
the  King,  by  assuming  in  a  broken  down  frame  such  as  his,  a  fatigue  of  which  no  correct  idea  can 
be  formed.  I  am  assured  that  throughout  the  whole  march  of  three  hundred  leagues,  including  the 
return,  he  suffered  himself  to  be  carried  only  during  two  days,  and  then  he  was  forced  to  do  so  by 
the  gout.  M.  de  Courcelles,  though  stronger  than  lie,  coidd  not  help  being  carried  in  like  manner, 
having  been  attacked  by  a  contraction  of  the  nerves.  Roth  in  truth  have  endured  all  the  fatigue  that 
human  nature  is  capable  of. 

M.  de  Tracy  incurred  some  expenses  on  his  march  for  the  conveyance  of  the  cannon  and  other 
extraordinary  services  rendered  the  troops,  which  I  wished  to  reimburse,  but  his  modesty  woidd  not 
sutler  it. 


FRENCH  EXPEDITIONS  AGAINST  THE  MOHAWKS. 


55 


M.  TRACY  TO  GOV.  NICOLLLS. 

[  London  Doc.  I.  ] 

Sir 

In  answer  to  yo1  letter  of  31.  August,  [  N.  S.]  I  shall  tell  you  that  Monsr  de  Courcelle  Governor 
General  of  this  Countrey,  signifying  to  mee  that  hee  had  a  desire  to  make  some  inroad  upon  the 
Maquas,  to  put  a  stopp  to  their  barbarous  Insolencies ;  I  gave  my  consent  to  further  the  design,  that 
hee  might  take  with  him  so  many  officers  and  souldiers  as  he  thought  fit,  either  of  Ids  Maties  Com- 
panyes,  or  those  of  ye  Countrey.  Whereupon  hee  advanced  within  fifteen  or  twenty  leagues  of  the 
villages  of  yc  Annies.  But  fortunately  for  them  his  guides  conducting  liim  a  wrong  way,  hee  did 
not  meete  with  them,  till  he  came  neare  the  village  which  you  name  in  yo1'  Letter,  neither  had  he 
known  there  was  any  of  them  there,  until  he  had  surprized  all  the  Indyans  that  were  in  two  small 
Hutts  at  some  distance  from  that  place.  This  truth  is  sufficiently  convincing,  to  justify  Monsr  de 
Courcelle,  that  hee  had  no  intention  to  infringe  the  Peace,  that  was  then  between  us,  for  that  hee 
thought  himself  in  the  Maquas  land.  The  Moderacon  which  hee  used  in  the  said  hutts  (although 
the  persons  under  his  command  were  driven  to  the  uttermost  extremity,  for  want  of  Provisions) 
hath  sufficiently  manifested  the  consideracons  wee  have  always  had  for  our  allyes  (for  until  then  wee 
had  no  intelligence,  that  New  Holland  was  under  any  other  Dominion  than  that  of  the  States  of  the 
United  Belgiek  Provinces)  and  understanding  that  hee  was  upon  the  Lands  belonging  to  the  Dutch, 
hee  tooke  great  care  to  hinder  his  companyes  from  falling  into  the  village,  by  which  means  alone 
the  Maquaes  that  were  there  saved  themselves. 

Hee  also  had  so  much  care  and  authority  as  to  hinder  the  souldiers  from  Killing  the  Poultry,  and 
taking  away  Provisions  that  were  in  the  said  hutts,  to  satisfy  their  hunger.  Thus  farr,  I  ought  to 
vindicate  the  truth  upon  tins  subject. 

The  ffrench  nation  is  too  much  inclined  to  acknowledge  curtesies,  not  to  confess  that  the  Dutch 
have  had  very  much  charity  for  the  ffrench,  who  have  been  Prisoners  with  the  Maquaes,  and  that 
they  have  redeemed  divers,  who  had  been  burnt  without  their  succour ;  They  ought  also  to  be  assured  of 
our  gratitude  towards  them,  and  to  any  others  who  shall  exercise  such  Christian  Deedes,  as  they 
have  done. 

I  am  also  persuaded  that  they  had  a  sincere  intention  for  the  conclusion  of  a  firme  peace  between 
us  and  the  Maques.  They  ought  in  like  manner  to  believe,  that  wee  have  always  expressly  forbid 
yc  Algonquins  to  make  warr  upon  or  kill  them. 

Since  the  Dutch  Gent,  did  send  you  ye  Lres  which  I  writt  unto  them,  you  have  knowne  the  can- 
dour of  my  thoughts,  and  the  confidence  which  I  had  in  their  ffriendship,  by  that  of  the  14th  July 
1C66  as  also  by  the  Request  I  made  to  the  Reverend  Father  Bechefer  (who  is  a  person  of  great  nieritt) 
accompanyed  with  three  considerable  persons,  to  transport  himself  upon  the  place,  to  conclude  a 
peace,  thereby  to  ease  them  of  the  trouble  of  coming  to  Quebec. 

Its  true  the  displeasure  I  received  by  the  death  of  some  Gent'men,  who  went  a  fowling  upon 
confidence,  of  that  article  wch  is  in  the  same  letter  those  Gent'men  sent  mee,  the  second  time,  dated 
the  2Gth  March  1666,  the  which  I  had  published  in  our  Garrison  [we  have  acquainted  the  Maquaes, 
that  they  are  to  forbear  all  acts  of  Hostility,  during  the  time  that  the  Messenger  shall  be  absent 
which  they  have  promised  to  observe]  did  give  mee  a  just  griefe,  and  a  great  deale  of  discontent,  It 
being  evident  that  those  Gent'men  had  not  put  themselves  upon  that  hazard,  without  the  assurance: 
wch  would  have  served  amongst  Europeans  as  well  as  the  most  authentick  Passeport  that  could  be 
had,  the  which  also  wee  had  caus'd  the  Algonquins  to  observe. 


56 


FRENCH  EXPEDITIONS  AGAINST  THE  MOHAWKS. 


Such  an  unexpected  misfortune  obliged  mee  to  chang  tlie  designe  I  had  of  adventuring  the  person 
of  the  reverend  Father  Bechefer,  and  the  rest  that  accompanied  him,  &  I  resolv'd  to  send  only  the 
Sieur  Cousture  (who  had  been  a  Prisoner  among  the  Maques)  with  a  letter  to  the  Dutch  Gent,  of 
the  22a  July  1066.  The  said  Cousture  having  no  other  employ  than  what  was  in  liis  Instruct1'  ]] 
which  hath  or  might  have  been  seene,  since  I  gave  him  leave  to  shew  it. 

I  had  never  the  thought  of  accusing  those  Dutch  Gent'men  either  directly  or  indirectly,  nor  any 
other  person,  of  holding  intelligence  with  the  Maques  in  so  foule  an  action  as  was  committed  by 
them  ;  But  writt  onely  to  oblige  them,  and  those  other  Gent'men  who  serve  under  yor  command  at 
Albany,  (for  we  were  then  in  peace,)  to  councell  the  Maques,  as  Neighbours,  to  deliver  up  into  our 
power,  the  actors  of  that  murder,  wch  was  a  satisfaction  that  with  reason  I  might  promise  myselfe 
on  that  occasion. 

My  L're  of  the  22d  July  to  those  Gent'men  at  Albany,  might  have  informed  you  what  the  Sr 
Cousture  was  ;  nor  it  had  not  beene  prudent  after  the  death  of  those  Gent'men,  to  hazard  a  person 
of  quality.  And  I  am  very  sorry  that  you  tooke  the  paines  to  leave  the  place  of  yr  usual  residence 
to  make  a  voyage  to  Albany,  to  have  discourse  with  an  ordinary  Messenger  who  had  nothing  of 
Trust  committed  to  him. 

The  intention  you  signify  to  have  of  Embracing  Allwayes  the  Interest  of  Europe,  against  the 
barbarous  Indyans  of  America,  is  very  commendable  and  befitting  a  person  of  your  Quality  and  a 
good  Cln-istian  :  That  Passion  which  you  likewise  expresse,  for  the  interest  of  his  Ma'y  of  Great 
Brittaine,  is  to  be  esteemed,  and  there  is  no  man  of  reason,  who  dotli  not  approve  yr  judgm1  therein, 
&  that  hath  not  the  like  for  his  Prince. 

I  returne  you  thanks  in  particular  for  those  obliging  termes  you  are  pleas'd  to  use  on  my  behalfe, 
as  also  for  the  assurances  you  give  mee  of  a  desire  to  hold  a  mutuall  Correspondence  of  civility  and 
respect  with  mee  to  ye  end  before  proposed  :  If  I  was  particularly  knowne  to  you  I  might  feare  you 
would  alter  your  opinion  of  mee,  for  that  Reputacon  doth  very  often  give  us  advantages  winch  wee 
do  not  deserve. 

I  had  the  honor  to  serve  the  King  in  Germany,  in  the  most  considerable  commands  of  his  Army, 
at  the  time  when  my  son  (that  was  hee  and  not  mee)  was  knowne  imto  you,  in  those  which  served 
in  lllanders,  where  he  commanded  His  MatieS  Cavalry  of  Strangers  :  Hee  had  a  very  particular  re- 
spect for  the  person,  and  for  the  great  meritt  of  his  Royal  Highness,  the  Duke  of  York,  who  seemed 
to  bee  well  pleased  with  his  respectful  carriage  towards  him  :  You  have  no  reasons  to  expect  lesse 
services  from  mee,  that  you  might  have  received  from  my  son,  upon  all  occasions  where  those  of  the 
King  will  permit  mee  to  render  them. 

It  cannot  bee  but  you  must  have  heard  from  divers  of  your  Nation  that  have  beene  in  the  Islands 
of  America,  how  I  have  done  them  courtesyes  with  passion,  and  with  as  much  civility  as  may  bee  ;  I 
have  cause  enough  to  complaine  that  the  same  hath  not  beene  practised  towards  me ;  ffur  that  a 
vessell  wliich  went  out  of  Boston,  tooke  in  the  Gulfe  of  St.  Laurence,  towards  the  latter  end  of  June, 
or  the  beginning  of  July  1665,  (near  upon  five  months  before  the  declaracon  of  the  warre)  a  barque 
of  between  25  and  30  tunnes,  weh  belonged  to  mee,  being  laden  with  a  good  quantity  of  strong 
Waters,  and  other  refreshments  which  come  from  France  :  But  as  I  know  no  other  interest  than  that 
of  the  service  of  his  Ma'y  who  bestowes  many  benefits  upon  mee,  I  shall  easily  forgett  that  losse, 
'till  the  conclusion  of  Peace,  you  may  also  believe  that  I  am  w°»  a  great  deale  of  esteeme, 

Sr    Your  thrice  affectionate 

and  humblfi  Sen1. 

Tracy. 

Quebec  f 
Ai>r.  30,  1667.  J 


IV. 

REPORTS 


ON 


%\\t  tyxQviutc  of  Ntto  Uork* 


OVbout  1609;  1G7S. 


[Vol.  t] 


GOV.  NICOLLS'  ANSWERS  TO  THE  SEVERALL  QUERIES 


RELATING  TO  THE  PLANTERS  IN  THE  TERRITORIES  OK  HIS  R.  HS  THE  DUKE  OF  YORKE  IN  AMERICA, 

[  Lond.  Doc.  II.  ] 

1st.  The  Governour  and  Councell  with  the  High  Sheriffe  and  the  Justices  of  the  Peace  in  the 
Court  of  the  Generall  assizes  haue  the  Supreame  Power  of  making,  altering,  and  abolishing  any 
Laws  in  this  Government.  The  Country  Sessions  are  held  by  Justices  upon  the  Bench,  Particular 
Town  Courts  by  a  Constable  and  Eight  Overseers.  The  City  Court  of  N.  Yorkc  by  a  Mayor  and 
Aldermen.    All  causes  tried  by  Juries. 

2«d.  The  Land  is  naturally  apt  to  produce  Come  &  Cattle  so  that  the  severall  proportions  or  divi- 
dents  of  Land  are  alwaies  allowed  with  respect  to  the  numbers  of  the  Planters,  what  they  are  able 
to  manage,  and  in  w*  time  to  accomplish  their  undertaking,  the  feed  of  Cattell  is  free  in  commonage 
to  all  Townships,  The  Lots  of  Meadow  or  Corne  Ground  are  peculiar  to  each  Planter. 

3rd.  The  Tenure  of  lands  is  derived  from  his  R.  H.s  who  gives  and  grants  lands  to  Planters  as 
their  freehold  forever,  they  paying  the  customary  rates  and  duties  with  others  towards  the  defraying 
of  publique  charges.  The  highes  Rent  or  acknowledgment  to  his  R.  H.s  will  bee  one  penny  pr  acre 
for  Lands  purchased  by  his  R.  H.s,  the  least  two  shillings  sixe  pence  for  each  hundred  acres,  whereof 
the  Planters  themselves  are  purchasers  from  the  Indyans. 

4.  The  Governour  gives  liberty  to  Planters  to  find  out  and  buy  lands  from  the  Indyans  where  it 
pleaseth  best  the  Planters,  but  the  seating  of  Towns  together  is  necessary  in  these  parts  of  America, 
especially  upon  the  Maine  Land. 

5.  Liberty  of  Conscience  is  graunted  and  assured  with  the  same  Provisoe  exprest  in  the  Querie. 

6.  Liberty  of  ffishing  and  fowling  is  free  to  all  by  the  Patent. 

7.  All  Causes  are  tried  by  Juries,  no  Lawes  contrary  to  the  Lawes  of  England.  Souldyers  onely 
are  tryable  by  a  Court  Marshall,  and  none  others  except  in  cases  of  suddaine  invasion,  mutiny  or 
rebellion  as  his  MatieS  Lieutenants  in  any  of  his  Countries  of  England  may  or  ought  to  exercise. 

8th.  As  to  this  point  there  is  no  taxe,  toledge,  Impost  or  Custonie  payable  upon  the  Planters  upon 
Corne  or  Cattle  :  the  Country  at  present  hath  little  other  product,  the  Rate  for  publicke  charges  was 
agreed  unto  in  a  generall  Assembly,  and  is  now  managed  by  the  Governour  his  Councell  and  the 
Justices  in  the  Court  of  Assizes  to  that  onely  behoofe. 

9th.  The  obtaining  all  thes  priviledges  is  long  since  recomended  to  his  R.  H.8  as  the  next  neces- 
sary encouragement  to  these  his  Territories,  whereof  a  good  answer  is  expected. 

10th.    Every  man  who  desires  to  trade  for  ft'urs  at  his  request  hath  liberty  so  to  doe. 


60 


REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


ANSWERS  OF  GOV.  ANDROS  TO  ENQUIRIES  ABOUT  NEW  YORK;  1678. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  III.  ] 

Answers  to  the  Inquiries  of  PlantacGns  for  New  Yorke. 

1.  The  Governo1"  is  to  have  a  Councill  not  exceeding  tenn,  wth  whose  advice  to  act  for  the  safety 
&  good  of  the  country,  k  in  every  towne,  village  or  parish  a  Petty  Court,  k  Courts  of  Sessions  in  the 
Severall  precints  being  three,  on  Long  Island,  &  Townes  of  New  Yorke,  Albany  k  Esopus,  k  some 
smale  or  poore  Islands  &  out  places ;  and  the  Generall  court  of  assizes  composed  of  the  Governo1'  k 
Councill  k  all  the  Justices  k  magistrates  att  New  York  once  a  yeare,  the  Petty  courts  Judge  of  five 
pounds,  k  then  may  appeale  to  Sessions,  they  to  twenty  poimds  k  then  may  appeale  to  assizes  to  y« 
King,  al  sd  courts  as  by  Law. 

2.  The  court  of  Admiralty  hath  been  by  speciall  comission  or  by  the  Court  of  Mayo*  &  Aldermen 
att  New  Yorke. 

3.  The  chiefe  Legislative  power  there  is  in  the  Governo1"  with  advice  of  the  Councell  the  executive 
power  Judgmts  given  by  ye  courts  is  in  the  sheriffs  k  other  civil  officers. 

4.  The  law  booke  in  force  was  made  by  the  Governor  k  Assembly  att  Hempsted  in  1665  k  since 
confirmed  by  his  Royal  Highnesse. 

5.  The  Militia  is  about  2000  of  wch  about  140  horse  in  three  troopes  the  foote  formed  into  com- 
panyes,  most  under  100  men  each  all  indifferently  armed  with  fire-armes  of  all  sizes,  ordered  k 
excersized  according  to  Law,  and  are  good  fire  men,  one  standing  company  of  Souldiers  with  gunners 
k  other  officers  for  the  fforts  of  New  York  k  Albany  alwayes  victualled  in  October  k  November  for 
a  yeare. 

6.  Forteresses  are  James  fforte  seated  upon  a  point  of  New  Yorke  towne  between  Hudson's  River 
&  ye  Sound,  its  a  scpuare  with  stone  walls,  foure  bastions  almost  regular,  and  in  it  46  gunnes  mounted 
k  stores  for  service  accordingly.  Albany  is  a  smale  long  stockadoed  forte  with  foure  bastions  in  it, 
12  gunns,  sufficient  ag1  Indians,  and  lately  a  wooden  redout  &  out  worke  at  Pemaquid  w,h  7  gunns, 
s'd  Garrisons  victualled  for  a  yeare,  wth  suff*  stores. 

7.  There  are  no  privateers  about  or  Coasts. 

8.  Our  Neighbours  westward  are  Mary  land  populous  and  strong  but  doe  not  live  in  townes,  their 
produce  tobacco,  Northwest  the  Maques  kc.  Indians  ye  most  warr  like  in  all  the  Northern  Parts  of 
America,  their  trade  beavers  k  furrs.  Northward  the  ffrench  of  Canada  trade  as  wee  with  our 
Indians ;  Eastward  Connecticut  in  a  good  condicon  k  populous,  their  produce  provisions  of  wheate, 
beefe  k  porke,  some  pease,  or  South  bounds  the  Sea. 

9.  Wee  keepe  good  Correspondence  with  all  or  neighbours  as  to  Civil],  legall  or  judiciall  proceed- 
ings, but  differ  with  Connecticut  for  or  bounds  k  mutual]  assistance  wch  they  nor  Massachusetts  will 
not  admitt. 

10.  Our  boundaries  are  South,  the  Sea,  West  Delaware  ;  North  to  yc  Lakes  or  ffrench  ;  East  Con- 
necticut river,  but  most  usurped  k  yett  possed  by  s'd  Connecticut  some  Islands  Eastward  k  a  tract 
beyond  Kennebeck  River  called  Pemaquid,  kc.  New  Yorke  is  in40d  35m;  Albany  ab*  43dj  theCol- 
lony  is  in  severall  long  narrow  stripes  of  wch  a  greate  parte  of  the  settlem1  made  by  adventurers  be- 
fore any  Regulac.'n  by  wch  Incroachm'8  without  pattents  wch  townes  have  lately  taken  but  by  reason 
of  continuall  warrs  noe  Survey  made  &  [qu.  of  the]  wildernesse,  noe  certaine  coniputacoii  can  be 
made  of  the  planted  and  implanted,  these  last  2  yeares  about  20,000  acres  taken  up  and  pattented 
for  particuler  persons  besides  Delaware,  most  of  the  land  taken  up  except  upon  Long  Island  is  im- 
proued  k  unlesse  the  bounds  of  the  Duke's  pattent  be  asserted  noe  great  quantities  att  hand  undis- 
posed. 


REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW- YORK. 


61 


11.  Our  principall  places  of  Trade  are  New  Yorke  and  South'ton  except  Albany  for  the  Indyans, 
our  buildings  most  wood,  some  lately  stone  &  brick,  good  country  houses  &  strong  of  their  severall 
kindes. 

12.  Wee  haue  about  24  townes,  villiages  or  parishes  in  Six  Precincts,  Divisions,  Rydeings,  or 
Courts  of  Sessions. 

13.  Wee  haue  severall  Rivers,  Harbours  and  Roades,  Hudson's  River  the  chiefest  &  is  ab*. 4  fathom 
water  att  coming  in  butt  six,tenn  or  more  within  &  very  good  soundings  &  anchorage  either  in  Hud- 
son's River  or  in  the  Sound,  the  usuall  roade  before  the  town  and  moulde. 

14.  Our  produce  is  land  provisions  of  all  sorts  as  of  wheate  exported  yearly  about  00000  bushellsj 
pease,  beefe,  pork,  &  some  Refuse  fish,  Tobacco,  beavers,  peltry  or  furrs  from  the  Indians,  Deale  & 
oake  timber,  plankes,  pipestaues,  lumber,  horses,  &  pitch  &  tarr  lately  begunn  to  be  made,  Comddityes 
imported  are  all  sorts  of  English  manufacture  for  Christians  &  blanketts,  Duffells  &c.  for  Indians 
about  50000lb  yearly,  Pemaquid  afords  merchantable  ffish  &  masts. 

15.  Wee  haue  noe  Experience  or  skill  of  Salt  Peter  to  be  had  in  Quantityes. 

16.  Our  Merchts  are  not  many  but  with  inhabitants  &  planters  about  2000,  able  to  beare  amies 
old  inhabitants  of  the  place  or  of  England,  Except  in  &  neere  New  Yorke  of  Dutch  Extraction  & 
some  few  of  all  nations,  but  few  Servts,  much  wanted  &  but  very  few  slaves. 

17.  Noe  persons  whateuer  are  to  come  from  any  place  but  according  to  act  off  Pari1  wth  the 
magistrates  and  officers  of  the  severall  townes  or  places  are  to  take  care  of,  accordingly  the  plantacon 
is  these  late  yeares  increased,  but  noe  Genrall  acc1  hath  been  taken  soe  is  not  knowne  how  much  nor 
what  persons.  Some  few  slaues  are  sometimes  brought  from  Barbadoes,  most  for  Provisions  and 
sould  att  abt  30lb  or  35">  Country  pay. 

18.  Ministers  have  been  soe  scarce  &  Religions  many  that  noe  acc1  cann  be  giuen  of  Children's 
births  or  christenings. 

19.  Scarcity  of  Ministers  and  Law  admitting  marriages  by  Justices,  noe  acc1  cann  be  giuen  of  the 
number  marryed. 

20.  Noe  acc1  cann  be  giuen  of  burialls,  formes  of  burialls  not  being  generally  obserued  &  lew 
ministers  till  very  lately. 

21.  A  merch1  worth  1000lb  or  500lb  is  accompted  a  good  substantial!  merchant  and  a  planter 
worthe  halfe  that  in  moveables  accompted  [rich?]  with  all  the  Estates  may  be  valued  at  about 
£150,000. 

23.  There  may  lately  haue  traded  to  yc  Collony  in  a  yeare  from  tenn  to  fifteen  shipps  or  vessells 
of  about  togeather  100  tunns  each,  English  new  England  and  our  owne  built  of  wch  5  small  shipps 
and  a  Ketch  now  belonging  to  New  Yorke  foure  of  them  built  there. 

23.  Obstruccons  to  Improuem1  of  planters,  trade,  Navigacon  and  mutuall  assistance  are  ye  dis- 
tinction of  Collonies  for  our  owne  produce,  as  if  different  nations  and  people,  though  next  neighbours 
upon  the  same  tract  of  land,  and  His  Maties  subjects,  we  obserueing  acts  of  trade  &  navigacon  &c. 

24.  Aduantages,  Incouragem1  &  Improuem4  of  Planters  trade  &  Navigacon  would  be  more  if 
next  neighbours  of  or  own  Nation  the  King's  subjects  on  the  same  tract  of  land  might  without  dis- 
tinction, supply  each  other  with  our  owne  produce,  punctually  obserueing  all  acts  of  parliam1  for 
Exportacon  &  would  dispose  all  persons  the  better  for  mutuall  assistance. 

25.  Rates  or  dutyes  upon  Goods  exported  are  2s  for  each  hhd  of  Tobacco  &  Is  3*1  on  a  beaver 
skin  &  other  peltry  proportionably,  Provisions  and  all  else  paye  nothing,  Goods  imported  payes  2  per 
cent  except  Liquors  particulerly  rated  something  more,  &  Indian  trade  goeing  up  the  river  payes  3 
per  cent,  there  are  some  few  quitt-rents,  as  also  Excise  or  license  monys  for  retaileing  stronge  drinke 
&  a  way  house  or  publique  Scale :  all  applyed  to  ye  Garrison  and  publique  charge,  to  which  it  hath  not 
hitherto  sufficed  by  a  greate  deale. 


62 


REPORT  ON   THE   PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


26.  There  are  Religions  of  all  sorts,  one  church  of  England,  Several  Presbiterians  &  Independents 
Quakers  S:  Anabaptists  of  Severall  sects,  some  Jews  but  presbiterians  &  Independts  most  numerous  &, 
Substantial!. 

27.  The  Duke  maintaines  a  chapline  woh  is  all  the  certaine  allowance  or  Church  of  England,  but 
peoples  free  gifts  to  }  •  Ministry,  and  all  places  oblidged  to  build  Churches  &,  provide  ibr  a  minister, 
in  wrh  most  very  wanting,  but  presbiterians  &  Independent^  desierous  to  have  and  maintaine  them 
if  to  be  had,  There  are  abl  20  Churches  or  Meeting  places  of  wth  aboue  halle  vacant  their  allowance 
like  to  be  from  40'b  to  70lb  a  yeare  and  a  house  and  garden.  Noe  Beggars  but  all  poore  cared  ffor. 
If  good  Ministers  could  be  had  to  goe  theither  might  doe  well  &  and  gaine  much  upon  those  people. 

Endorsed 

"Answers  of  inquiries  of  New- York 
Rec1  from  Sr  Edm.  Andros  on  the  16  th 
of  Ap.  1678." 

Note. — Chalmers  gives  in  his  annals  what  purport  to  be  copies  of  these  Reports,  but  they  will  be 
found  to  be  rather  abstracts  when  compared  with  the  official  MSS.  which  are  now  published  in  full, 
it  is  believed  for  the  first  time. 


PAPERS 

RELATING  TO 

ill.  i>c  la  Dam's  (BxpcMtion  ta  i)mtgri3 

JEFFERSON  COUNTY. 


EXTRACT  OF  THE  INSTRUCTIONS  GIVEN  BY  THE  KING  TO  M.  DE  LA  BARRE. 


[Parii  Doc.  Vol.  II.] 

Versailles,  10th  May,  1682. 

He  is  equally  informed  that  the  Savages  nearest  adjoining  to  the  French  Settlements  are  the  Al- 
gonquins  and  the  Iroquois,  that  the  latter  had  repeatedly  troubled  the  peace  and  tranquillity  of  the 
Colonies  of  New  France  until  His  Majesty  having  waged  a  severe  war  against  them,  they  were  finally 
constrained  to  submit  and  to  live  in  peace  and  quietness  without  making  any  incursions  on  the  lands 
inhabited  by  the  French.  But  as  these  restless  and  warlike  tribes  cannot  be  kept  down  except  by 
terror,  and  as  His  Majesty  has  even  been  informed  by  the  last  despatches,  that  the  Onnontagues  and 
Senecas — Iroquois  tribes — have  killed  a  Recollet  and  committed  many  other  violences  and  that  it  is 
to  be  feared  that  they  will  push  their  audacity  even  further ;  It  is  very  important  that  the  said  Sieur 
de  la  Barre  put  himself  in  a  condition  to  proceed  as  early  as  possible,  with  5  or  COO  of  the  militia 
most  favorably  situated  for  this  expedition  along  the  shores  of  Lake  Frontenac  at  the  mouth  of  Lake 
Conty,  to  exhibit  himself  to  these  Iroquois  Settlements  in  a  condition  to  restrain  them  within  their 
duty  and  even  to  attack  them  should  they  do  any  thing  against  the  French,  wherein  he  must  observe 
that  he  is  not  to  break  with  them  without  a  very  pressing  necessity  and  an  entire  certitude  to 
promptly  and  advantageously  finish  a  war  that  he  will  have  undertaken  against  them. 

He  must  not  only  apply  himself  to  prevent  the  violences  of  the  Iroquois  against  the  French.  He 
must  also  endeavor  to  keep  the  Savages  at  peace  among  themselves,  and  prevent  the  Iroquois  by  all 
means  making  war  on  the  Illinois  and  other  tribes,  neighbours  to  them,  being  very  certain  that  if 
these  Nations  whose  furs,  the  principal  trade  of  Canada,  are  destroyed,  should  see  themselves  secure 
against  the  violence  of  the  Iroquois  by  the  protection  they  would  receive  from  the  French,  they 
might  be  so  much  the  more  excited  to  wear  their  merchandizes  and  will  thereby  increase  trade. 


At  the  meeting  held  the  tenth  October  1682,  composed  of  M.  the  Governor,  M.  the  In- 
tendant,  M.  the  Bishop  of  Quebec,  M.  Dollier  Superior  of  the  Seminary  of  St.  Sulpice 
at  Montreal,  the  Rev.  Fathers  Beschefer  Superior,  D'Abl  on  and  Fremin,  Jesuits,  M.  the 
Major  of  the  City,  Messrs.  de  Yarenne  Governor  of  the  Three  Rivers,  de  Brussy,  Dali- 
bout,  Duguet,  Lemoine,  Ladurantais,  Bizard,  Chailly,  Vieuxpont,  Duluth,  de  Sorel, 
Derepentigny,  Berthier  and  Boucher. 


It  is  proposed  by  M.  the  Governor,  that  from  the  records  ^  which  M.Jthe  Count  de  Frontenac  was 
pleased  to  deposit  in  his  hands  of  what  had  passed  at  Montreal  on  the  12  Sept.  last,  between  him 
[Vol.  I.]  9 


66 


DE  LA  BARRELS  EXPEDITION  TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 


and  the  Deputy  of  the  Onontague  Iroquois,  it  is  easy  to  infer  that  these  people  are  inclined  to  follow 
the  object  of  their  enterprize,  which  is  to  destroy  all  the  Nations  in  alliance  with  us,  the  one  after  the 
other,  whilst  they  keep  us  in  uncertainty  and  with  folded  arms  ;  so  that,  after  having  deprived  us  of 
the  entire  fur  trade  which  they  wish  alone  to  carry  on  with  the  English  and  Dutch  established  at 
Manate  and  Orange,  they  may  attack  us  isolated,  and  ruin  the  Colony  in  obliging  it  to  contract  itself 
and  abandon  all  the  separate  settlements,  and  thus  arrest  the  cultivation  of  the  soil  which  cannot 
bear  grain  nor  be  cultivated  as  meadow  except  in  quarters  where  it  is  of  good  quality. 

As  he  is  not  informed  in  the  short  time  since  his  arrival  from  France,  of  the  state  of  these  tribes 
and  of  the  Colony,  he  requests  them  to  acquaint  him  with  all  they  know  of  these  things  in  order  that 
he  may  inform  his  Majesty  thereof,  and  represent  to  him  the  necessities  of  this  Colony,  for  the  pur- 
pose as  well  of  averting  this  war  as  for  terminating  and  finishing  it  advantageously  should  it  be 
necessary  to  wage  it ;  Whereupon  the  Meeting  after  being  informed  by  the  Revd  Jesuit  fathers  of 
what  had  passed  during  five  years  among  the  Iroquois  Nations,  whence  they  had  recently  arrived,  and 
by  M.  Dollier  of  what  occurred  for  some  years  at  Montreal,  remained  unanimously  and  all  of  one 
accord,  that  the  English  have  omitted  nothing  for  four  years  to  induce  the  Iroquois,  either  by  the 
great  number  of  presents  which  they  made  them  or  by  the  cheapness  with  which  they  gave  them 
provisions  and  especially  guns,  powder  and  lead,  to  declare  war  against  us,  and  which  the  Iroquois 
have  been  two  or  three  times  ready  to  undertake ;  But  having  reflected  that,  should  they  attack  us 
before  they  had  ruined  in  fact  the  allied  nations,  their  neighbours,  these  would  rally  and,  uniting 
together,  would  fall  on  them  and  destroy  their  villages  whilst  occupied  against  us,  they  judged  it 
wiser  to  defer  and  amuse  us  whilst  they  were  attacking  those  Nations,  and  having  commenced,  with 
that  view,  to  attack  the  Illinois  last  year,  they  had  so  great  an  advantage  over  them  that  besides  three 
or  four  hundred  killed,  they  took  nine  hundred  of  them  prisoners,  so  that  marching  this  year  with 
a  corps  of  twelve  hundred  men,  well  armed  and  good  warriors,  there  was  no  doubt  but  they  would 
exterminate  them  altogether  and  attack,  on  their  return,  the  Miamis  and  the  Kiskakous  and  by  their 
defeat  render] themselves  masters  of  Missilimackina  and  the  lakes  Heric  and  Huron,  the  Bay  des 
Puans  and  thereby  deprive  us  of  all  the  trade  drawn  from  that  country  by  destroying,  at  the  same 
time,  all  the  Christian  Missions  established  among  those  nations  ;  and  therefore  it  became  necessary 
to  make  a  last  effort  to  prevent  them  ruining  those  Nations  as  they  had  formerly  the  Algonquins,  the 
Andastez,  the  Loups  (Mohegans),  the  Abenaquis  and  others,  the  remains  of  whom  we  have  at  the 
settlements  of  Sillery,  Laurette,  Lake  Champlain  and  others  scattered  among  us.  That  to  accomplish 
that  object,  the  state  of  the  Colony  was  to  be  considered,  and  the  means  to  be  most  usefully  adopted 
against  the  enemy;  that  as  to  the  Colony  we  could  bring  together  a  thousand  good  men,  bearing  arms 
and  accustomed  to  manage  canoes  like  the  Iroquois,  but  when  drawn  from  their  settlements,  it  must 
be  considered  that  the  cultivation  of  the  soil  would  be  arrested  during  the  whole  period  of  their  ab- 
sence, and  that  it  is  necessary,  before  making  them  march,  to  have  supplies  of  provisions  necessary 
in  places  distant  from  the  settlements,  so  as  to  support  them  in  the  enemy's  country  a  time  sufficiently 
long  to  effectually  destroy  that  Nation,  and  to  act  no  more  by  them  as  had  been  done  seventeen  years 
ago,  making  them  partially  afraid  without  weakening  them.  That  we  have  advantages  now  which 
we  had  not  then  ;  the  French  accustomed  to  the  Woods,  acquainted  with  all  the  roads  through  them, 
and/he  road  to  Fort  Frontenac  open  to  tail  in  forty  hours  on  the  Senecas,  the  strongest  of  the  five 
Iroquois  Nations,  since  they  alone  can  furnish  fifteen  hundred  warriors,  well  armed  ;  that  there  must 
be  provisions  at  Fort  Frontenac,  three  or  four  vessels  to  load  them  and  embark  five  hundred  men 
on  Lake  Ontario,  whilst  five  hundred  others  would  go  in  Canoes  and  post  themselves  on  the  Seneca 
shore  ;  but  this  expedition  cannot  succeed  unless  by  His  Majesty's  aid  with  a  small  body  of  two  QJt 
three  hundred  soldiers  to  serve  as  a  garrison  lor  Forts  Frontenac  and  La  Galette,to  escort  provisions 
and  keep  the  head  of  the  country  guarded  and  furnished  whilst  the  interior  would  be  deprived  of  its 
good  soldiers  j  a  hundred  or  a  lnmdred  and  fifty  lured  men,  to  be  distributed  among  the  settlements 


DE  LA  BARRe's  EXPEDITION  TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 


67 


to  help  those  who  will  remain  at  home  to  cultivate  the  ground,  in  order  that  famine  may  not  get  into 
the  land  ;  and  funds  necessary  to  collect  supplies  and  build  two  or  three  barks,  without  which  and 
that  of  Sieur  de  Lasalle,  it  is  impossible  to  undertake  any  thing  of  utility  :  That  it  is  a  war  which  is 
not  to  be  commenced  to  be  left  imperfect,  because  knowing  each  other  better  than  seventeen  years 
ago,  if  it  were  to  be  undertaken  without  finishing  it  the  conservation  of  the  Colony  is  not  to  be  ex- 
pected, the  Iroquois  not  being  apt  to  return.  That  the  failure  of  all  aid  from  France  had  begun  to 
create  contempt  for  us  among  the  said  Iroquois,  who  believed  that  we  were  abandoned  by  the  great 
Onontio,  our  Master,  and  if  they  saw  us  assisted  by  him,  they  would,  probably,  change  their  minds 
and  let  our  allies  be  in  peace  and  consent  not  to  hunt  on  their  grounds,  or  bring  all  their  peltries  to 
the  French,  which  they  trade  at  present  with  the  English  at  Orange ;  and  thus  by  a  small  aid  from 
his  Majesty  we  could  prevent  war  and  subject  these  fierce  and  hot  spirits,  which  would  be  the  greatest 
advantage  that  could  be  procured  for  the  Country.  That  notwithstanding,  it  was  important  to  arm 
the  niilitia  and  in  this  year  of  abundant  harvest  to  oblige  them  to  furnish  guns  which  they  could  all 
advantageously  use  when  occasion  required. 

Done  in  the  house  of  the  Revd  Jesuit  Fathers  at  Quebec,  the  day  and  year  above  stated. 

Compared  with  the  original  remaining  in  my  hands. 

Le  Fe  Bure  De  Labarre. 


FATHER  LAMBERVILLE  TO  M.  DE  LA  BARRE. 

[  Paris  Doc.  II.  ] 

February  10,  1684. 

*  #  #  #  The  Governor  of  New  York  is  to  come,  they  say,  next  summer  to  the  Mohawk  and 
speak  there  to  the  Iroquois.  We'll  see  what  he'll  say.  He  has  sent  a  shabby  ship's  flag  to  the 
Mohawk  to  be  planted  there.  This  is  the  coat  of  arms  of  England.  This  flag  is  still  in  the  public 
chest  of  the  Mohawks.    I  know  not  when  it  will  see  day. 


M.  DE  LA  BARRE  TO  GOV.  DONGAN. 

Montreal  15th  June  1684. 

Sir — The  unexpected  attack  which  the  Iroquois,  Senecas  and  Cayugas  have  made  on  one  of  my 
forts  whither  I  had  sent  a  gentleman  of  my  household  to  withdraw  Sieur  de  la  Salle  therefrom,  whom 
I  sent  at  their  request  to  France,  and  the  wholesale  plunder  of  seven  French  canoes  laden  with 
merchandize  for  the  Trade,  and  the  detention  during  ten  days  of  14  Frenchmen  who  were  conducting 
them  up,  and  that  in  a  time  when  I  was  in  a  quiet  and  peaceable  negotiation  with  them,  oblige  me 
to  attack  them  as  people  from  whose  promises  we  have  nothing  to  expect  but  murder  and  treason ; 
but  I  did  not  wish  to  do  so  without  advising  you  of  it,  and  telling  you  at  the  same  time,  that  the 
Mohawks  and  Oneidas,  neighbours  of  Albany,  having  done  me  no  wrong,  I  intend  to  remain  at 
peace  with  them  and  not  attack  them. 

The  letters  which  I  have  recd  from  France  inform  me  as  does  that  which  you  were  pleased  to  honor 
me  with,  that  our  two  Kings  desire  that  we  should  live  in  Union  and  Fraternity  together.    I  shall 


G8  DE  LA  BARRIES  EXPEDITION  TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 

contribute  with  the  greatest  joy,  and  with  a  punctuality  with  which  you  will  be  satisfied.  I  think 
that  on  the  present  occasion  you  can  well  grant  me  the  request  I  make  to  forbid  those  at  Albany 
selling  any  Arms,  Powder  or  Lead  to  the  Iroquois  who  attacked  us  and  to  the  other  tribes  who  may 
trade  with  them. 

This  proceeding  alone  may  intimidate  them,  and  when  they  see  the  Christians  united  on  this 
subject  they  will  shew  them  more  respect  than  they  have  done  hitherto. 

If  you  have  any  cause  of  complaint  against  their  conduct,  you  can  advance  it  now,  &  I  shall 
consider  your  interests  as  those  of  my  master,  as  soon  as  I  shall  hear  from  you  I  will  answer  regarding 
what  you  may  require  from  my  ministry  in  a  manner  entirely  satisfactory  to  you,  esteeming  nothing 
in  the  world  more  highly  than  the  opportunity  to  testify  to  you  how  truly  I  am 

Sir 

Your  very  humble  serv1 
(Signed)  Le  Febure  de  la  Barre. 


GOV.  DONGAN  TO  M.  DE  LA  BARRE. 

[  N.  Y.  Council  Min.  V.  ] 

New  York  June  y  24»'  1684- 

Sr — YrS  dated  the  15ll»  I  received  the  23d  of  S.  V.  of  this  Instant;  &  am  very  sorry  that  I  did  not 
know  sooner  of  the  misunderstanding  between  you  and  the  Indians  that  so  I  might  (as  really  I  would) 
haue  vsed  all  just  measures  to  prevent  it 

those  Indians  are  under  this  Governm1  as  doth  appeare  by  his  R11  Highss  his  patent  from  his  Ma*y 
the  King  of  England  and  their  submitting  themselves  to  this  Goverm1  as  is  manifest  by  or  Records, 
his  R"  Highnesses  territories  reaching  as  far  as  the  River  of  Canada  and  yet  notwithstanding  the 
people  of  yr  Goverm'  Come  upon  the  great  lake  as  allso  on  this  side  of  both  lakes,  a  tiling  which  will 
scarcely  be  beleeved  in  England 

I  desire  you  to  hinder  them  from  so  doing ;  and  I  will  strictly  forbidde  the  people  of  this  Province 
to  go  on  your  side  of  the  lakes  this  I  haue  hinted  that  there  may  be  no  occasion,  as  there  shall  not 
undoubtedly  of  mine,  to  break  that  desirable  and  faire  Correspondence  between  the  two  Kings  our 
Masters  I  am  so  heartily  bent  to  promote  the  Quiet  k  tranquillity  of  this  Country  k  yours  that  I 
intend  forthwith  to  go  myselfe  to  Albany  on  purpose  ;  and  there  send  for  the  Indians,  k  require  of 
them  to  do  what  is  iust  in  order  to  a  satisfaction  to  yr  pretences ;  if  they  will  not  I  shall  not  uniustly 
protect  them,  but  do  for  yr  Governm1  all  that  can  be  reasonably  expected  from  me ;  k  in  the  mean 
time  to  continue  k  preserue  a  good  Amity  between  us  I  think  it  convenient  k  desire  that  no  Acts  of 
hostility  be  cdmitted,  such  differences  are  of  so  weighty  a  concerne  that  they  are  most  proper  to  be 
decided  at  home  and  not  by  us. 

I  do  assure  you  Sr  that  no  body  liueing  hath  a  greater  desire  that  there  should  be  a  strict  friendshipp 
betwixt  the  subjects  of  this  Goverm1  &  yours  then  I  haue  and  no  body  more  willing  upon  all  Occa- 
sions ivstly  to  approue  myselrTe  Sr 

Yr  humble  Serv' 

Tuo.  Dongan. 


DE  LA  BARRE's  EXPEDITION  TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 


69 


THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  V.  ] 

Tort  Albany,  July  1684. 

Sir — I  came  to  this  town  with  an  intention  to  sent  for  the  Senequaes  but  was  prevented  by  some  of 
their  Sachims  being  come  hither  expressly  to  meet  me. 

They  tell  me  that  your  Intentions  are  to  make  warr  against  them  and  they  believe  that  you  have 
already  entered  their  countrey  which  repport  I  can  scarcely  give  creditt  to,  after  my  last  letter  written 
to  you. 

You  cannot  be  ignorant  that  those  Indians  are  under  tliis  Goverm1  and  I  do  assure  you  they  have 
againe  voluntarily  given  up  both  themselves  and  their  lands  to  it,  and  in  their  application  which  they 
make  to  me,  do  offer,  that  if  they  have  done  anything  amisse  they  will  readily  give  all  reasonable 
satisfaction. 

Sr  I  should  be  very  sorry  to  hear  that  you  invade  the  Duke's  Territories,  after  so  just  and  honest 
an  offer,  and  my  promisse,  that  the  Indians  shall  punctually  perform  whatever  can  be  in  justice  re- 
quired for  all  these  injuries  which  you  complaine  they  have  committed. 

I  do  not  doubt  but  that  if  you  please,  this  affair  may  be  quietly  reconciled  between  you  and  the 
Indians,  if  not,  as  I  wrote  in  my  former,  wee  have  Masters  in  Europe  to  whom  we  should  properly 
referr. 

To  prevent  as  much  as  I  can  all  the  inconveniencyes  that  may  happen.  I  have  sent  the  bearer 
with  this  letter  and  have  ordered  the  Coates  of  Armes  of  His  Royal  Highnesse  the  Duke  of  York  to 
be  put  up  in  the  Indyan  Castles  which  may  diswade  you  from  acting  anything  that  may  create  a 
misunderstanding  between  us 

Sir 

I  am  with  all  respect 

Most  humble  &  affectionate 
Servant 

(Signed)  Tho  Dongan 


M.  DE  LA  BARRE  TO  GOV.  DONGAN. 

[  Paris  Doc.  II.;  Lond.  Doc.  V.  ] 

Camp  at  Lachine,  24  July  1684. 

Sir — I  was  much  astonished  by  the  receipt  of  your  two  letters  of  the  fifth  of  July,  New  Stile, 
seeing  one  in  French  written  by  you,  which  I  knew  came  from  you  as  from  friend  to  friend,  and  that 
written  in  English  which  I  knew  came  from  your  Council  and  not  from  people  disposed  to  maintain 
the  union  of  our  two  Kings. 

I  sent  Sieur  Bourbon  to  you  to  advise  you  of  the  vengeance  which  I  was  about  to  wreak  for  the 
insult  inflicted  on  the  Christian  name  by  the  Senecas  and  Cayugas,and  you  answer  me  about  preten- 
sions to  the  possessions  of  lands  of  which  neither  you  nor  I  are  judges,  but  our  two  Kings  who  have 
sent  us,  and  of  which  there  is  no  question  at  present,  having  no  thought  of  conquering  countries 
but  of  making  the  Christian  name  and  the  French  people  to  be  respected,  in  which  I  will  spill  the 
last  drop  of  my  blood. 


70 


DE  LA  BARRE's  EXPEDITION  TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 


I  have  great  esteem  for  your  person,  and  considerable  desire  to  preserve  the  honor  of  Ins  Brittan- 
nick  Majesty's  good  graces  as  well  as  those  of  my  Lord  the  Duke  of  York,  and  I  even  believe  that 
they  will  greatly  appreciate  my  chastisement  of  those  who  insult  you  and  capture  you  every  day  as 
they  have  done  this  winter  in  Merilande.  But  if  I  was  so  unfortunate  as  that  you  desired  to  protect 
robbers,  assassins  and  traitors,  I  could  not  distinguish  their  protector  from  themselves.  I  pray  you, 
then,  to  attach  faith  to  the  credit  which  I  give  Sieur  de  Salvaye  to  explain  everything  to  you ;  and, 
if  the  Senecas  and  Cayugas  wish  your  services  as  their  intecessor  to  take  security  from  them,  not  in 
the  Indian  but  in  the  European  fashion,  without  which  and  the  honor  of  hearing  from  you,  I  shall 
attack  them  towards  the  20th  of  the  month  of  August,  New  Stile. 

Sir 

Your  very  humble  Servant 

Le  Febure  de  la  Barre. 


[  Par.  Doo.  II.  ;  Lond.  Doc.  V.  ] 

INSTRUCTIONS 

WHICH  SIEUR  DE  LA  BARRE  KINg's  COUNCILLOR  IN  HIS  COUNCILS,  GOVERNOR  &  HIS  LIEUTENANTG  ENERAL 
IN  ALL  THE  COUNTRIES  OF  NEW  FRANCE  AND  ACADIA,  GIVES  TO  SIEUR  DE  SALVAYE  HIS  AMBASSADOR 
TO  COLONEL  DONGAN,  GOVERNOR  OF  NEW  YOBK,  TO  EXPLAIN  TO  HIM  THE  UNFAITHFULNESS  AND 
VIOLENCES  COMMITTED  BY  THE  SENECAS  AND  CAYUGAS  AGAINST  THE  FRENCH. 

He  is,  in  the  first  place,  to  make  known  to  him  the  quarter  where  the  pillage  of  the  seven  canoes 
was  perpetrated,  and  that  it  is  more  than  400  leagues  distant  from  here  and  an  equal  distance,  at 
least,  Southwest  from  Albany,  in  the  39ll»  or  40th  degree. 

That  the  place  has  been  occupied  over  25  years  by  the  French  who  there  established  Catholic 
Missions  of  the  Jesuit  Fathers,  and  traded  there  (on  fait  la  traittc)  since  that  time,  without  the 
English  having  ever  known,  or  spoken  of,  that  country. 

That  the  question  is  not  about  the  country  of  the  Iroquois,  nor  the  Eastern  shores  of  Lake  Erie. 

That  the  Iroquois  having  lived,  previous  to  the  arrival  of  M.  de  la  Barre,  with  little  consideration 
for  the  French,  he  was  desirous  to  speak  with  them,  to  see  if  they  were  friends  or  foes,  and  for  that 
purpose  they  were  all  assembled  at  Montreal  last  August  where  every  thing  was  arranged  on  a  friendly 
basis;  even  the  Senecas  and  Cayugas  had  demanded  the  said  Sieur  de  la  Barre  to  withdraw  Sieur  de 
la  Salle  from  the  government  of  Fort  St.  Louis,  in  Illinois;  which  he  caused  to  be  done  and  had  the 
said  Sieur  de  la  Salle  sent  to  France  in  the  month  of  last  November. 

That  notwithstanding  this,  and  all  the  protestations  they  had  made,  a  band  uf  200  warriors,  Senecas 
and  Cayugas  having  met  in  the  month  of  March  of  this  year,  seven  canoes  manned  by  14  French- 
men, with  fifteen  or  sixteen  thousand  pounds  of  Merchandize,  who  were  going  to  trade  with  the 
Scious,  towards  the  Southwest,  pillaged  them  and  took  them  prisoners,  without  any  resistance  from 
the  said  Frenchmen,  who  considered  them  as  friends,  and  after  having  detained  them  nine  days,  with 
thousands  of  taunts  and  insults,  released  them  without  having  given  them  either  arms  or  canoes  for 
provisions  and  to  cross  the  rivers.  After  which  the  said  Iroquois  went  and  attacked  Fort  St.  Louis, 
where  Sieur  Chevalier  de  Blangy  was  in  the  place  of  said  Sieur  de  la  Salle  who  had  been  withdrawn 
at  their  request.  Having  made  three  assaults  and  been  vigorously  repulsed,  they  withdrew  lrom 
before  the  said  Fort  the  29Ul  of  said  month  of  March. 


DE  LA  BARRE'S  EXPEDITION    TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 


71 


That  Sieur  de  la  Barre  having  seen  these  acts  of  hostility  committed  in  time  of  established  peace 
and  which  Teganeout  their  Ambassador  was  coming  to  him  to  confirm,  he  might  have  adopted  two 
courses,  one  to  detain  the  said  ambassador,  and  the  other  to  wage  war  against  them,  not  being  able 
to  endure  a  treachery  of  that  description  against  the  Christian  name  and  French  Nation. 

That,  things  being  in  this  condition,  he  could  not  believe  that  Colonel  Dongan  would  interfere 
therein  in  any  way,  if  it  were  not  to  unite  with  him  in  destroying  these  traitors  and  Infidels. 

That  the  Mohawks  and  Oneidas,  neighbours  of  Albany,  have  no  part  in  all  this  war,  and  that  he 
has  envoys  at  Onontague  to  see  if  they  will  take  a  part. 

That  his  troops  being  assembled  and  on  the  march,  he  cannot  postpone  attacking  the  Senecas  unless 
by  losing  the  campaign. 

That  in  despatches  dated  the  5th  of  August  last,  the  King  his  master  was  pleased  to  communicate 
to  him  the  information  which  he  had  received  from  the  King  of  England,  of  the  appointment  of 
Colonel  Dongan  as  Governor  of  New  York,  with  express  orders  to  maintain  good  understanding  and 
correspondence  with  said  Sieur  de  la  Barre,  who,  on  that  account,  could  have  no  idea  that  he  had 
any  intention  to  protect  a  treachery  and  injustice  similar  to  that  committed  by  villains  on  French- 
men. 

Done  at  the  Camp  of  Lachine  the  24th  July  1684. 

Signed,  Le  febure  de  la  Barre. 

And  lower  down  by  M.  Regnaut. 


GOV.  DONGAN  TO  M.  DE  LA  BARRE. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  V.  ] 

1 .  It  is  not  intended  that  I  will  justify  the  wrong  the  Indians  have  done  to  the  French  so  farr 
to  the  southwest  as  400  leagues  from  Mont  Royall  or  in  any  other  place  whatsoever,  though  in  all 
probability  if  we  were  to  dispute  these  countreys  so  farr  to  the  south  west  are  more  likely  to  be  ours 
than  the  French,  haveing  English  Colonies  much  nearer  them. 

2.  The  pretences  you  make  to  that  countrey  by  your  25  years  possession,  and  sending  Jesuits 
amongst  them  are  very  slender,  and  it  may  bee,  you  may  have  the  same  to  other  countries  as  for 
Jesuits  living  amongst  them,  how  charitable  soever  it  may  bee  it  gives  no  right  or  title,  and  it  is  a 
great  wonder  that  the  English  who  so  vrell  know  America  should  neither  hear  nor  see  in  a  long 
time  the  treaty  you  speak  of 

3.  But  if  the  matter  in  debate  bee  not  concerning  the  land  on  the  side  of  the  lake  of  Canida,  it 
is  desired  to  know  what  it  is  concerning  since  the  Indians  offer  to  give  satisfaction  for  what  injuries 
can  be  prooved  to  be  comitted  by  them  as  they  say  they  have  formerly  done  in  such  cases,  and  if 
they  do  not  I  never  promised  them  any  countenance  from  this  government. 

I  wonder  that  Monsr  de  la  Barr  should  send  for  any  Indians  who  ouned  themselves  under  this 
Government  to  know  whether  they  were  friends  or  ennemies,  since  this  Government  at  that  time 
and  at  this  present  hath  enjoyed  for  aught  I  know  a  full  and  perfect  peace  with  the  Government 
of  Canida ;  as  for  the  case  of  La  Salle  I  am  not  concerned  in  it  but  wonder  you  should  send  him  to 
France  upon  the  bare  complaint  of  the  Indians 

As  for  the  injuries,  affronts,  insolencyes  and  robberyes  committed  by  the  Indians  upon  the  French, 
I  have  earnestly  pressed  them  to  make  a  submission  and  satisfaction,  and  that  out  of  a  true  con- 
sideration of  the  misseryes  that  may  happen  by  having  a  warr  with  such  Savages. 


72 


DE  LA  BARRE's  EXPEDITION   TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 


I  could  heartily  wish  that  the  Sieur  de  la  Barre  had  sooner  given  me  notice  of  the  act  of  hostility 
before  he  had  detained  Taganeout  there  Ambassadour,  or  made  warr  against  them,  that  I  might 
have  used  all  just  methods  to  prevent  a  warr  that  may  be  destructive  to  either  party — 

That  the  Governor  of  Canida  does  very  well  in  believing  what  truly  he  ought  that  I  will  not 
interest  myselfe  in  any  manner  to  countenance  such  villanyes  and  if  I  did  not  think  there  was  a 
middle  way  to  compose  that  difference  myselfe,  I  would  be  willing  to  joyne  against  them 

I  am  glad  you  asured  me  that  the  neighbourghing  Indians  to  Albany  have  no  share  in  that  warr, 
but  I  am  sorry  the  troops  are  in  soe  great  forwardness,  that  if  my  former  advice  had  bin  taken,  there 
had  been  no  absolute  necessity  to  attaque  the  Indians  or  loose  the  campaigne. 

That  it  is  very  true,  I  ought  to  have  a  good  correspondence  with  the  Sieur  de  la  Barr,  and  it  is  not 
nor  ever  shall  be  my  fault  if  I  have  not,  and  I  againe  must  tell  you  that  I  have  no  thought  or  inch- 
nation  to  protect  any  villany  whatsoever. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  ADDRESSED  BY  LOUIS  XIV.  TO  MONSIEUR  DE  LA  BARRE,  THE 

21st  JULY,  1684. 

[Paris  Doc.  II.] 

Monsieur  De  la  barre 

I  have  seen  by  your  letters  of  the  5th  June  last,  the  resolution  you  have  taken  to  attack  the  Iro- 
quois, and  the  reasons  wliich  moved  you  to  it,  and  though  it  is  a  grave  misfortune  for  the  Colony  of 
New  France  which  will  interrupt  the  trade  of  my  subjects  and  divert  them  from  the  cultivation  of 
the  land  and  expose  them  to  frequent  insults  on  the  part  of  the  Iroquois  Savages,  who  can  frequently 
surprize  them  in  distant,  settlements,  without  your  being  even  in  a  state  to  succor  them  ;  I  do  not 
hesitate  to  approve  your  adoption  of  that  resolution  since,  by  the  insult  they  offered  the  fifteen 
Frenchmen  whom  they  pillaged,  and  the  attack  on  Fort  St.  Louis,  you  have  had  reason  to  believe 
that  they  seriously  intended  declaring  war,  and  as  I  wish  to  place  you  in  a  position  to  sustain  it,  and 
bring  it  to  a  speedy  termination,  I  have  given  orders  for  equipping  the  Ship  L/Emerillon,  on  board 
wliich  I  have  caused  to  be  embarked  three  hunched  soldiers  quartered  in  the  ports  of  Brest  and 
Rochefort  with  the  number  of  Officers  and  Marines  contained  in  the  lists  which  you  will  find  annexed, 
and  this  reinforcement  with  that  sent  to  you  by  the  last  vessels  Irom  Rochelle,  and  which  you  have 
learned  from  my  preceding  letters,  will  furnish  you  means  to  fight  advantageously,  and  to  destroy 
utterly  those  people,  or  at  least  to  place  them  in  a  state,  after  having  punished  them  for  their  inso- 
lence, to  receive  peace  on  the  conditions  which  you  will  impose  on  them. 

You  must  observe  as  regards  this  war  that  even  though  you  prosecute  it  with  advantage,  if  you  do 
not  find  means  to  wage  it  promptly,  it  will  not  the  less  cause  the  ruin  of  the  colony,  the  people  of 
which  cannot  subsist  in  the  continual  disquietude  of  being  attacked  by  the  Savages,  and  in  the  im- 
possibility in  wliich  they  find  themselves  of  applying  themselves  to  trade  and  the  cultivation  of  their 
farms.  Therefore  whatever  advantage  you  may  derive  for  the  glory  of  my  arms  and  the  entire 
destruction  of  the  Savages  by  the  continuation  of  this  war, you  ought  to  prefer  peace  which  restoring 
quietness  to  my  subjects  will  place  you  in  a  condition  to  increase  the  Colony  by  the  means  pointed 
out  to  you  in  my  preceding  letters. 

I  write  to  my  ambassador  in  England  to  procure  orders  from  the  Duke  of  York  to  prevent  liim 
who  commands  at  Baston  assisting  the  Savages  with  troops,  arms  or  ammunition,  and  I  have  reason 
to  believe  that  orders  will  be  despatched  as  soon  as  representations  on  my  part  will  have  been  made. 


DE  LA  BARRE's  EXPEDITION  TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 


73 


I  am  very  glad  to  tell  you  that  from  every  thing  I  learn  of  what  has  occurred  in  Canada,  the  fault 
which  you  committed  in  not  punctually  executing  my  orders  relative  to  the  number  of  twenty-five 
licenses  to  be  granted  to  my  subjects,  and  the  great  number  you  have  sent  on  all  sides,  in  order  to 
favor  persons  belonging  to  yourself,  appears  to  me  to  have  been  the  principal  cause  of  what  has  hap- 
pened on  the  part  of  the  Irocpuois.    I  hope  you  will  repair  this  fault  by  giving  a  prompt  and  glorious 

termination  to  this  war. 

###  *  #  *  #  *  *  *        ,  # 

It  appears  to  me  also  that  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  the  war  arises  from  one  Du  Lhut  having 
caused  two  Iroquois  to  be  killed  who  had  assassinated  two  Frenchmen  in  Lake  Superior,  and  you 
sufficiently  see  how  much  this  man's  voyage,  which  cannot  produce  any  advantage  to  the  Colony,  and 
which  was  permitted  only  in  the  interest  of  some  private  persons,  has  contributed  to  disturb  the  re- 
pose of  the  Colony. 

As  it  concerns  the  good  of  my  service  to  diminish  as  much  as  possible  the  number  of  the  Iroquois, 
and  as  these  Savages  who  are  stout  and  robust,  will,  moreover,  serve  with  advantage  in  my  galleys, 
I  wish  you  to  do  every  thing  in  your  power  to  make  a  great  number  of  them  prisoners  of  war,  and 

that  you  have  them  shipped  by  every  opportunity  which  will  offer  for  their  removal  to  France. 

*********** 

I  desire  likewise  that  you  leave  Fort  Frontenac  in  the  possession  of  Sieur  de  la  Salle  or  those  who 
are  there  for  him,  and  that  you  do  nothing  in  opposition  to  the  interest  of  that  man  whom  I  take 
under  my  special jprotection. 


MEMOIR  OF  M.  DE  LA  BARRE 

AS  TO  WHAT  HAD  OCCURRED  AND  HAD  BEEN  DONE  REGARDING  THE  WAR  AGAINST  THE  SENECAS. 

[Paris  Doc.  II.] 

Having  been  obliged  to  leave  early  in  June,  in  conformity  to  the  resolution  adopted  by  the  Inten- 
dant,  the  Bishop,  the  heads  of  the  country  and  myself,  to  wage  war  against  the  Senecas  for  having, 
in  cold  blood,  pillaged  seven  hundred  canoes  belonging  to  Frenchmen ;  arrested  and  detained  the 
latter  to  the  number  of  fourteen,  as  prisoners  for  nine  days,  and  finally  attacked  Fort.  St.  Louis  of 
the  Illinois,  where  the  Chevalier  de  Bangy  gallantly  defended  himself,  and  having  resolved,  at  the 
same  time,  to  seize  Teganeout,  one  of  their  chiefs  and  his  twelve  companions  who  had  come  to  ratify 
the  peace  made  last  year,  who  left  their  country  before  they  heard  of  this  attack,  which  circumstance 
would  oblige  me  not  to  treat  them  ill,  but  merely  to  secure  their  persons,  we  considered  three  things 
necessary :  First,  to  endeavour  to  divide  the  Iroquois  among  themselves,  and  for  this  purpose,  to 
send  persons  expressly  to  communicate  my  sentiments  to  the  Revd  Jesuit  Fathers  who  are  Missiona- 
ries there  and  to  request  them  to  act ;  the  second,  to  send  to  the  Outaouacs  to  engage  our  French  to 
come  to  my  assistance  by  the  South,  by  Lake  Erie  and  to  bring  as  many  as  they  could  of  the  Savages, 
our  allies ;  and  thirdly,  to  advise  Colonel  Dongan,  Governor  of  New  York  of  what  we  were  obliged 
to  do,  whilst  at  the  same  time  I  would  throw  a  considerable  reinforcement  of  men  into  Fort  Frontenac 
to  secure  it.  Being  arrived  at  Montreal  the  tenth  of  the  said  month,  we  sent  for  Mr.  Dollier,  Supe- 
rior of  the  Seminary  of  said  town  and  of  the  Mission  to  the  Indians  of  the  Mountain,  and  the 
Reverend  Pere  Briare,  Superior  of  the  Mission  of  the  Sault  Saint  Louis,  who  having  concurred  with 
us,  furnished  seven  Christian  Iroquois,  friendly  to  the  French  and  pretty  shrewd,  two  of  whom  we 

[Vol.  I.]  10 


74 


DE  LA  BAKRE'S  EXPEDITION  TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 


sent  with  some  Belts  of  Wampum  to  the  Mohawks,  and  two  to  the  Oneidas,  to  say  to  them  that  we 
were  resolved  to  observe  the  peace  made  with  them — that  we  were  very  willing  to  live  there  as  with 
friends,  and  that  we  requested  them  not  to  interfere  in  the  war  which  we  were  about  to  wage  against 
the  Senecas,  who  had  cruelty  insulted  us  in  the  person  of  the  frenchmen  whom  they  had  plundered 
and  seized,  and  fort  St.  Louis  which  they  had  attacked,  since,  and  in  violation  of  the  peace  made  last 
year  at  Montreal ;  we  sent  the  three  others  to  Onontague  to  explain  the  same  things,  and  finally  I 
despatched  Sieurs  Guillet  and  Hebert  to  the  Outaouacs  to  advise  Sieurs  Ladurantaye  and  Dulhut  of 
my  design  and  of  the  need  I  had  of  their  assistance,  and  sent  my  orders  to  the  Rev.  Father  Enjalran, 
Superior  of  said  Missions,  to  operate  there  and  send  orders  to  different  quarters  according  to  his 
usual  zeal  and  capacity,  whilst  I  despatched  Sieur  Bourbon  to  Orange  or  Manatte  to  notify  Colonel 
Dongan  of  the  insult  the  French  had  received  from  the  Senecas,  which  obliged  me  to  march  against 
them, of  which  I  gave  him  notice,  assuring  him  that  if  he  wished  to  revenge  the  twenty-six  English- 
men of  Merilande,  whom  they  had  lulled  last  winter,  I  would  promise  him  that  I  would  unite  my 
forces  to  his,  that  he  may  obtain  satisfaction  for  it,  or  avenge  them. 

I  next  despatched  Sieur  Dutast,  first  captain  of  the  King's  troops,  on  the  twentieth  of  the  same 
month  with  five  or  six  picked  soldiers  and  six  mechanics,  carpenters  and  masons,  with  provisions 
and  ammunition  of  war  to  throw  themselves  into  Fort  Frontenac  and  put  it,  in  all  haste,  beyond 
insult;  after  which,  having  caused  all  to  embark  at  la  Chine,  I  proceeded  from  Montreal,  on  St. 
John's  day,  to  return  to  Quebec  were  I  had  requested  the  Intendant  to  make  out  the  detachments  of 
Militia  which  should  follow  me  to  the  war,  without  inconvenience  to  the  Country ;  I  arrived  there 
on  the  twenty-sixth,  having  used  great  diligence  on  the  route,  and  found  the  people  ordered  and 
some  canoes  purchased ;  but  as  they  were  not  sufficient  for  the  embarcation  of  all,  we  caused  fifteen 
flat  (bottomed)  pine  batteaux,  suitable  for  the  conveyance,  each,  of  fourteen  or  fifteen  men,  to  be 
constructed  in  a  hurry. 

I  divided  all  my  small  force  into  three  divisions,  I  placed  myself  at  the  head  of  the  first  which  I 
commanded  to  lead  the  van.  I  left  the  management  of  the  second  to  Mr.  D'Orvilliers,  antient  Captain 
of  Infantry ;  the  third  being  composed  of  troops  from  the  Island  of  Montreal  and  the  environs,  was 
commanded  by  Sieur  Dugu6,  antient  Captain  of  Carignan.  Sieur  D'Orvilliers  had  been,  since  the 
lore  part  of  spring,  reconnoitering  Lake  Ontario  and  the  Seneca  Country,  to  see  where  the  descent 
should  be  made  and  in  what  direction  we  should  march  to  their  two  principal  villages,  of  which  he 
had  made  a  faithful  and  exact  plan.  I  selected  as  Major  of  the  Brigade  which  I  commanded,  Sieur 
de  Villebon-Beccancour,  formerly  Captain  of  the  King's  Dragoons,  so  that  acting  in  my  place,  as  I 
was  obliged  to  have  an  eye  to  all,  I  could  confide  in  him  ;  he  succeeded  with  all  possible  diligence 
and  experience. 

I  left  Quebec  the  ninth  of  July,  at  the  head  of  Three  hundred  militiamen,  accompanied  by  the  said 
Sieur  de  Villebon,  and  arrived  at  Montreal  the  16th,  where  I  was  joined  by  Sieur  D'Orvilliers  on  the 
twenty-first,  who  brought  me,  in  addition  to  two  hundred  and  fifty  militia,  batteaux  to  embark  the 
King's  troops.  Thus  after  having  issued  every  possible  order  for  the  conveyance  of  provisions,  in 
which  I  had  much  difficulty  in  consequence  of  the  scarcity  of  canoes  and  of  experienced  persons  to 
conduct  them  in  the  portages  of  the  Rapids,  I  detached  Sieur  de  Villebon  to  take  the  lead  with  my 
brigade,  and  the  two  companies  of  King's  troops,  and  ordered  them  to  pass  the  first  and  second 
portages,  where  I  should  join  them,  so  that  on  the  thirtieth  I  passed  their  encampment  beyond  the 
said  second  portage,  and  we  marched  next  day,  both  brigades  together,  Sieur  D'Orvilliers  bringing 
up  the  rear  with  the  third  one  day  behind  us,  so  that  being,  on  the  1st  of  August  in  Lake  St.  Francis 
with  about  two  hundred  canoes  and  our  fifteen  batteaux,  I  was  joined  there  by  the  Rev.  Father 
Lamberville,  Junior,  coming  on  behalf  of  his  Brother  from  Onontague,  and  by  the  Rev.  Father  Millet, 
from  the  Oneidas. 


DE  LA  BARRELS  EXPEDITION  TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 


75 


By  the  annexed  letters  from  Onontague,  you  will  learn  that  these  people  having  been  joined  by  the 
Oneidas  and  Cayugas,  had  obliged  the  Senecas  to  make  them  Mediators  as  to  the  reparation  suitable 
to  be  made  to  me  for  the  insult  which  had  unfortunately  been  committed  against  the  French  in  the 
month  of  March  ;  and  prayed  me  to  send  Mr',  le  Moine  to  them,  with  whom  they  could  terminate 
this  affair.  This  obliged  me  immediately  to  despatch  a  canoe  to  Fort  Frontenac  in  all  haste,  to  send 
me  from  there  the  new  bark  which  I  had  built  in  the  winter,  in  order  to  freight  her  with  the  provi- 
sions I  brought,  and  to  send  the  canoes  in  which  they  were  loaded  to  fetch  others  from  la  Chine. 

We  arrived  on  the  second,  at  the  Portage  of  the  Long  Sault,  which  I  found  very  difficult,  notwith- 
standing the  care  I  taken  to  send  fifty  men  ahead  thither,  to  cut  the  trees  on  the  bank  of  the  river 
and  prevented  those  passing  who  were  to  drag  the  canoes  and  batteaux  ;  because  the  stream  being 
voluminous  and  the  bank  precipitous  the  people  were  in  the  water  the  moment  they  abandoned  the 
shore,  and  were  not  strong  enough  to  draw  said  batteaux  ;  this  necessitated  my  sojourn  at  that  place, 
where  having  been  joined  by  the  Christian  Iroquois  of  the  Sault  and  of  Montreal,  they  undertook, 
tor  a  few  presents  of  Brandy  and  Tobacco,  to  pass  the  said  batteaux  and  the  largest  canoes,  which 
they  fortunately  accomplished  in  two  days  without  any  accident. 

On  the  morning  of  the  fifth  I  found  the  new  bark  arrived  at  La  Galette  where  I  had  all  the  provi- 
sions discharged  from  the  canoes  before  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  these  despatched  at  the  same 
time  on  their  return  to  la  Chine  to  reload  there.  The  strong  winds  from  the  South  West,  which 
constantly  prevailed  all  this  time,  and  which  obstinately  continued  during  the  remainder  of  the  month, 
were  the  cause  of  the  great  diligence  that  the  bark  had  made,  and  likewise  delayed  our  march  so 
much,  that  I  could  not  arrive,  at  the  fort,  with  my  canoes  alone  until  the  ninth.  I  was  joined  there 
by  Father  de  Lamberville  whom  I  despatched  next  day  to  his  brother  at  Onnontague  whom  I 
instructed  to  assure  those  of  that  Nation  that  I  had  so  much  respect  for  their  request  and  for  those 
of  the  other  two,  that  I  should  prefer  their  mediation  to  war,  provided  they  made  me  a  reasonable 
satisfaction. 

Three  things  obliged  me  to  adopt  this  resolution  :  the  first,  because  it  appeared  by  letters  I  had 
received  from  Colonel  Dongan,  in  answer  to  the  message  by  the  man  named  Bourbon,  that  he  was 
very  far  from  the  good  understanding  of  which  His  Majesty  had  assured  me ;  but  much  disposed  to 
interfere  as  our  enemy  in  this  matter.  The  second,  because  I  had  few  provisions,  and  I  did  not  see 
that  any  effort  was  made  to  forward  flour  to  me,  with  any  diligence,  from  Montreal ;  and  the  third, 
because  the  wind  prevailed  so  strong  from  the  South  east,  that  my  bark  did  not  return  from  La 
Galette,  and  I  could  not  despatch  another  to  Lake  Ontario,  to  notify  the  army  of  the  South,  which 
was  to  arrive  forthwith  at  Niagara,  of  my  arrival  at  Fort  Frontenac  with  that  of  the  North. 

I  afterwards  reviewed  all  our  troops,  as  annexed,  and  Sieur  le  Moine  having  overtaken  me  on  the 
same  day  with  the  remainder  of  the  Christian  Iroquois  who  had  not  previously  arrived,  I  despatched 
him  on  the  sixteenth  to  Onnontague  and  placed  in  his  hands,  Tegancourt,  the  ambassador  from  the 
Senecas,  whom  I  had  arrested  at  Quebec.  Seeing  the  wind  always  contrary  I  sent  on  the  preceding 
day,  eight  of  the  largest  canoes  that  I  had  to  the  bark  at  La  Galette  to  bring  me  ten  thousand  weight 
of  flour,  bread  beginning  to  fail  which  caused  me  a  good  deal  of  uneasiness  and  created  considerable 
murmurs  among  the  troops  and  the  militia.  Finally  on  the  21st  my  canoes  arrived  with  what  I  sent 
them  for.  I  set  to  work  immediately  with  all  possible  diligence  to  have  bread  and  biscuit  baked,  and 
sent  off  forthwith,  the  King's  troops,  D'Orvilliers'  and  Dugue's  two  brigades,  and  two  hundred 
Christian  savages  to  encamp  at  La  Famine  [Hungry  bay],  a  post  favorable  for  fishing  and  hunting 
and  four  leagues  from  Onontague,  so  as  to  be  nearer  the  enemy  and  to  be  able  to  refresh  our  troops 
by  fishing  and  the  chase,  whilst  we  were  short  of  provisions,  intending  to  join  them,  myself,  with 
about  three  hundred  Frenchmen  whom  I  had  remaining. 


70 


DE  LA  BARRE's    EXPEDITION  TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 


Ou  the  25th  the  canoes  which  I  had  detached  from  La  Galette  to  Montreal,  arrived,  but  in  far  less 
number  than  I  had  looked  for,  and  brought  me  but  eight  or  nine  thousand  weight  of  llour,  instead  of 
twenty  thousand  which  I  expected,  having  left  them  ready  for  loading  when  I  departed.  I  caused 
bread  and  biscuit  to  be  immediately  made  of  it  for  the  support  of  our  troops  who  were  at  the 
place  called  La  Famine. 

On  the  27th  at  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  a  canoe  of  M.  Lemoine's  men  arrived  from  Onnon- 
tague  with  Tegancourt  who  reported  to  me,  that  the  Onnontagues  had  received  orders  from  Col. 
Dongan  which  he  sent  by  the  person  named  Arnaud,  forbidding  them  to  enter  into  any  treaty  with 
me  without  his  express  permission,  considering  them  the  Duke  of  York's  subjects,  and  that  he  had 
caused  the  Arms  of  the  said  Duke  to  be  planted  three  days  before,  in  their  village ;  that  the  Council 
had  been  convened  at  the  said  place  of  Onontague  and  Sieur  Lemoine  invited  to  repair  thither,  in 
which  the  matter  having  been  debated,  these  savages  got  into  a  furious  rage,  with  some  danger  to  the 
English  delegate,  saying  they  were  free,  and  that  God,  who  had  created  the  Earth,  had  granted  them 
theirs  without  subjecting  them  to  any  person,  and  they  requested  the  elder  Father  Lamberville  to 
write  to  Colonel  Dongan  the  annexed  letter,  and  the  said  Sieur  Lemoine  having  well  sustained  the 
French  interests,  they  unanimously  resolved  to  start  in  two  days,  to  conclude  with  me  at  La  Famine. 
On  the  receipt  of  this  news  I  immediately  called  out  my  canoes  in  order  to  depart  and  was  accom- 
panied by  a  dozen  of  others,  having  caused  six  of  the  largest  to  be  loaded  with  bread  and  biscuit  for 
the  army. 

After  having  been  beaten  by  bad  weather  and  high  wind,  we  arrived  in  two  days  at  La  Famine. 
I  found  there  tertian  and  double  tertian  fever  which  broke  out  among  our  people  so  that  more  than 
one  hundred  and  fifty  men  were  attacked  by  it ;  I  had  also  left  some  of  them  at  the  fort,  which  caused 
me  to  despatch,  on  arriving,  a  Christian  savage  to  Onontague  to  M.  Lemoine,  to  request  him  to  cause 
the  instant  departure  of  those  who  were  to  come  to  meet  me,  which  he  did  with  so  much  diligence, 
though  he  and  his  children  were  sick,  that  he  arrived  as  early  as  the  third  of  September  with  four- 
teen Deputies  ;  nine  from  Onontague,  three  from  Oneida  and  two  Cayugas,  who  paid  me  their  respects 
and  whom  I  entertained  the  best  manner  I  was  able,  postponing  until  the  morrow  morning  the  talk 
about  business,  at  which  matters  were  fully  discussed  and  peace  concluded  after  six  hours  delibera- 
tion, three  in  the  morning  and  as  many  after  dinner,  Father  Brias  speaking  lor  us  and  Hotrehonati 
and  Garagonkier  for  the  Iroquois  ;  Tegancout,  a  Seneca  present,  the  other  Senecas  not  daring  to  come 
in  order  not  to  displease  Col.  Dongan,  who  sent  to  promise  them  a  reinforcement  of  four  hundred 
horse  and  four  hundred  foot,  if  we  attacked  them.  The  treaty  was  concluded  in  the  evening  on  the 
conditions  annexed,  and  I  promised  to  decamp  the  next  day  and  withdraw  my  troops  from  their 
vicinity  ;  which  I  was,  indeed,  obliged  to  do  by  the  number  of  sick  which  had  augmented  to  such  a 
degree  that  it  was  with  difficulty  J  found  enough  of  persons  in  health  to  remove  the  sick  to  the 
canoes,  besides  the  scarcity  of  provisions  having  no  more  than  the  trille  of  bread  which  I  brought 
them. 

I  allowed  the  Onontagues  to  light  the  Council  fire  at  this  post  without  extinguishing  that  at 
Montreal,  in  order  to  be  entitled  to  take  possession  of  it  by  their  consent  when  the  King  should 
desire  it  and  thereby  exclude  the  English  and  Col.  Dongan  from  their  pretensions. 

On  leaving  the  Fort  I  had  ordered  one  of  the  barks  to  go  to  Niagara  to  notify  the  arniy  of  the 
South  to  return  by  Lake  Erie  towards  Missilimakinack.  She  had  a  favorable  passage  ;  found  it 
arrived  only  six  hours  previously  to  the  number  of  seven  hundred  men,  viz  :  one  hundred  and  fifty 
French  and  the  remainder  Indians. 

I  departed  on  the  sixth,  having  had  all  the  sick  of  my  troops  embarked  before  day  (so  as  not  to  bf 
seen  by  the  Indians)  to  the  number  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  canoes  and  twelve  fiat  batteaux  and 
arrived  in  the  evening  of  the  same  day  at  Fort  Frontenac,  where  I  found  one  hundred  and  ten  men 


DE  LA  BARRE's  EXPEDITION  TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 


77 


of  the  number  I  had  left  there,  already  departed,  all  sick,  for  Montreal,  and  having  given  the 
necessary  orders  as  to  the  number  of  soldiers  to  be  left  there  for  the  security  of  that  post,  until  the 
arrival  from  France  of  Sieur  de  la  Forest,  Major  thereof,  I  started,  about  nine  or  ten  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  on  my  return.  Shortly  after  my  departure,  the  bark  arrived  from  Niagara  with  some 
French  officers  of  the  army  who  brought  me  news  from  it  at  night,  and  assured  me  that  the  Chiefs 
of  all  the  savages  had  accompanied  them  to  the  Fort,  desirous  to  see  me,  and  that  they  would  visit 
me  at  Montreal,  where  I  should  await  them.  The  Rev.  Father  de  Lamberville  Sen1-  came,  likewise, 
with  these  Gentlemen  on  account  of  some  difficulties  which  he  was  very  glad  to  arrange  for  Onon- 
tague  whither  he  returned.  We  worked  some  hours  together ;  I  then  sent  him  back  to  the  fort 
with  some  of  the  arrived  French  ;  the  others  being  desirous  to  leave  and  come  down  again  into  the 
country. 

After  having  waited  some  time  for  Messrs  du  Tast  and  de  Cahonet,  to  whom  I  gave  one  of  my 
canoes  and  two  of  my  attendants  well  acquainted  with  the  navigation,  to  pilot  their  batteaux  and 
troops  in  safety  through  the  rapids,  I  resumed  my  journey  down  the  river.  I  likewise  took  on  board 
one  of  my  canoes  the  Sieur  Le  Moine  whose  fever  had  seriously  augmented,  and  who  had  served  the 
King  in  this  alfair  with  so  much  zeal  and  affection,  aided  by  the  intimate  knowledge  he  had  of  the 
Iroquois  language,  that  it  may  be  said  the  entire  Colony  owe  him  a  debt  of  eternal  gratitude. 

Finally,  in  my  return  of  three  days  I  accomplished  what  cost  us  thirteen  in  ascending,  and  found 
in  the  stores  at  Montreal  and  la  Chine,  forty-five  thousand  weight  of  flour,  which,  had  we  received 
it,  would  have  enabled  us  to  have  made  a  longer  sojourn  in  the  upper  country. 

Done  at  Quebec  the  1"  day  of  October  1684. 

Le  Febure  de  la  bare. 


PRESENTS  MADE  BY  THE  ONNONTAGUES  TO  0N0NTI0,  AT  LA  FAMINE,  THE  5th  7ber  1684.* 

[  From  the  same.  ] 

The  Onnontagues,  whose  mediation  between  the  French  and  the  Senecas  the  General  accepted, 
having  repaired  to  a  place  called  La  Famine  about  25  leagues  from  their  country,  Sieur  Hateouati, 
who  is  the  Orator  of  that  Nation,  spoke  by  fifteen  presents,  not  only  on  behalf  of  the  Senecas,  but 
also  for  the  other  Iroquois  Nations. 

1st  Word  of  the  Iroquois.  After  having  taken  God  to  witness  the  sincerity  of  his  heart,  and  having 
assured  Onontio  of  the  truth  of  his  words,  he  spoke  in  this  wise  : 

I  give  you  a  Beverage  devoid  of  bitterness,  to  purify  whatever  inconvenience  you  may  have  expe- 
rienced during  the  voyage,  and  to  dispel  whatever  bad  air  you  may  have  breathed  between  Montreal 
and  this  place. 

Jlnswer  of  Onontio  to  the  words  of  Hoteouate  : — As  I  have  placed  in  your  hands  the  mediation  with 
the  Senecas,  I  wish,  truly  to  do  what  you  ask  me.  I,  therefore,  lay  down  my  Hatchet  and  refer  to 
you  to  obtain  a  reasonable  satisfaction. 

2d  Word.  I  remove  the  hatchet  with  which  you  threaten  to  strike  the  Senecas.  Remember  he 
is  your  child,  and  that  you  are  his  father. 

3d  Woi-d.  Mr.  Lemoine,  your  ordinary  envoy,  having  come  last  year,  and  speaking  to  us  in  your 
name,  cut  a  deep  ditch  into  which  he  told  us  you  and  we  should  cast  all  the  unkind  tilings  that 

•  Endorsed  by  the  Minister,  **  These  letters  must  be  kept  secret." 


78 


DE  LA  BARRE7S  EXPEDITION  TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 


might  occur ;  I  have  not  forgotten  this  word,  and  in  obedience  to  it,  I  request  you  to  throw  into  that 
ditch  the  Seneca  robbery,  and  that  it  may  disturb  neither  our  country  nor  yours. 

Jinswer.  That  ditch  is  well  cut,  but  as  your  young  men  have  no  sense,  and  as  they  may  make  this 
a  pretext  for  committing  acts  of  hostility  anew,  after  having  cast  the  Seneca  robbery  into  that  ditch, 
as  you  desire  ;  arrest,  then,  your  youug  men,  as  I  shall  restrain  mine.    I  cover  it  up  forever. 

4th  Word.  I  set  up  again  the  tree  of  peace,  which  we  planted  at  Montreal,  in  the  conference  we 
had  the  honor  to  have  with  you  last  summer. 

Jinswer.  It  is  not  I  who  tliink  of  throwing  it  down  :  it  is  your  nephews  who  have  seriously  shaken 
it.    I  strengthen  it. 

5th  Word.    I  exhort  you,  Father,  to  sustain  it  strongly,  in  order  that  nothing  may  shake  it. 

6th  Word.  I  again  tie  up  (je  rattache)  the  Sun  which  was  altogether  obscured  :  I  dispel  all  the 
clouds  and  mists  that  concealed  it  from  our  view. 

7th  Word.  The  robbery  committed  by  the  Senecas  on  your  nephews,  is  not  a  sufficient  motive  to 
make  war  against  them.  Where  has  blood  been  shed  1  I  promise  you  that  satisfaction  shall  be 
afforded  you  for  the  loss  the  French  have  experienced  by  the  pillage  of  their  merchandize. 

Jinswer  of  Onontio.  It  is  good  that  you  promise  me  satisfaction  :  deceive  me  not.  The  first  thing 
that  I  expect  of  you  is,  that  you  restore  me  the  two  prisoners  of  Etionnontate  who  are  with  the 
Seneca,  and  a  third  who  remains  at  Cayuga. 

8th  Word.  Onontio,  my  father,  I  feel  uneasy  and  cannot  pluck  up  courage,  whatever  kindnesses 
you  have  the  goodness  to  show  me.  What  disquiets  me,  is  to  behold  Soldiers,  hear  drums,  etc.  I 
pray  you  return  to  Quebec,  so  that  your  children  may  sleep  in  peace. 

Jinswer.  I  depart  to-morrow  and  quit  this  country,  to  show  you  what  deference  I  pay  to  your 
demands. 

9th  Word.  The  fires  of  peace  and  the  halls  of  our  Councils  were  at  Frontenac  or  at  Montreal. 
The  former  is  a  poor  country  where  the  Grasshoppers  prevent  me  sleeping,  and  the  second  is  far 
away  for  our  old  men.  I  kindle  the  fires  of  peace  on  this  spot,  which  is  the  most  agreable  that  we 
can  select,  where  there  is  good  fishing,  hunting,  &c. 

Jlnsioer.  I  accept  the  selection  you  have  made  of  this  place  for  our  conferences,  without,  however, 
extinguishing  the  fire  which  I  keep  burning  at  Montreal. 

10th  Word.  Our  warriors  have,  as  well  as  our  other  chiefs,  accepted  the  peace.  I  bear  their  words 
by  this  belt. 

Jinswer.  You  need  not  doubt  the  obedience  of  my  soldiers ;  endeavour  to  make  yourselves  obeyed 
by  your  own.  To  prove  to  you  that  I  maintain  uphold  the  tree  of  peace,  I  sent  to  Niagara  to  cause 
the  army  to  return  which  was  coming  from  that  direction. 

11*1"  Word.  You  told  us,  last  summer,  to  strike  the  enemy  no  more.  We  heard  your  voice.  We 
shall  not  go  to  war  again  in  that  quarter. 

Jinswer.  Remember  that  the  Maskoutenek  is  brother  to  the  Oumeami.  Therefore  strike  neither 
the  one  nor  the  other. 

12ih  Word.  He  has  killed  some,  this  spring,  in  divers  rencounters,  but  as  you  bound  my  arms  I 
allowed  myself  to  be  beaten,  without  defending  myself. 

Answer.  That's  good ;  you  need  not  pursue  the  Oumeami  who  struck  you  j  I  shall  send  him  word 
not  to  commit  any  more  acts  of  hostility. 

13th  Word.    Regarding  the  Illinois,  I  am  at  war  with  him  ;  we  shall,  both  of  us,  die  fighting. 

Jinswer.  Take  heed,  in  firing  at  the  Illinois,  not  to  strike  the  French  whom  you  meet  on  your 
path  and  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Fort  St.  Louis. 

14th  Word.    Restore  to  us  the  Missionaries  whom  you  have  withdrawn  from  our  villages. 

Jinswer.  They  shall  not  be  taken  from  you  who  are  our  mediators ;  and  when  the  Senecas  shall 
have  commenced  to  give  me  satisfaction, they  shall  be  restored  to  them  as  well  as  to  the  other  nations. 


DE  LA  BARRE'S  EXPEDITION  TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 


79 


1 5th  and  last  Word.  Prevent  the  Christians  of  the  Sault  and  of  the  Mountain  coming  any  more 
among  us,  to  seduce  our  people  to  Montreal ;  let  them  cease  to  dismember  our  country  as  they  do 
every  year. 

Answer.  It  is  not  my  children  of  the  Sault  nor  of  the  Mountain  who  dismember  your  country ; 
it  is  yourselves  who  dismember  it  by  your  drunkenness  and  superstitions.  Besides,  there  is  full 
liberty  to  come  and  reside  among  us ;  no  person  is  retained  by  force. 

The  General  added  two  presents  to  the  above. 

By  the  first  he  said :  You  see  the  consideration  which  I  have  for  the  request  you  have  made  me. 
I  ask  you  in  return,  if  the  Seneca,  Cayuga  or  any  other  commit  a  similar  insult  against  me,  that  you 
first  give  him  some  sense,  and  if  he  will  not  hear  you,  that  you  abandon  him  as  one  disaffected. 

By  the  last  belt,  he  exhorted  them  to  listen  not  to  evil  sayings,  and  told  them  to  conduct  Tegan- 
nehout  back  to  Seneca  and  to  inform  these  of  the  above  conclusions. 


M.  DE  MEULLES  TO  THE  MINISTER. 

[From  the  same.] 

My  Lord — I  thought  you  would  be  impatient  to  learn  the  success  and  result  of  the  war  the  General 
had  undertaken  against  the  Iroquois  which  rendered  it  necessary  for  him  to  call  a  part  of  the  people 
of  this  country  together  and  make  all  necessary  preparation,  at  his  Majesty's  expense,  for  this  expe- 
dition. The  troops  have  been  as  far  as  a  place  called  La  Famine,  thirty  leagues  beyond  Fort  Fron- 
tenac.  The  army  consisted  of  nine  hundred  French  and  three  hundred  Savages,  and  from  the 
Niagara  side  there  was  another  army  of  six  hundred  men,  one  third  of  whom  were  French  and  the 
remainder  Ottawas  and  Hurons,  amounting  in  all  to  eighteen  hundred  men. 

What  Indians  there  were  evinced  the  best  disposition  to  fight  the  Iroquois  to  the  death.  Sieur  de 
la  Durantaye  who  brought  the  last  six  hundred  men  from  Missilimakinak,  lias  informed  us  that  lie 
learned  from  a  Miami  Chief  that  more  than  a  thousand  Illinois  were  coming  to  our  aid  on  learning 
that  we  were  about  to  fight  the  Iroquois,  to  such  a  degree  are  they  their  irreconcileable  enemies. 
Certainly,  never  was  there  remarked  a  better  disposition  to  fight  and  conquer  them  and  purge  the 
country  of  that  nation  which  will  be  eternally  our  enemy.  All  the  French  breathed  nothing  but 
war,  and  though  they  saw  themselves  obliged  to  abandon  their  families,  they  consoled  themselves 
with  the  hope  of  liberating  them  by  one  victory  from  a  nation  so  odious  as  the  Iroquois,  at  whose 
hands  they  constantly  dreaded  ambushes  and  destruction.  But  the  General  did  not  think  proper  to 
push  matters  any  farther,  and  without  any  necessity  sent  Sieur  Le  Moyne  to  the  said  Iroquois  to  treat 
of  peace  at  a  time  when  every  one  was  in  good  health,  and  when  all  necessary  provision  was  made 
of  food,  &c.  to  dare  every  enterprize ;  and  finally  after  various  comings  and  goings  on  one  side  and 
the  other,  the  General  concluded  peace  such  as  you  will  see  by  the  articles  which  I  take  the  liberty 
to  send  you  as  written  by  the  hand  of  his  Secretary. 

This  peace,  my  Lord,  has  astonished  all  the  officers  who  had  the  command  in  that  army  and  all 
those  who  composed  it,  who  have  testified  so  deep  a  displeasure  and  so  sovereign  a  contempt  for  the 
General's  person  that  they  could  not  prevent  themselves  evincing  it  to  him.  I  assure  you,  my 
Lord,  that  had  I  strayed  ever  so  little  from  my  duty  and  not  exhibited  exteriorly,  since  his  return, 
the  respect  I  owe  his  character,  the  whole  world  would  have  risen  against  him  and  would  have  been 
guilty  of  some  excess. 


80 


DE  LA  BARRE's  EXPEDITION  TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 


The  said  General  excuses  himself  because  of  the  sick  and  even  says  that  the  troops  lacked  food  ; 
to  which  I  feel  obliged  to  answer,  being  certain  that  he  seeks  every  pretext  and  has  recourse  to  every 
expedient  to  exculpate  himself  and  perhaps  to  put  the  blame  on  me. 

'Tis  certain  that  there  was  a  great  number  of  sick  among  the  Militia  which  he  took  with  him  to 
Fort  Frontenac,  who  were  in  perfect  good  health  on  arriving  there,  but  having  encamped  them  for  a 
fortnight  in  prairies  between  the  woods  and  a  pond,  it  is  not  surprising  that  some  fell  sick.  Again 
he  made  them  camp  at  La  Famine  in  places  that  were  never  inhabited,  entirely  surrounded  by 
swamps,  which  contributed  still  considerably  to  the  sickness  in  his  army  ;  and  had  he  remained  there 
longer  he  would  not  have  saved  a  man.  This  has  caused  every  one  to  say  that  he  did  not  care, 
that  he  had  not  the  least  desire  to  make  war ;  that  he  made  no  use  of  Ins  long  sojourns  except 
employing  them  in  his  negociations.  Had  he  seriously  wished  to  make  war  on  the  said  Iroquois  he 
would  not  have  remained  ten  to  twelve  days  at  Montreal,  fourteen  or  fifteen  at  Fort  Frontenac  and 
as  many  at  La  Famine,  but  would  have  remained  merely  a  day  or  two,  and  would  have  used  the 
greatest  despatch  to  fight  the  Iroquois,  and  not  uselessly  consumed  all  his  provisions;  he  would  have, 
indubitably  surprised  the  said  Iroquois  who  did  not  expect  this  war,  especially  as  the  greater  number 
of  their  young  men  had  been  at  war  in  the  beginning  of  the  spring. 

He  says  he  lacked  provisions ;  though  that  were  true,  he  would  be  the  cause  and  could  not  but 
accuse  himself  of  imprudence,  having  supplied  him,  generally,  with  whatever  he  required  of  me,  of 
which  the  whole  country  is  a  witness,  and  with  a  little  precaution  or  rather  good  faith  he  woidd  have 
had  every  thing  in  abundance.  He  had  determined  not  to  leave  until  the  1 5th  of  August ;  he 
departed  on  the  15th  of  July.  That  did  not  prevent  me  furnishing  all  that  he  required  of  me,  such 
as  batteaux,  canoes,  arms,  ammunition,  and  all  the  provisions  he  desired.  This  is  so  true  that  there 
yet  remained  at  the  end  of  the  island  of  Montreal,  at  a  place  called  La  Chine  thirty-five  thousand 
weight  of  flour  and  five  of  biscuit  which  he  found  on  his  return,  and  which  he  had  requested  me 
to"  retain  for  him  at  Montreal.  Had  he  not  halted,  and  had  he  been  disposed  to  push  into  the 
Iroquois  Country,  the  first  convoy  of  provisions  which  accompanied  him  had  sufficed,  the  greater 
number  of  the  militia,  unwilling  to  wait  for  the  King's  supplies  having  laid  in  their  own  private 
stock,  the  greater  part  of  which  they  brought  back  with  them,  which  all  the  Captains  in  command 
will  certify.  This  convoy  consisted  of  eighteen  canoes  full  of  biscuit,  pork,  brandy  and  apparently 
other  things  which  I  do  not  precisely  know  having  been  loaded  at  Montreal  whilst  I  was  at  Quebec 
where  I  issued  orders  for  the  provisions  that  the  General  had  demanded  of  me  and  for  attending  to 
the  harvest  of  those  who  had  gone  to  the  war. 

If  it  had  been  the  General's  design  to  make  war,  he  should  not  have  caused  the  cargoes  of  the 
eighteen  canoes  I  have  mentioned  to  be  put  into  barks  thirty  leagues  from  Montreal  above  the 
Rapids,  instead  of  letting  the  voyage  be  continued  by  the  canoemen  who  were  paid  to  go  to  Fort 
Frontenac  and  who  had  alread}r  accomplished  the  roughest  half  of  the  road,  and  who,  without  a 
doubt,  would  have  arrived  in  three  days  at  the  Fort,  which  was  represented  to  him  by  all  the  officers 
who  stated  to  him  that  the  barks  required  wind  which  being  contrary  would  keep  them  more  than 
three  weeks  from  arriving.  This  turned  out  to  be  true.  Notwithstanding  all  these  reasons  he 
absolutely  insisted  that  all  the  said  provisions  should  be  put  in  the  barks.  Some  have  assured  me 
that  the  canoes  of  said  convoy  were  partly  laden  with  merchandize,  and  not  being  very  desirous  to 
let  the  circumstance  be  known,  he  had  caused  the  said  barks  to  precede  the  canoes  to  put  the  goods 
secretly  into  them  and  keep  the  knowledge  of  it  from  every  body.  By  these  means  he  made  use  of 
these  canoes  to  convey  these  merchandises  to  the  Fort  at  the  King's  expense,  which  he  has  always 
practised  for  two  years,  ever  pretending  certain  necessity  to  transport  munitions  of  war,  and  to  make 
use,  by  this  means,  of  the  conveyances  for  which  the  King  is  made  to  pay,  under  pretext  to  keep  the 
Fort  in  good  order.    It  is  impossible  to  conceive  the  quantity  of  Brandy  that  he  has  caused  to  be 


DE  LA  BARRe's  EXPEDITION  TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 


81 


conveyed  thither  during  eighteen  months,  of  which  I  have  had  most  positive  information,  and  of 
which  I  had  the  honor  to  advise  you  in  my  last.  Others  supposed  that  he  had  the  said  provisions 
put  on  board  those  barks  in  order  to  obtain' time  and  by  this  address,  to  negotiate  a  peace  with  the 
Iroquois,  as  he  had  sent  Sieur  Le  Moyne  to  them  who  is  a  very  brave  man  and  who  despaired  of  all 
these  negotiations,  stating  openly  that  they  ought  to  be  whipt.  All  the  delays  at  Montreal,  the  Fort, 
and  at  La  Famine  caused  the  useless  consumption  of  a  portion  of  the  supplies  which,  however,  did 
not  fail ;  other  convoys  having  been  received  from  time  to  time,  but  these  were  always  wasted 
without  any  thing  having  been  done. 

After  the  said  General  had  determined  in  his  own  mind  on  this  war,  he  sent  the  man  named  Bour- 
bon, an  inhabitant  of  this  country  to  Colonel  Dongan  to  advise  him  that  he  was  obliged  to  wage  war 
against  the  Iroquois,  requesting]him  not  to  afford  them  any  aid  ;  which  he  confided  to  me  eight  days 
after  the  departure  of  the  said  Bourbon.  This  obliged  me  to  tell  him  that  I  was  astonished  that  he 
should  have  thus  proceeded ;  that  the  Iroquois  having  insulted  us  and  intending  to  fight  with  and 
destroy  them,  I  should  not  have  deemed  it  proper  to  inform  neighbours  who  have  an  interest  in  our 
destruction ;  and  that  he  afforded  thereby  an  opportunity  to  Col.  Dongan,  who  is  an  Englishman, 
and  consequently  our  born  enemy,  to  give  underhand  information  of  our  designs  to  the  Iroquois,  and 
convey  secretly  to  them  all  that  may  be  necessary  for  their  defence  against  us.  I  asked  him  if  he 
did  not  perceive  that  the  English  would  never  desire  our  advantage,  and  that  they  would  contribute 
all  in  their  power  to  destroy  us,  though  at  peace  as  regards  France ;  that  they  would  always  be 
jealous  of  the  Fur  trade  prosecuted  by  us  in  this  Country,  which  would  make  them  protect  the  ; 
Iroquois  always  against  us. 

This  Bourbon  negotiation  gave  Colonel  Dongan  occasion  to  use  some  rhodomontade  as  the  General 
has  informed  me ;  and  this  assuredly  it  was  that  obliged  him,  having  this  information,  to  send  an 
Englishman,  who  is  in  the  habit  of  trading  among  the  said  Indians,  to  plant  the  Duke  of  York's 
arms  among  the  Onnontagues,  which  is  an  Iroquois  village,  wishing  by  that  act  to  take  the  first  pos- 
session of  the  Country.  We  have  not  heard  talk  of  any  other  move  aient  on  the  English  side,  and 
it  is  even  certain  that  they  will  never  cause  us  any  dread  from  that  quarter  and  that  they  could 
not  prevent  us  to  achieve  that  conquest  this  year,  had  the  General  been  willing  to  fight. 

You  can  hardly  believe,  my  Lord,  that  the  General  has,  alone,  undertaken  the  war  without  having 
consulted  any  person,  neither  officers  of  the  army  nor  gentlemen,  nor  the  people  of  the  country  who 
are  the  most  interested,  nor  any  individual  whosoever  he  might  be,  except  Sieur  de  la  Chesnayne, 
with  whom  he  acts  in  concert  for  the  entire  destruction  and  ruin  of  the  country.  He  has  again  made 
peace  in  this  manner  without  any  communication  with  any  of  the  officers  or  others  of  those  who 
were  near  his  person.  What  seems  a  wonder  in  the  country  is  that  one  individual,  subject  of  his 
Majesty  like  others,  should,  of  his  own  will,  make  war  and  peace  without  having  consulted  or  de- 
manded the  opinion  of  any  person.  His  Majesty  never  acted  thus.  He  has  his  Council  of  War, 
and  when  he  is  about  to  wage  it,  he  demands  advice  of  those  of  his  council,  in  communicating  to 
them  the  reasons  which  he  may  have  to  do  so,  and  even  causes  the  publication  of  manifests  through- 
out the  Kingdom,  wishing  to  communicate  to  his  people  the  justice  of  his  undertakings.  But  the 
General  has  treated  of  peace,  like  a  sovereign,  with  the  said  Iroquois,  having  employed  none  of  those 
who  were  nigh  him  and  who  were  acquainted  with  the  Iroquois  tongue,  except  as  Interpreters.  He 
dare  not  consult  the  officers,  being  certain  that  they  would  all  have  concluded  on  Avar ;  and  but  little 
was  necessary  to  make  them  select  a  chief  from  among  themselves  to  attack  the  enemy. 

The  said  General  proceeds  at  the  head  of  a  small  force  to  make  war  against  the  Iroquois,  and  far 
from  doing  that,  he  grants  them  all  they  ask.    His  principal  design  was  to  attack  the  Senecas,  but 
instead  of  showing  him  any  civility,  they  did  not  even  condescend  to  come  and  meet  him,  and  gave 
an  insolent  answer  to  those  who  proposed  it  to  them.    If  people  had  any  thing  to  say  to  them,  let 
{Vol.  I.]  11 


82 


VS.  LA  BARRe's  EXPEDITION  TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 


them  take  the  trouble  and  come  and  meet  them.  There  came  altogether  on  this  embassy  only  a  cer- 
tain sycophant  who  seeks  merely  a  good  dinner,  and  a  real  buffoon  called  among  the  French  La  Grand 
G-ueule  [Big  Throat,]  accompanied  by  eight  or  ten  miserable  fellows  who  fooled  the  General  in  a  most 
shameful  manner,  which  you  will  perceive  by  the  articles  of  peace  I  have  the  honour  to  send  you, 
and  which  I  doubt  not  he  also  will  send  you.  They  will  assuredly  excite  your  pity.  You  will  see 
he  abandons  the  Illinois  among  whom  M.  de  la  Salle  is  about  to  establish  himself  and  who  are  the 
cause  of  this  war,  inasmuch  as  the  Iroquois  attacked  them  even  in  Fort  St.  Louis  which  the  said 
Sieur  de  la  Salle  had  erected  among  them,  and  of  which  the  General  took  possession,  having  ousted 
and  driven  away  those  whom  the  said  Sieur  de  la  Salle  had  left  in  command  there,  and  whither  he 
sent  Sieur  de  Bangy  his  lieutenant  of  the  guards,  who  is  still  there. 

When  he  concluded  this  peace  he  already  had  His  Majesty's  letter  eight  days  in  his  possession, 
but  so  far  from  conforming  to  its  intentions,  he  consents  to  the  slaughter  of  the  Illinois  who  are  our 
allies,  and  where  His  Majesty  designed  to  plant  a  new  Colony  or  some  powerful  establishment  under 
M.  de  la  Salle's  direction.  I  consider  it  also  my  duty  to  inform  your  Lordship  that  the  General  quit 
La  Famine  the  moment  the  peace  was  concluded  without  taking  the  least  care  of  the  troops,  aban- 
doning them  altogether  to  their  own  guidance,  forbidding  them  on  pain  of  death  to  leave  the  place 
until  a  long  time  after  him,  fearing  to  be  surprised  by  the  Iroquois,  and  having  (so  to  say)  lost  his 
wits,  caring  little  what  became  of  the  army.  Certain  it  is  that  he  went  up  to  the  Fort  without 
taking  information  about  any  thing  and  returned  in  the  same  manner. 

The  worst  of  tins  affair  is  the  loss  of  the  trade  which  I  find  inevitable,  because  the  Outawas  and 
other  Savages  who  came  to  our  aid  will  hereafter  entertain  no  respect  for  us,  and  will  regard  us  as  a 
people  without  courage  and  without  resolution.  I  doubt  not,  my  lord,  but  the  General  sends  you  a 
letter  which  he  received  from  Father  Lamberville,  Jesuit,  who  is  a  missionary  in  an  Iroquois  village 
at  Onnontague,  whence  those  ambassadors  came  with  whom  peace  was  negotiated.  The  Father,  who 
had  learned  the  General's  intentions  from  Sieur  Le  Moyne,  has  been  wise  and  sufficiently  discreet, 
anticipating  his  design,  to  write  to  him  in  accordance  with  his  views,  and  to  ingeniously  solicit  that 
which  must  flatter  and  highly  please  him.  But  one  thing,  is  certain  that  all  the  Jesuits  at  Quebec, 
and  particularly  Father  Bechefer  have  openly  stated  in  Quebec  for  six  weeks,  that  the  country  was 
destroyed  if  peace  were  concluded ;  which  is  so  true,  that  having  communicated  to  him  the  two 
letters  I  wrote  to  the  General,  he  highly  approved  of  them  and  advised  me  to  send  them  to  the  fort. 
I  shall  take  leave  to  send  you  copies  of  them,  requesting  you  very  respectfully,  to  be  persuaded  that 
I  speak  to  you  without  passion,  and  that  I  state  nothing  to  you  but  what  is  most  true  and  reliable, 
and  because  I  feel  obliged  to  let  you  know  the  truth  as  regards  all  things,  without  which  you  will 
never  have  the  least  confidence  in  me. 

I  should  wish,  my  Lord,  to  avoid  explaining  myself  in  this  manner,  fearing  you  might  infer  that 
we  were,  the  General  and  I,  greatly  disunited,  which  is  quite  contrary  to  the  manner  in  which  we 
live  together,  since  it  is  certain  that  we  never  had,  personally,  the  least  difference  Avishiug  in  that  to 
conform  myself  to  your  wishes  and  His  Majesty's  orders,  aware  that  it  is  the  most  assured  means 
that  I  can  take  to  be  agreeable  to  you,  which  is  the  sole  ambition  I  have  in  the  world,  and  to  prove 
to  you  that  no  person  can  be  with  more  profound  respect  and  greater  devotedness  than  I,  my  Lord, 

Your  very  humble  and  ob:  serv*. 

This,  my  Lord,  is  only  incidentally.    I  defer  informing  you  of  what  has  occurred  in  this  country 
during  this  year,  until  the  departure  of  the  vessels. 
Quebec,  the  10">  8b«  1G84. 

Demeulles. 


t>E  LA  BARRELS  EXPEDITION  TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 


83 


FATHER  LAMBERVILLE,  MISSIONARY  AT  ONONDAGA,  TO  M.  DE  LA  BARRE. 

[Onondaga,]  July  10,  1684. 

Sir, — A  general  Assembly  of  all  the  Iroquois  will  be  held  here  at  which  it  is  intended  to  unite 
against  you,  and  to  inform  the  Senecas  that  you  wished  to  persuade  the  four  Iroquois  Nations  not  to 
aid  them  in  case  of  war.  I  am  surprised  that  M.  Le  Moyne  or  some  other  persons  have  not  told  you 
that  all  the  villages  were  confederated,  and  that  one  could  not  be  attacked  without  becoming  embroiled 
with  the  others. 

Did  affairs  permit,  I  should  have  much  wished  to  tell  you  my  thoughts  on  many  things.  My 
brother  will  inform  you  of  all  when  he  will  have  the  honor  to  see  you.  The  On  [non]  tagues  who 
have  been  spoken  to,  would  like  much  to  settle  matters ;  this  is  the  reason  my  brother  goes  to 
you,  whilst  I  still  keep  them  disposed  to  give  you  satisfaction,  in  order  to  avoid  if  possible  an  infini- 
tude of  evils  which  will  overtake  Canada,  and  as  I  know  not  whether  you  desire  war  without  liste- 
ning to  proposals  for  peace,  I  wish  to  understand  whether  it  is  not  fitter  that  I  withdraw,  if  possible, 
rather  than  give  occasion  to  the  Iroquois  to  say  that  I  deceived  them,  by  propositions  for  peace.  The 
Onontagues  and  other  nations  say,  that  it  grieves  them  to  take  up  arms  against  you  who  are  their 
neighbour,  and  who  form  almost  one  country  with  them. 

They  acknowledge  that  the  Senecas  are  proud  and  insolent  on  account  of  their  great  number  of 
warriors,  but  if  you  are  desirous  to  maintain  peace  by  some  satisfaction  which  they  will  induce  the 
Senecas  to  make  you,  it  will  be  very  acceptable,  so  as  not  to  be  obliged  to  come  to  extremities 
which  will  be  very  disastrous.  If  war  occurs,  Sir,  all  those  who  have  houses  apart  from  fortified 
places  must  at  once  abandon  their  dwellings,  for  the  grain  and  the  houses  will  be  burned,  and  many 
will  otherwise  be  brought  away  prisoners  to  be  cruelly  tormented  and  insulted.  I  always  think  that 
peace  ought  to  be  most  precious  to  you,  and  that  all  the  advantages  that  can  be  held  oat  ought  to 
cause  you  to  shrink  from  wrar.  A  delay  in  order  to  arrange  ever)  thing  more  at  leisure  and  after 
having  received  assistance  from  France,  would  extricate  you  from  much  embarrassment  which  will 
follow  from  all  sides.  Pardon  me  if  I  give  free  expression  to  my  thoughts  ;  you  will  not  at  least 
disapprove  of  the  zeal  with  wch  I  am  with  much  respect  and  submission 

Your  very  humble  and 

Very  Obedient  Servant 
(Signed)  DeLamberville. 


FROM  THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 

11  July  1684. 

Sir, — A  troop  of  Senecas  on  their  way  to  buy  their  supplies  and  munitions  of  powder,  lead  and 
arms  are  two  days  [distance]  from  here.  They  are  expected  in  order  to  talk  fully  of  affairs  and  to 
endeavour  for  the  preservation  peace  to  induce  them  to  give  to  you  satisfaction.  I  believe  if  you 
are  really  desirous  to  come  to  an  arrangement  in  which  an  effort  will  be  made  to  satisfy  you,  and 
wherein  will  be  prescribed  the  boundaries  of  wrar  and  trade,  you  wrould  have  leisure  to  provide  with 
less  trouble  and  embarrassment  for  the  security  of  Canada,  either  by  erecting  forts  at  La  Famine  or 
towards  the  Senecas  under  the  pretext  of  establishing  a  blacksmith,  or  at  La  Galette  according  as  you 
think  proper. 


84 


DE  LA  BARRe's  EXPEDITION    TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 


I  do  not  believe  that  you  will  derive  any  advantage  this  year  from  war,  if  you  wage  it ;  for  not 
only  will  almost  the  whole  of  the  Iroquois  prosecute  the  war  in  Canada,  but  you  will  not  find  the 
Senecas  in  their  villages,  in  which  they  give  out  they  will  not  shut  themselves  up,  but  conceal  them- 
selves in  the  grass  and  prepare  ambuscades  every  where  for  you.  Regarding  your  declaration  to  the 
Iroquois  that  you  had  no  ill  will  except  against  the  Senecas,  they  convoked  a  geneml  Diet  here, 
where  they  will  conclude  to  league  themselves  against  you,  if  you  will  not  accept  the  propositions  of 
peace  for  which  the  Onontague  wishes  to  obtain  the  consent  of  the  Seneca  who  has  already  placed  in 
security  the  old  grain,  and  made  a  retreat  in  the  woods  for  the  cluldren,  women  and  old  men,  of 
which  you  will  be  ignorant. 

The  Warriors  are  to  prowl  every  where,  killing  without  if  possible  being  killed.  If  their  Indian 
corn  be  cut,  it  will  cost  much  blood  and  men — You  must  also  resolve  to  lose  the  harvest  of  the 
French  grain  to  which  the  Iroquois  will  set  fire.  As  for  the  French  settlements,  the  Iroquois  sup- 
pose that  they  are  all  abandoned  and  that  the  people  have  retired  within  the  forts  ;  otherwise,  they 
would  be  a  prey  to  the  enemy.  It  is  the  opinion  that  if  you  begin  the  war,  it  will  be  of  long 
duration,  and  that  to  feed  those  in  Canada  you  will  have  to  bring  provisions  from  France.  The 
Iroquois  believes  that  he  will  destroy  the  Colony  in  case  of  war,  for  he  will  never  fight  by  rule 
against  us  and  will  not  shut  himself  up  in  any  fort  in  which  he  might  be  stormed.  Thus  they  are 
under  the  impression  that,  no  person  daring  to  come  into  unknown  forests  to  pursue  them,  they  can 
neither  be  destroyed  nor  captured,  having  a  vast  hunting  ground  in  their  rear,  towards  Merilande 
and  Virginia,  as  well  as  places  adjoining  their  villages,  wholly  unknown  to  the  French.  If  winter 
were  not  so  cold  in  this  country,  that  would  be  the  time  to  wage  war,  for  one  can  then  see  all  around, 
and  the  trail  cannot  be  concealed ;  but  every  thing  must  be  carried — provisions,  arms,  powder  and 
lead.  You  can  not  believe,  Sir,  with  what  joy  the  Senecas  learned  that  you  would,  possibly,  deter- 
mine on  war  ;  and  from  the  report  the  savages  make  them  of  the  preparations  apparent  at  Kataros- 
kouy,  they  say,  that  the  French  have  a  great  desire  to  be  stript,  roasted  and  eaten ;  and  that  they 
will  see  if  their  flesh,  which  they  say  is  salt  on  account  of  the  salt  they  make  use  of  be  as  good  as 
that  of  their  other  enemies  whom  they  devour. 

The  envoy  of  the  Governor  of  New  York  who  is  here  promises  the  Iroquois  goods  at  a  considerable 
reduction  ;  7  a  8  lbs.  of  powder  for  a  Beaver ;  as  much  lead  as  a  man  can  carry  for  a  Beaver,  and  so 
with  the  rest. 

Every  thing  considered,  Sir,  if  you  will  be  content  with  a  satisfaction  which  we  will  endeavor  to 
obtain  for  you  from  the  Senecas,  you  will  prevent  great  evils  which  must  fall  on  Canada  in  case  of 
war  ;  you  will  divert  from  it  famine  and  many  misfortunes,  especially  will  you  avoid  much  confusion 
and  great  suffering  to  the  French  who  will  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Iroquois,  who,  as  you  are  aware, 
exercise  the  most  cruel  and  shameful  cruelties  towards  their  captives.  Independent  of  there  being 
no  profit  in  fighting  with  this  sort  of  banditti  whom  you,  assuredly,  will  not  catch  and  who  will 
catch  many  of  your  people  who  will  be  surprised  in  every  quarter. 

The  man  called  Hannatakta  and  some  others  of  influence  told  me  they  pitied  you.  These  are 
their  words — they  besought  you  not  to  force  them  to  wage  war  against  you ;  that  the  five  Nations 
would  be  obliged  to  unite  against  you  ;  that  the  French  and  the  Iroquois  being  so  near  the  one  to  the 
other,  the  war  would  be  too  disastrous  to  you,  because,  say  they,  our  mode  of  fighting,  of  harassing, 
of  living,  of  surprising  and  Hying  to  the  woods  will  be  the  ruin  of  the  French  who  are  accustomed 
to  fight  against  towns  capable  of  defence  or  against  armies  who  appear  in  the  plains  ;  if  there  be 
misunderstanding  it  ought  to  be  settled.  All  the  Iroquois  are  persuaded  that  before  going  to  war 
you  will  try  the  ways  of  mildness  and  tell  the  Senecas  to  appease  your  anger  for  what  they  have 
plundered ;  that  if  you  begin  by  a  desire  to  wage  war  and  will  not  act  as  a  father  towards  your 
children,  they  have  already  declared  beforehand  that  they  will  all  unite  against  you. 


DE  LA  BARRE's  EXPEDITION  TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 


85 


FROM  THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 

July  13.  1684. 

My  Lord — I  have  the  honor  to  write  to  you  by  Father  Millet  who  passes  here  in  retiring  from 
among  the  Iroquois  who  cannot  be  persuaded  that  you  have  determined  on  waging  war  against  them, 
not  having  demanded  any  satisfaction  of  them  for  the  merchandize  of  the  Frenchmen  whom  the 
Senecas  plundered.  To  turn  away  the  scourge  of  war  and  the  miseries  which  must  follow  it,  espe- 
cially among  the  French  who  will  find  themselves  attacked  by  all  the  Iroquois  if  any  hostile  act  is 
committed  against  the  Senecas,  I  have  strongly  urged  the  Onnontagues  to  give  you  satisfaction  ac- 
cording to  the  instructions  which  the  Christian  Iroquois,  your  deputies  here,  had.  To-morrow  a 
great  number  of  Senecas  are  expected  with  several  Cayugas  and  the  Ambassadors  from  the  two  Lower 
Nations  to  talk  about  business. 

The  Senecas  consequent  on  the  declaration  you  made  to  them  that  you  would  proceed  to  their 
country,  have  concealed  their  old  grain,  prepared  a  distant  retreat  in  the  wooden  fort  for  the  security 
of  their  old  men,  women  and  children,  and  conveyed  whatever  they  have  of  value  out  of  their  vil- 
lages. The  Warriors  in  great  number  have  heard  this  news  with  much  joy ;  they  are  determined  to 
fight,  not  in  their  forts  for  they  have  none,  and  will  not  shut  themselves  up  any  where,  but  under 
cover,  behind  trees,  and  in  the  grass  where  they  will  try  to  do  you  considerable  injury,  if  you  want 
war.  The  Onnontagues — men  of  business — wish  to  arrange  matters,  especially  having  lost  nothing 
of  theirs,  except  only  some  goods.  Must  the  father  and  children,  they  ask,  cut  each  others  throats 
for  clothes  1    The  children  must  satisfy  the  father  to  whom  they  owe  honor  and  respect. 

Further,  I,  last  year,  guarantied  by  two  Wampum  belts — one  to  the  Senecas  and  the  other  here — 
that  if  the  Iroquois  army  met  the  French  who  were  towards  Illinois,  and  any  acts  of  hostility  should 
follow  on  one  side  or  the  other,  they  would  mutually  arrange  the  difficulty  without  it  leading  to  any 
consequences,  and  this  is  what  we  are  endeavoring  to  persuade  the  Senecas  to  do.  Father  Millet,  to 
whom  I  communicated  all,  and  who  has  just  passed,  will  tell  you  every  thing  and  how  apropos  it 
would  be  that  M.  le  Moine  should  come  here  to  fetch  those  Chiefs  and  Warriors  who  will  most  will- 
ingly meet  you  under  the  safe  conduct  which  you  will  give  them  through  M.  le  Moine  (who  can 
come  here  in  all  surety  and  without  any  fear)  to  be  conducted  to  your  rendezvous  near  Seneca  or  to 
the  Fort,  in  order  to  settle  matters  in  a  friendly  manner. 

The  Iroquois  say  they  will  not  commit  any  act  of  hostility  against  you,  unless  you  commence 
either  by  attacking  the  Senecas  or  by  refusing  all  satisfaction,  for  they  remark,  it  is  painful  to  come 
to  blows  with  their  Father.  They  all  say  that  their  mode  of  warfare  will  be  disastrous  to  you,  but 
that  the  respect  they  entertain  towards  you,  and  which  we  insinuate  among  them,  withholds  them 
until  they  are  forced,  they  add,  to  wage  a  sorrowful  war,  despite  themselves,  against  you.  They 
wish,  first  of  all,  they  say,  to  avoid  the  reproach  of  not  having  kept  their  word  which  they  gave.  I 
told  M.  le  Moine  of  the  above. 

My  brother  expects  to  leave  with  your  deputies  to  carry  to  you  the  result  of  the  Iroquois  Diet, 
where  the  Onnontague  who  assumes  to  be  a  moderator, pretends  to  force  the  Senecas  to  disavow  what 
two  of  their  captains  caused  their  warriors  to  do,  and  to  quieten  again  your  mind ;  that  is,  they  say, 
by  some  satisfaction  which  may  afford  you  an  honorable  pretext  to  pay  a  friendly  visit  to  Kaniata- 
rontagouat  [now,  Irondequot  Bay]  and  not  to  appear  there  as  an  enemy. 

I  forgot  to  inform  you  that  the  Iroquois  say  they  have  accepted  the  satisfaction  they  received  for 
the  death  of  their  captain,  Hannhenhax,  killed  by  the  Kiskakous,  and  that  it  would  seem  very 
strange  to  them  that  you  should  refuse  the  satisfaction  they  wish  to  induce  the  Senecas  to  give  you 
for  the  pillaged  merchandize  which,  in  their  estimation  is  next  to  nothing  compared  with  that  im- 


86  DE  LA  BARRe's  EXPEDITION  TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 

portant  [council]  fire  in  your  cliildren's  cabin.  I  pray  God  that  He  conduct  matters  for  His  glory 
and  the  country's  good  and  that  He  preserve  you  long,  which  is  the  wish,  my  Lord,  of 

Your,  very  humble  &  very  obl  Serv1, 

J.  DE  L.AMBERVILLE. 


FROM  THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 

18  July,  1684. 

Sir — The  Council  convoked  at  Onnontague  was,  at  length,  held  on  the  16th  and  17t!l  of  July.  You 
will  see  by  the  memoir  I  enclose  in  tliis  letter  what  you  said  to  the  Onnontagues  and  what  they  re- 
ply by  three  Belts.  Since  you  spoke,  or  I  have  made  you  speak  to  the  Senecas  assembled  here  in  a 
body,  Chiefs  and  Warriors,  and  their  answer,  we  have  spoken  to  them  by  tliree  Belts  and  they  have 
answered  you  by  nine. 

These  are  twelve  Belts  which  your  ambassadors  take  to  you.  I  know  not  if  you  will  accept  the 
trifling  pains  we  have  taken  to  cause  satisfaction  to  be  given  you,  and  to  extricate  you  from  the 
fatigues,  the  embarrassments  and  consequences  of  a  disastrous  war,  and  procure  at  the  same  time 
freedom  of  trade  ;  for  the  Senecas  informed  me  at  night,  by  express,  that  they  would  give  you  more 
satisfaction  than  you  expected,  because  they  wished  through  respect  for  you,  not  to  wage  war  any 
more  against  the  Oumiamis,  if  you  so  wish  it,  and  even  any  other  nation  if  you  insist  on  it.  In  fine, 
they  do  not  wage  war  save  but  to  secure  a  good  peace.  They  return  without  striking  a  blow,  with- 
out shedding  blood,  etc.    The  Seneca  Iroquois  offer  you  more  than  you  would  have  believed. 

The  Onnontagues  considered  their  honour  engaged  to  this  meeting,  and  have  put  all  sorts  of 
machinery  in  motion  to  induce  the  Senecas  to  condescend  to  place  their  affairs  in  their  hands.  On 
the  first  day  of  the  Council  every  thing  was  almost  despaired  of,  and  the  plenipotentiaries  all  excited 
came  to  see  me,  saying  they  gained  nothing  on  the  Senecas,  and  that  up  to  that  time  they  most  wil- 
lingly accepted  war ;  that  they  rejected  the  presents  which  you  and  they  had  made  them.  They 
sent  me  back  a  collection  of  belts,  that  the  chiefs  and  warriors  acted  with  great  zeal  in  combating 
the  obstinacy  of  the  Senecas  so  that  having  gained  the  Oneidas  and  Cayugas  over  to  their  side? 
they  came  to  high  words.  Deputies,  notwithstanding,  succeeded  one  another  to  sound  me  on  the 
state  of  affairs  and  to  learn  the  true  cause  of  the  withdrawal  of  our  Missionaries.  Finally  I  told 
them  that  the  real  cause  was,  that  the  displeasure  which  they  perceived  you  felt,  and  which 
they  also  entertained  at  being  disparaged  by  the  Senecas,  had  caused  them  to  withdraw  to  you, 
until  they  should  have  satisfied  you.  At  length  the  Onnontagues  persuaded  them  to  confide  in 
them  and  to  place  their  affairs  in  their  hands— that  if  you  did  not  accept  their  mediation,  they 
should  unite  according  to  their  policy,  with  all  the  other  Iroquois  against  you.  La  Grande 
Gueule  and  his  triumvirate  have  assuredly  signalized  themselves  in  this  rencounter.  My  brother, 
who  will  inform  you  of  every  thing,  will  relate  matters  more  in  detail.  We,  however,  await 
your  orders  which  you  will  please  convey  to  us  by  M.  le  Moine  whom  the  Onnontagues  request 
you  to  send  instantly  to  them  at  Choueguen  [OswegoJ  in  all  security  and  without  the  least  fear. 


DE  DA  BARRE'S  EXPEDITION    TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 


87 


FROM  THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 

Onontague,  this  17th  August,  1684. 

My  Lord — Your  people  have  brought  my  brother  back  here  with  the  greatest  possible  dili- 
gence, having  been  wind  bound  three  days,  at  one  island.  In  order  not  to  cause  you  any  delay, 
which  could  only  produce  a  useless  consumption  of  provisions  by  your  army,  they  arrived  here 
with  Sieur  le  Due  at  midnight  and  having  passed  the  rest  of  the  night  in  conferring  together, 
we  had  the  Chiefs  and  Warriors  assembled  at  day  light  after  having  obtained  information  from 
La  Grande  Gueule  and  Garakontie. 

We  declared  our  intentions  in  the  presence  of  several  Senecas  who  departed  the  same  day  to 
return  to  their  country  where  they  will  communicate  our  approach.  They  carry  one  of  your 
belts  to  reassure  those  who  are  alarmed  by  your  armament.  The  Onnontagues  have  despatched 
some  of  theirs  to  notify  the  Oneida,  the  Mohawk  and  the  Cayuga  to  repair  to  Ochouegen  [Os- 
wego] to  salute  you  and  to  reply  to  your  proposals.  They  wish  so  much  to  see  M.  le  Moine 
here  whom  you  promised  them  would  come,  that  it  appears  that  nothing  could  be  done  should 
he  not  arrive.  Also,  as  you  advised  them  not  to  be  troubled  at  the  sight  of  your  barks  and 
Gendarmes,  they  give  you  notice,  likewise,  not  to  be  surprised  when  you  will  see  faces  painted 
red  and  black  at  Ochouegen. 

I  gave  a  Cayuga  letters  for  you  some  eight  or  ten  days  ago.  I  do  not  know  if  he  will  have  deli- 
vered them.  I  believe  that  I  advised  you  that  Colonel  Dongan  had  the  Duke  of  York's  placards  of 
protection  (des  sauveguardes)  affixed  to  the  three  upper  Irocpuois  villages,  and  that  he  styled  himself 
Lord  of  the  Iroquois.  A  drunken  man  here  tore  these  proclamations  down  and  nothing  remains  but 
the  post  to  which  the  Duke  of  York's  arms  were  attached. 

I  gave  La  Grande  Gueule  your  belt  under  hand,  and  remarked  to  him  the  things  which  you  wished 
.him  to  elfect.    He  calls  himself  your  best  friend  and  you  have  done  well  to  have  attached  to  you  this 
hoc,  who  has  the  strongest  head  and  loudest  voice  among  the  Iroquois. 

The  over  coats  (capots)  and  shirts  which  you  have  been  so  good  as  t  i  send  to  be  used  on  occasions 
are  a  most  efficacious  means  to  gain  over,  or  to  preserve  public  opinion.  An  honorable  peace  will 
be  more  advantageous  to  Canada  than  a  war  very  uncertain  as  to  its  success.  I  am  of  opinion,  what- 
ever the  Messrs  the  Merchants  may  say,  that  you  do  them  a  good  turn  by  inducing  the  Iroquois  to 
give  you  satisfaction,  and  that  the  war  would  be  very  prejudicial  to  them. 
I  am  with  all  sort  of  respect  and  submission,        My  Lord, 

Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant, 

J.  de  Lamberville,  Jesuit. 


FROM  THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 

Onontagu6,  this  28th  August  1684. 

My  Lord — M.  Le  Moine's  arrival  has  much  pleased  our  burgomasters  who  have  exhibited 
towards  him  many  attentions,  and  have  promised  to  terminate  matters  with  you  in  the  manner 
you  desire.  The  Onontagues  have  called  the  Deputies  of  each  Nation  together  as  I  have  advised 
you.  The  Cayugas  came  here  the  first,  with  two  young  Tionnoutates  to  restore  them  to  you. 
We  expect  the  Senecas,  and  as  we  were  hoping  that  the  Oneidas  would  arrive  to-day,  one  Arnaud1 
whom  Father  Bruyas  is  well  acquainted  with,  came  here  on  horseback  from  Mr.  Dongan  to  tell 
the  Iroquois  that  he  did  not  wish  them  to  talk  with  you  without  his  permission,  being  complete 

i  Arnold  Corners"  Vielc,  a  citizen  of  Albany,  who  acted  as  Interpreter  between  the  Whites  and  Indians,  For  his  service 
in  this  capacity  he  had  already  obtained  from  the  latter,  26*  Sept'.  1683,  a  tract  of  land  called  Wachkeerhoha,  on  the  north 
bank  of  the  Mohawk  above  Schenectady,  the  grant  of  which  is  in  Alb.  Deed  Book  C,  199.— Tr. 


88 


DE  LA  BARRE's  EXPEDITION   TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 


master  of  their  land  and  conduct  towards  you ;  that  they  belonged  to  the  King  of  England  and 
the  Duke  of  York,  and  that  their  Council  fires  were  lighted  at  Albany  and  that  he  absolutely 
forbad  them  talking  with  you. 

Two  words  which  we  wliispered  in  the  ears  of  your  pensioner,  La  Grande  Gueule,  caused 
us  to  see  at  once  how  unreasonable,  in  his  opinion,  was  so  strange  a  proceeding  as  that  of  Mr.  Don- 
gan,  after  having  himself  exhorted  the  Iroquois  to  give  us  satisfaction  in  order  to  avoid  a  disastrous 
war  which  woidd  have  very  bad  [consequences.]  When  M.  le  Moine  and  I  shall  have  the  honour 
to  see  you,  we  shall  give  you  the  particulars  of  these  things,  and  how  La  Grande  Guelue  came  to  high 
words  against  this  Messenger,  exhorting  all  the  warriors  and  chiefs  not  to  listen  to  the  proposals 
of  a  man  who  seemed  to  be  drunk,  so  opposed  to  all  reason  was  what  he  uttered. 

We  being  two  or  tlu-ee  day's  journey  from  here,  the  said  Messenger  produced  three  Belts  of 
Wampum.  The  first  and  second  are  from  the  Mohawks  and  Oneidas,  who  have  promised  Mr. 
Dongan  that  they  should  not  go  to  meet  us ;  the  third  was  for  the  Onnontagues  to  exhort  them 
to  give  their  wampum  belt  also,  as  assurance  of  the  same  thing.  They  answered  by  La  Grande 
Gueule,  that  they  esteemed  themselves  too  highly  honored  by  your  having  granted  to  them  the 
embassy  of  M.  Le  Moine  and  by  your  having  placed  the  affairs  of  the  peace  in  their  hands,  to 
commit  so  cowardly  an  action  and  so  grave  a  fault  as  that  which  he  seemed  willing  they  should 
perpetrate.  After  many  disputes,  the  Onnontagues  councilled  among  themselves,  and  concluded 
to  enquire  of  M.  le  Moine  if  he  would  not  wait  the  permission  which  Mr.  Dongan  wished  the 
Iroquois  to  have  from  him  to  talk  with  you,  and  if  he  would  not  tarry  ten  days  more,  and  you 
remain  at  the  Lake,  to  iearn  Mr.  Dongan's  final  will.  Tliis  is  a  piece  of  Iroquois  cunning 
not  to  embroil  themselves  with  Mr.  Dongan,  and  to  follow  entirely  what  M.  le  Moine  should 
say,  whom  they  well  knew  would  not  wait  so  long,  matters  having  advanced  to  the  point  at 
which  they  are,  and  knowing,  moreover,  that  delay  was  directly  contrary  to  your  instructions.. 
The  Iroquois  requested  M.  le  Moine  himself  to  communicate  their  opinion  to  the  Cavalier,  which 
he  certainly  did  in  an  excellent  manner,  and  which  you  will  be  glad  to  learn  when  he  will  give 
an  account  of  his  negotiation. 

He  has  thought  proper  to  send  you  one  of  his  canoes  at  once  to  inform  you  hereof,  and  to  assure 
you  that  as  soon  as  the  Onontague  deputies  shall  have  arrived  here,  he  will  endeavour  to  despatch 
them  hence  at  the  earliest  moment  to  conduct  them  to  you.  If  not  he  will  leave  with  the  Senecas 
who  are  here.  Tegannehout  acted  his  part  very  well  and  harangued  strongly  against  Mr.  Dongan's 
messenger  and  in  favor  of  Onnontio.  Good  cheer  and  the  way  you  regaled  liim  was  a  strengthening 
medicine  which  sustained  his  voice  when  it  might  perhaps  have  failed  in  another  who  had  not 
experienced  proofs  of  your  friendship  such  as  you  did  Mm  the  honour  to  give  him.  He  will  return 
with  M.  le  Moine. 

The  Cavalier  says  that  before  returning  to  his  Master,  he  wishes  to  speak  to  the  Senecas  who  are 
expected  here.  I  caress  somewhat  Tegannehout  in  order  that  he  may  win  those  of  his  Nation  over 
to  his  opinion  and  not  to  suffer  them  to  yield  to  the  solicitations  of  Sieur  Arnaud  to  whom  the 
Onnontagues  have  given  two  wretched  belts  to  say  to  Mr.  Dongan  that  they  could  not  do  other  than 
what  he  himself  had  urged  them  to  do  ;  to  wit,  to  settle  matters  peaceably  with  you,  and  to  soothe 
his  spirit  if  he  were  dissatisfied  with  them  for  not  going  to  Albany  whence  they  had  returned  very 
recently.    A  letter  is  sent  you  which  he  has  given  to  M.  le  Moine. 

Whatever  Sieur  Arnaud  may  say,  we  have  not  neglected  to  send  tor  the  Oneida  deputies  whom 
we  expect  to-morrow.  Monsieur  le  Moine  will  use  the  greatest  possible  diligence  to  return  to  you, 
inasmuch  as  this  delay  is  not  very  agreeable  to  him. 

I  am  always,  my  Lord, 

Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant, 

J.  DE  LAMBERVILLK. 


DE  LA  BARRE^  EXPEDITION  TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 


80 


FROM  THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 

Onontaguf,  27  Sept.  1684. 

My  Lord, — I  return  here  after  having  been  delayed  ten  days  in  the  Lake  by  very  strong  head 
winds.  A  day  before  the  Iroquois  deputies  met  here,  the  Senecas  sent  Belts  to  the  Iroquois  villages 
to  declare  to  them  that  should  you  disembark  in  their  country,  they  would  attack  you.  Six  or  seven 
Mohegans  (Loups)  were  preparing  to  go  to  the  assistance  of  the  Iroquois,  as  the  Outaoutes  were  aid- 
ing the  French.  The  Seneca  scouts  have  been  as  far  as  Kaionhouague,  where  you  had  concluded 
the  peace,  to  be  certain  of  the  place  at  which  your  army  had  encamped.  The  Onnontagues  believed 
for  several  days  that  they  had  killed  me.  Tegannehoufs  arrival  in  this  country  will  have  calmed 
the  minds  in  communicating  your  peace  to  them.  No  news  have  as  yet  been  received  from  the  Seneca . 
Some  say  they  will  shortly  come  hither  to  confer  on  important  matters.  If  any  one  come  from  the 
For  there  I  shall  inform  you  of  whatever  I  will  have  learned. 

Sieur  Arnaud,  Mr.  Dongan's  deputy,  has  not  re-appeared  here  since  my  departure  from  Onnontae, 
though  he  had  assured  me  that  he  should  return  in  ten  days.  'Tis  said  that  his  delay  is  caused  by 
not  having  found  his  master  at  Orange  (Albany),  and  that  he  has  gone  to  Manath  to  inform  him  of 
the  proceedings  of  the  Onnontague  and  of  your  arrival  at  Gainhouague,  [Hungry  Bay.] 

I  had  the  honour  of  writing  to  you  from  the  Fort  whence  I  sent  you  a  wampum  belt  from  the 
Tionnontates.  I  gave  Sieur  Hannataksa  the  belt  of  Wampum  and  the  red  Calumet  in  your  name,  to 
whom  I  said  that  you  would  be  ever  obliged  to  him  if  he  would  turn  his  arms  to  the  left  of  Fort  St. 
Louis,  where  the  Illinois  are  mingled  with  the  Oumiamis,  so  as  to  give  no  cause  of  complaint. 

Uncertain  as  I  was  regarding  matters  on  the  side  of  the  Senecas, and  fearful  that  the  Senecas  would 
create  confusion  on  arriving  here,  I  made  some  presents  in  your  name  to  some  captains  who  could 
best  curb  their  insolence,  so  as  to  prevent  the  brewing  of  the  storm. 

Your  man  of  business,  I  mean  La  Grande  Gueule,  is  not  concerned  at  any  thing ;  he  is  a  venal  be- 
ing whom  you  do  well  to  keep  in  pay.  I  assured  him  that  you  would  send  him  the  jerkin  you  pro- 
mised. The  Cayugas  who  are  gone  to  war  to  the  borders  of  Merinlande  and  Virginia  have  sent  home 
some  of  their  warriors  to  say  that  the  English  had  killed  three  of  their  men,  and  that  they  having 
taken  five  Englishmen  alive,  had  cut  their  throats  after  subjecting  them  to  some  bad  treatment,  and 
that  they  were  still  in  the  English  country. 

After  having  spoken  to  you  of  others,  I  must  acquit  myself  of  a  part  of  my  duty,  by  thanking 
you  very  humbly  for  all  the  kindnesses  you  have  been  pleased  to  shower  on  me.  I  should  have 
wished  you,  in  addition  to  the  good  health  in  which  it  pleased  God  to  preserve  you  in  the  midst  of 
an  army  weakened  by  diseases,  greater  satisfaction  for  the  trouble  you  have  taken  for  the  public  good. 
Individuals  assuredly  know  that  if  you  had  not  accepted  peace, Avhich  is  very  favorable  since  no  one 
has  been  killed  on  either  side,  the  Colony  would  have  been  exposed  to  the  mercy  of  the  Iroquois 
who  would  pounce,  in  different  directions,  on  defenceless  settlements,  the  people  of  which  they 
would  carry  off  in  order  to  pitilessly  burn  them.  I  pray  God,  who  knows  the  sincerity  of  your  in- 
tentions, to  be  your  reward  and  to  heap  His  blessings  on  you  to  the  extent  of  the  wishes  of  him  who 
is  entirely,  my  Lord 

Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant, 

J.  DE  LAMBERVILLE. 

I  told  Colin  that  you  would  remember  him  and  his  comrade. 

The  Tionnontat6s  have  sent  to  thank  the  Onnontagues  for  having,  by  their  obliging  disposition, 
gained  you  ever  to  treat  for  peace,  and  thus  preserve  the  lives  of  many,  and  that  they  were  attached 
to  Onnonthio.    Sieur  la  Grande  [Gueule  ]  has  pronounced  your  panegyric  here,  and  professes  to  keep 

[Vol.  I.]  12 


90 


DE  LA  BARRE'S    EXPEDITION  TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 


the  promise  he  made  you,  to  cause  the  articles  of  peace  to  be  observed.  Some  furs  are  to  be  collect- 
ed this  fall.  He  is  treating  on  this  subject  with  Hannagoge  and  Ganakontie\  There  is  no  news  yet 
from  the  Senecas. 


FROM  THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 

Onnontague,  this  9th  Octob.  1684. 

My  Lord, — The  message  you  sent  here  by  three  canoemen  from  Montreal  shows  you  to  be  in  reality 
a  man  of  your  word.  Sieur  Grande  Gueule  has  been  informed  by  express,  who  is  gone  to  find  him 
at  his  fishery  eight  leagues  from  here,  that  you  have  written.  I  shall  cause  him  when  he  returns 
particularly  to  recollect  his  promise  to  you  to  have  satisfaction  given  you.  I  have  spoken  in  his 
absence  both  privately  and  publicly,  to  influential  persons  and  obtained  promises  from  the  chiefs  and 
warriors  that  they  would  send  two  strings  of  wampum  to  the  Senecas  in  three  days  to  put  them  in 
mind  of  the  word  which  the  leader  of  those  who  pillaged  the  French  canoes  had  himself  brought 
here,  from  those  of  his  own  nation,  that  they  had  accepted  all  you  had  concluded  at  La  Famine.  I 
told  them  what  you  had  concluded  and  had  ordered  me  to  acquaint  them  with.  The  report  about 
the  thousand  Illinois  is  a  mere  rumor  without  any  foundation,  and  M.  duLut  told  me  at  Katarakoui, 
that  he  did  not  believe  the  truth  of  this  news ;  besides  there  cannot  be  any  apprehension  that  they 
could  have  dared  to  undertake  any  thing,  having  met  neither  Frenchmen  nor  Outaouas.  All  that 
they  could  make  a  demontration  against  have  more  fuzileers  than  they. 

A  party  of  40  warriors  will  leave  here  in  six  days  to  attack  the  Illinois  whom  they  may  find 
among  the  Chaouennons.  I  have  presented  the  Captain  a  shirt  in  your  name,  to  exhort  the  Senecas 
through  whom  he  will  pass,  to  keep  their  word  with  you.  He  has  assured  me  that  he  will  not  lead 
his  troop  towards  the  quarter  you  forbad  him.  I  notified  him  as  well  as  the  others  that  you  had 
despatched  a  canoe  to  inform  the  Oumiamies  and  the  Maskenses  that  you  had  included  them  in  the 
peace,  and  that  they  could  remain  secure  at  the  place  where  they  had  been  before  they  were  at  war 
with  the  Iroquois.  The  Senecas  shall  be  equally  notified  of  this  in  a  few  days.  You  may  rest  as- 
sured, my  Lord,  that  I  shall  spare  no  pains  to  have  that  satisfaction  given  you  winch  you  expect 
from  the  Iroquois.  The  frenchmen  who  came  here  told  me  that  whilst  you  were  at  La  Famine  a 
false  alarm  reached  Montreal  that  the  Iroquois  were  coming;  that  there  was  nothing  but  horror,  flight 
and  weeping  at  Montreal.  What  would  so  many  poor  people  have  done  in  their  settlements  if  mere- 
ly six  hundred  Iroquois  had  made,  an  irruption  into  the  country  in  the  condition  in  which  it  is.  You 
ibrm  a  better  opinion  than  one  hundred  manufacturers  of  rhodomontades  who  were  not  acquainted 
With  the  Iroquois,  and  who  reflect  not  that  the  country,  such  as  it  is,  is  not  in  a  condition  to  defend 
itself.  Had  I  the  honor  to  converse  with  you  longer  than  your  little  leisure  allowed  me,  I  should 
have  convinced  you  that  you  could  not  have  advanced  to  Panialbrontogouat  [Irondequoit  bay  J  with- 
out having  been  utterly  defeated  in  the  state  your  army  was  in — which  was  rather  an  hospital  than 
a  camp.  To  attack  people  within  their  entrenchments  and  fight  banditti  in  the  bush  will  require  one 
thousand  men  more  than  you  have  Then  you  can  accomplish  nothing  without  having  a  number  of 
disciplined  savages.  I  gave  you  already  my  thoughts,  and  believe  I  told  you  the  truth,  and  that 
you  deserved  the  title  of  "Liberator  of  the  Country"  by  making  peace  at  a  conjuncture  when  you 
would  have  beheld  the  ruin  of  the  country  without  preventing  it.  The  Senecas  had  double  pallisades 
stronger  than  the  pickets  of  the  fort  and  the  first  could  not  have  been  forced  without  great  loss. 
Their  plan  was  to  keep  only  300  men  inside,  and  with  1200  others  perpetually  harass  you.    All  the 


DE  LA  BARRE's  EXPEDITION  TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 


9] 


Iroquois  were  to  collect  together  and  fire  only  at  the  legs  of  your  people  to  master  them,  and  burn 
them  at  their  leisure ;  and  after  having  cut  theru  off  by  a  hundred  ambuscades  among  the  foliage  and 
grass,  pursue  you  in  your  retreat  even  to  Montreal  to  spread  desolation  throughout  its  vicinity  also ; 
and  they  had  prepared  for  that  purpose  a  quantity  of  canoes  of  eighteen  men  each  which  they  kept 
concealed.  But  let  us  all  speak  of  this  war  to  thank  God  that  He  has  preserved  our  Governor  in  the 
midst  of  so  much  sickness,  and  that  He  had  compassion  on  Canada  from  which  He  turned  away  the 
scourge  of  war  which  would  have  laid  it  entirely  desolate. 

The  English  of  Merinlande  who  had  killed  tliree  Iroquois,  and  of  whom  the  English  Iroquois  had 
killed  five,  are  about  to  have  difficulties  with  that  belligerent  nation  which  has  already  killed  more 
than  twenty-nine  of  their  men,  and  lias  been  threatened  with  war  should  it  continue  to  insult  them. 
We  shall  see  what  the  English  of  that  quarter  will  do. 

Garakontie  returned  to  day  from  Orange,  where  he  told  by  a  belt  of  Wampum  how  you  had  given 
peace  to  the  public ;  also  how  Colonel  Dongan  had  urged  the  Iroquois  to  secure  it  by  the  satisfaction 
which  he  advised  thein  to  give  you.  M.  Dongan  left  Orange  when  those  who  brought  the  Duke  of 
York's  Safeguards  came  to  this  place ;  it  is  supposed  that  Arnaud's  visit  here  to  prevent  the  Iroquois 
going  to  see  you  and  to  get  them  to  hold  a  Coimcil  at  Orange,  was  an  intrigue  of  the  Orange  mer- 
chants who  feared  that  their  trade  would  be  diminished  by  a  conference  held  with  you  with  arms  in 
your  hands;  for  M.  Dongan  had  probably  departed  from  Orange  when  Arnaud  left  to  come  here. 
What  the  Iroquois  know  is,  after  having  heard  M.  Dongan  who  exhorted  them  to  an  arrangement 
with  you,  it  was  in  no  wise  probable  that  on  the  eve  of  a  negotiation,  he  should  have  forbidden  them 
to  visit  you  without  his  permission. 

A  man  named  La  Croix,  in  Indian  Tegaiatannhara,  who  answered  Garakontie  on  behalf  of  the 
Dutch,  said  that  had  you  not  made  peace,  knowing  that  the  Safeguards  of  England  were  on  the 
Iroquois,  800  Englishmen  and  1200  Mohegans,  (Loups)  who  are  between  Merinland  and  New  York, 
entirely  distinct  from  the  Cannongageh-ronnons  whom  you  have  with  you,  were  all  ready  to  march 
at  the  first  word  to  aid  the  Iroquois.  This  man  La  Croix  passes  with  the  Iroquois  for  a  great  liar ; 
he,  possibly  may  have  advanced  this  of  his  own  accord,  as  well  as  many  other  things  he  has  stated, 
which  M.  Dongan  perhaps  would  not  approve,  were  he  acquainted  with  them. 

I  thank  you  most  humbly  for  having  furnished  an  opportunity  for  the  transportation  to  us  of  a 
part  of  our  necessaries.  It  is  a  continuance  of  your  kindness  towards  us  and  towards  me  in  particu- 
lar, who  am  sincerely  and  with  much  respect,  My  Lord, 

Your  very  humble  &  very  obedient  Servant, 

De  Lamberville. 

I  shall  give  La  Grande  Gueule  your  jerkin  as  soon  as  he  returns  here.  I  had  the  honor  to  write  to 
you  by  Colin  ten  days  since. 


92 


DE  LA  BARRE's  EXPEDITION  TO  HUNGRY  BAY. 


FROM  THE  MINISTER  TO  M.  BARILLON,  FRENCH  AMBASSADOR  AT  LONDON. 

[Paris  Doc.  III.] 

Versailles,  10  March,  1685. 

Sir — The  King  has  learned  that  the  Governor  of  New  York,  instead  of  maintaining  good  corres- 
pondence with  Sieur  de  la  Barre,  Governor  of  Canada,  in  conformity  with  the  orders  of  the  late 
King  of  England,  has  done  what  he  could  to  prevent  the  Iroquois  treating  with  him ;  that  he  offered 
them  troops  to  serve  against  the  French,  and  that  he  caused  standards  (flags)  to  be  planted  in  their 
villages,  though  these  nations  had  been  always  subject  to  France  since  their  country  was  discovered 
by  the  French,  without  the  English  objecting  thereto. 

His  Majesty  desires  you  to  present  his  complaints  to  the  King  of  England  and  to  demand  of  him 
precise  orders  to  oblige  this  governor  to  confine  himself  within  the  limits  of  his  government,  and  to 
observe  different  conduct  towards  Sieur  Denonville,  who  is  selected  by  His  Majesty  to  succeed  the 
said  Sieur  de  la  Barre. 


VI. 


(B  ov.   5301190110  Ktp0tt 


ON 


HE   PROVI JCE   OF  NEW-TOR 


1687. 


GOV.  DONGAN'S  REPORT 


TO  THE  COMMITTEE  OF  TRADE  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK,  DATED  22d  FEBRUARY,  1687. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  V.  ] 

My  Lords — I  have  received  the  heads  of  inquiry  your  Lo'ps  sent  to  mee  and  indeed  I  have  been  as 
industrious  as  possibly  I  could  to  make  myself  capable  of  giving  you  satisfaction.  And  wherein  I 
am  short  of  answering  your  Lo'p8  expectation  I  question  not  but  youl  pardon  it  when  you  consider 
that  to  give  a  distinct  answer  to  several  of  your  queries  must  require  a  longer  time  than  I  have  yet 
had  since  their  arrival  here.  However  to  such  of  them  as  I  am  at  present  capable  to  make  an  answer, 
I  herein  give  yor  LoV  I  hope  the  satisfaction  required  which  are  as  follow 

In  answer  to  the  first  of  your  Lo'ps  Querys. 

jHSltice.of   The  Courts  of  Justice  are  most  established  by  Act  of  Assembly  and  they  are  [ 

1.  The  Court  of  Chancery  consisting  of  the  Governor  and  Council  in  the  Supreme  court  of  this 
province  to  which  appeals  may  be  brought  from  any  other  court 

2.  The  Assembly  finding  the  inconvenience  of  bringing  of  ye  peace,  Sheriffs,  Constables  @  other 
prsons  concerned  from  the  remote  parts  of  this  government  to  New  York  did  instead  of  the  Court  of 
Assizes  which  was  yearly  held  for  the  whole  Government  of  this  province  erect  a  Court  of  Oyer  and 
Terminer  to  be  held  once  every  year  within  each  County  for  the  determining  of  such  matters  as 
should  arise  within  them  respectively,  the  members  of  which  Court  were  appointed  to  bee  one  of  the 
two  judges  of  this  province  assisted  by  three  justices  of  the  peace  of  that  county  wherein  such  court 
is  held.  Which  Court  of  Oyer  &  Terminer  has  likewise  power  to  hear  appeals  from  any  interior 
court 

3.  There  is  likewise  in  New  York  @  Albany  a  Court  of  Mayor  @  Aldermen  held  once  in  every 
fortnight  from  whence  there  can  be  noe  appeal  unless  the  cause  of  action  bee  above  the  value  of 
Twenty  Pounds,  who  have  likewise  priviledges  to  make  such  by-laws  for  yc  regulation  of  their 
own  affairs  as  they  think  fitt,  soe  as  the  same  be  approved  of  by  ye  Govr  @  Council. 

Their  Mayor,  Recorders,  town-clerks  @  Sheriffs  are  appointed  by  the  Governor. 

4.  There  is  likewise  in  every  County  twice  in  every  year  (except  in  New  York  where  it  is  four 
times  @  in  Albany  where  its  thrice)  Courts  of  Sessions  held  by  the  Justices  of  the  Peace  for  the 
resp'ive  county s  as  in  Engld. 

5.  In  every  Town  wtn  ye  Government  there  are  3  Commissioners  appointed  to  hear  and  deter- 
mine all  matters  of  difference  not  exceeding  the  value  of  five  pounds  which  shall  happen  within  the 
respective  towns. 

6.  Besides  these,  my  Lords,  I  finding  that  many  great  inconveniences  daily  hapned  in  the  managem1 
of  his  Mats  particular  concerns  within  this  province  relating  to  his  Lands,  Rents,  Rights,  Profits  @ 
Revenues  by  reason  of  the  great  distance  betwixt  the  Cursory  settled  Courts  @  of  the  long  delay 
which  thereon  consequently  ensued  besides  the  great  hazard  of  venturing  the  matter  on  country 


96 


GOV.  DONUAN's  REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK. 


Jurors  who  over  @  above  that  they  are  generally  ignorant  enough  @  and  for  the  most  part  linked 
together  by  affinity  are  too  much  swayed  by  their  particular  humors  @  interests,  I  thought  fit  in  Feb. 
last  by  @  with  yc  advice  (a  consent  of  yc  Council  to  settle  and  establish  a  Court  which  we  call  the 
court  of  Judicature  [Exchequer]  to  bee  held  before  ye  Gov  (a.  Council  for  the  time  being  or  before 
such  @  soe  many  as  the  Govr  should  for  the  purpose  authorize,  comissionat  @  appoint  on  the  first 
Monday  in  every  month  at  New  York,  which  Court  hath  full  power  and  authority  to  hear,  try  @ 
determine  suits  matters  @  variances  arising  betwixt  his  Ma*y  @  ye  Inhabitants  of  the  said  Province 
concerning  the  said  lands,  rents,  rights,  profits  @  revenues 

In  answer  to  the  Second. 

The  Laws  in  force  are  ye  Laws  called  his  Royal  Highnesses  Laws  and  the  acts  of  the  General  Assem- 
.       bly  the  most  of  which  I  presume  yr  Lops  have  seen  @  the  rest  I  now  send  over  by  mr 
Force.       Sprag  to  whom  I  refer  your  Lops  in  this  point. 

In  answer  to  the  Third 

In  this  Govern1"1  there  are  about  four  thousand  foot  @  three  hundred  horse  besides  one  company 
of  Dragoons  of  which  I  shall  bee  able  to  give  a  more  particidar  account  when  the  Mustermaster 
shall  make  his  return. 

7«  answer  to  the  Fourth 

At  New  York  there  is  a  fortification  of  four  bastions  built  formerly  against  the  Indians  of  dry  stone 
@  earth  with  sods  as  a  breast-work  well  @  pleasantly  situated  for  the  defence  of  the  Harbor  on  a 
point  made  by  Hudsons  River  on  the  one  side  and  by  the  sound  on  the  other,  It  has  Thirty-nine 
Gunns,  two  Mortar  pieces,  thirty  Barils  of  Powder  five  hundred  ball  some  Bomb-shells  @  Granados 
small  arms  for  three  hundred  men,  one  Flanker,  the  face  of  the  North  Bastion,  and  three  points  of 
Bastions  @  a  Courlin  has  been  done  @  are  rebuilt  by  mee  with  linie  @  mortar  @  all  the  rest  of  the 
Fort  pinnd  @  rough-cast  with  lime  since  my  coming  here. 

And  the  most  of  the  Guns  I  found  dismounted  @  some  of  them  yet  continue  to  bee  soe  which  I 
hope  to  have  mounted  soe  soon  as  the  mills  can  sawe 

I  am  forced  to  renew  all  the  Batterys  with  three-inch  Plank  @  have  spoke  for  new  planks  for  that 
purpose 

And  the  breast- work  upon  the  wall  is  so  nioultered  away  that  its  likewise  needful  to  make  a  repara- 
tion thereof.  The  Officers  quarters  had  formerly  a  flat  roof  which  I  finding  to  be  chargeable  to 
maintain  @  that  it  could  not  bee  kept  high,  [qu.  dry'?]  have  caused  a  new  roof  to  bee  upon  it,  as 
alsoe  finding  water  to  run  through  the  arch  of  the  Gate  I  have  been  forc't  to  put  a  Roof  over  it,  I 
am  forc't  every  day  by  reason  of  the  roteness  of  the  Timber  @  Boards  to  bee  making  reparations  in 
the  Soldiers  quarters  or  my  own. 

The  ground  that  the  Fort  stands  upon  @  that  belongs  to  it  contains  in  quantity  about  two  acres  or 
thereabouts  about  which  I  have  instead  of  Palisadoes  put  a  fence  of  Palls  which  is  more  lasting. 

Tlio  this  Fortilicalion  bee  inconsiderable,  yet  I  could  wish  the  King  had  severall  of  them  in  these 
parts,  the  people  growing  every  day  more  numerous  @  they  general)'  of  a  turbulent  disposition. 

In  this  Country  there  is  a  woman  yet  alive  from  whose  Loynes  there  are  upwards  of  three  hundred 
(3  sixty  persons  now  living 

The  men  that  are  here  have  generally  lusty  strong  bodies 

At  Albany  there  is  a  Fori  made  of  pine  trees  fifteen  foot  high  (<?  foot  over  with  Batterys  and  con- 
veniences made  for  men  to  walk  about,  where  are  nine  guns,  small  arms  lor.  forty  men  four  Barils  of 
powder  with  great  and  small  Shott  in  proportion,  The  Timber  («  Boards  being  rotten  were  renewed 
this  year,  to  my  opinion  it  were  better  that  fort  were  built  up  of  Stone  (<>  Lime  which  will  not  be 
double  the  charge  of  this  years  repair  which  yet  will  not  last  above  6  or  7  yean  before  it  will  require 


GOV.   DONGAN's  REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


97 


the  like  again  whereas  on  the  contrary  were  it  built  of  Lime  &  Stone  it  may  bee  far  more  easily 
maintained,  And  truly  its  very  necessary  to  have  a  Fort  there,  it  being  a  frontier  place  both  to  the 
Indians  @  ffrench 

At  Pemaquid  there  is  another  Fort  built  after  the  same  manner  as  I  am  informed  a  particular  descrip- 
tion whereof  I  am  not  capable  of  giving  having  never  been  there  however  its  a  great  charge 
Fo«SSf  to  this  Govermn1  without  being  any  thing  of  advantage  to  it,  having  officers  there  with 
twenty  men  always  in  pay,  And  which  makes  it  yet  more  chargeable,  I  am  forced  to  send 
from  time  to  time  provisions  @  stores  thither,  altho'  its  near  four  hundred  miles  from  this  place  If 
His  Ma'y  were  pleased  that  I  might  draw  of  the  men  and  arms  from  that  place  with  the  guns  being 
of  light  carriage  @  that  I  might  have  leave  to  put  them  further  into  the  country  I  would  place  them 
where  I  will  give  your  LohP  an  acc1  hereafter 

And  then  if  his  Ma*y  were  further  pleased  to  annex  that  place  to  Boston,  being  very  convenient 
for  them  in  regard  to  its  vicinity  affording  great  store  of  Fishery  @  Islands  fit  for  that  purpose  lying 
all  along  to  the  eastward  of  them — And  in  lieu  of  that  to  add  to  this  Government  Connecticut  @ 
Rhode  Island,  Connecticut  being  so  conveniently  situate  in  its  adjacing  to  us  and  soe  inconvenient 
for  the  people  of  Boston  by  reason  of  its  being  upwards  of  two  hundred  miles  distance  from  thence, 
Besides  Connecticut  as  it  now  is  takes  away  from  us  almost  all  the  land  of  value  that  lies  adjoyneing 
to  Hudsons  River  @  the  best  part  of  the  river  itself,  Besides  as  wee  found  by  experience  if  that  place 
bee  not  annexed  to  that  Government  it  will  bee  impossible  to  make  any  thing  considerable  of  his 
Ma'y5  customs  @  revenues  in  Long  Island  they  carry  away  with4  entring  all  our  oyles  which  is  the 
greatest  part  of  what  wee  have  to  make  returns  of  from  this  place :  And  from  Albany  and  that  way 
up  the  river — our  Beaver  &  Peltry. 

This  Government  too  has  an  undoubted  right  to  it  by  charter  which  his  late  Ma'  y  of  Blessed  Memory 
granted  to  our  present  King,  and  indeed  if  the  form  of  the  Government  bee  altered  these  people  will 
rather  choose  to  come  under  this  than  that  Goverm1  of  Boston  as  yr  Lo'ps  will  p'ceive  by  their  pre- 
sent Govs  Ires  directed  to  me 

And  as  for  East  Jersey  it  being  situate  on  the  other  side  of  Hudsons  river  @  between  us  @  where  tl  e 
E«st  and  river  disembogues  itself  into  the  sea  paying,  noe  custom  @  having  likewise  the  advantage 
west  jersey.  o^  navjng  better  land  @  most  of  the  settlers  there  out  of  this  Governm*.  Wee  are  like  >o 
bee  deserted  by  a  great  many  of  our  merchants  whoe  intend  to  settle  there  if  not  annexed  to  this 
Government — 

Last  year  two  or  three  ships  came  in  there  with  goods  @  I  am  sure  that  that  Country  cannot,  noe 
not  with  the  help  of  West  Jersey  consume  one  thousand  £b  in  goods  in  two  years  soe  that  the  rest  of 
their  goods  must  have  been  run  into  this  Government  without  paying  his  Mat)'8  customs  and  indeed 
theres  noe  possibility  of  preventing  it. 

And  as  for  Beaver  @  Peltry  its  impossible  to  hinder  its  being  carried  thither,  the  Indians  value  not 
the  length  of  their  journey  soe  as  they  can  come  to  a  good  market,  which  these  people  can  better 
afford  than  wee  they  paying  noe  custom  or  excise  inwards  or  outwards. 

An  other  inconveniency  by  the  Governments  remaining  as  it  does  is  that  privateers  and  others  can 
come  within  Sandy  Hook  and  take  what  Provisions  @  goods  they  please  from  that  side.  Alsoe  very 
often  shipps  bound  to  this  place  break  bulk  there  @  run  their  goods  into  that  Colony  with  intent 
afterwards  to  import  the  same  privately  @  at  more  leisure  into  this  Province  notwithstanding  their 
oath,  they  salving  themselves  with  this  evasion  that  that  place  is  not  in  this  Goverm1,  To  day  an 
Interloper  landed  five  tun  @  one  half  of  teeth  there,  to  prevent  all  which  inconveniences  @  for  the 
securing  of  this  place  from  enemys,  I  desire  to  have  an  order  to  make  up  a  small  Fort  with  twelve 
guns  upon  Sandy-Hook  the  channell  there  being  soe  near  the  shore  that  noe  vessel  can  goe  in  nor  out 
but  she  must  come  soe  neare  the  Point  that  from  on  board  one  might  toss  a  biscuit  cake  on  shore. 

[Vol.  I.]  13 


Its 


GOV.  DONGAn's  REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


If  the  Proprietors  would  rightly  consider  it  they  would  find  it  to  their  own  interest  that  that  place 
should  bee  annexed  to  this  Government  for  they  are  at  a  greater  charge  for  maintaining  the  present 
Goverrn'  than  the  whole  profits  of  the  Province  (which  is  by  quit-rents)  will  amount  unto  ;  for  they 
are  at  the  whole  charge  the  Country  allowing  nothing  towards  its  support  soe  that  had  they  not  the 
charge  of  the  Goverm1,  they  might  put  that  money  into  their  own  pockets. 

And  indeed  to  make  Amboy  a  port  will  be  no  less  inconvenient  for  the  reasons  afore  mentioned 
neighboring  colonys  being  not  come  to  that  P'fection  but  that  one  fort  may  sufficiently  serve  us  all 
We  in  this  Government  look  upon  that  bay  that  runs  into  the  Sea  at  Sandy  Hook  to  be  Hudsons 
River  therefore  there  being  a  clause  in  my  instructions  directing  mee  that  I  cause  all  vessels 
m">-m<iyra'd  that  come  into  Hudson's  River  to  enter  at  New  York  I  desire  to  know  whether  his  Mat* 

Hook. 

intends  thereby  those  vessels  that  come  within  Sandy-Hook,  the  people  of  East-Jersey  pre- 
tending a  right  to  the  river  soe  farr  as  their  province  extends  which  is  eighteen  mdes  up  the  river 
to  the  northward  of  this  place 

West  Jersey  remaining  as  it  does  will  be  no  less  inconvenient  to  this  Goverm1  for  the  same  reasons 
as  East  Jersey,  they  both  making  but  one  neck  of  land  @  that  so  near  situate  to  us  that  its  more  for 
their  convenience  to  have  commerce  here  than  any  where  else,  @  under  those  circumstances  that  if 
there  were  a  warr  either  with  Christians  or  Indians  they  would  not  bee  able  to  defend  themselves 
without  the  assistance  of  this  Goverm1. 

To  bee  short,  there  is  an  absolute  necessity  those  provinces  and  that  of  Connecticut  be  annexed 

The  three  lower  Countys  of  Pennsylvania  have  been  a  dependency  on  this  place  @  a  great  many 
of  the  inhabitants  persons  that  removed  thither  from  this  Goverm1  and  I  doe  not  believe  it  was  his 
Maty'  intention  to  annex  it  to  Pennsylvania,  nor  to  have  it  subject  to  the  same  laws  it  being  the 
King's  own  land,  the  doing  whereof  by  mr  Pen  there  has  been  of  great  detriment  to  this  place  in 
hindring  the  Tobacco  to  come  hither  as  formerly,  for  then  there  came  two  shipps  for  one  that  comes 
now ;  Beaver     Peltry  taking  up  but  small  Stowage  in  shipps 

And  indeed  it  were  in  my  opinion  very  necessary  for  the  advantage  of  this  place  @  increase  of  his 
Matr*  revenues  that  it  were  soe  ordered  that  the  Tobacco  of  these  countrys  may  bee  imported  hither 
without  paying  there  the  duty  of  one  penny  pr  pound  and  then  wee  should  not  bee  at  such  streights 
for  returns,  their  trade  would  much  increase,  and  this  place  become  a  magazin  for  the  Neighboring 
provinces,  @  care  taken  that  the  Tobacco  bee  duly  returned  to  England  whereas  now  a  great  part  of 
it  goes  another  way  (3)  soe  its  very  necessary  that  the  Collector  of  this  place  should  be  Collector  of 
that  River  for  the  enumerated  commoditys,  And  wee  will  have  such  regard  to  the  advantage  of  this 
port  that  we'el  suffer  noe  fraud  to  bee  committed  there  nor  noe  Tobacco  to  be  exported  but  what 
goes  either  directly  for  England  or  this  place. 

Besides  wee  find  the  contrary  to  bee  very  inconvenient  in  this  that  whereas  formerly  the  damnified 
Tobacco  which  came  from  thence  not  fit  for  England  wee  made  up  in  rolls  and  sent  ye  same  up  the 
River  to  the  Indians  who  in  Exchange  gave  in  Beaver  @  Peltry , for  want  whereof  his  Maty  revenue 
here  is  much  impaired  inasmuch  as  the  Indians  are  therefore  forct  either  to  Plant  the  tobacco  them- 
selves or  to  goe  where  they  can  be  furnished  with  it  @  there  carry  their  beavor  (a  peltry  (they  being 
of  that  temper  that  they  had  rather  want  clothes  than  Tobacco)  by  which  Meanes  his  Maty8  revenue 
sustains  a  double  loss,  one  in  the  ten  per  cent  such  tobacco  pays  custom  up  the  river  (fr  the  other  in 
the  custom  of  such  Beaver  ("  peltry  as  the  same  would  produce 

Further  if  Pennsylvania  bee  continued  as  by  charter  running  five  degrees  to  the  westward  it  will 
take  in  the  most  of  the  five  nations  that  lye  to  the  westward  of  Albany©  the  whole  Beaver  ©  Peltry 
trade  of  that  place  the  consequence  whereof  will  be  the  depopulation  of  this  Goverm1  for  the  people 
must  follow  the  trade.  Those  Indians  and  the  people  of  this  Goverm4  have  been  in  continued  peace 
Oi  amity  one  with  another  these  fifty  years    And  those  Indians  about  forty  years  agoe  did  annex 


GOV.  DONGAN's  REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


99 


their  lands  to  this  Governm1  @  have  ever  since  constantly  renewed  the  same  with  every  Governor 
that  has  been  here  both  in  the  time  of  the  Dutch  @  the  English  @  in  particular  to  myself  who  have 
given  them  largely  in  consideration  of  their  lands  And  I  am  certainly  informed  that  they  have  de- 
clared they  will  go  @  live  on  ye  other  side  of  the  lake  than  be  under  any  other  Goverroton  this  than 
ours,  Endeavors  have  been  used  (tho  to  noe  purpose)  to  p'suade  some  of  our  Traders  who  speak  the 
language  to  goe  and  live  upon  the  Susquehanna  river  tho  I  cannot  yet  find  out  by  whom  this  has 
been  made. 

The  five  Indian  nations  are  the  most  warlike  people  in  America,  (a),  are  a  bulwark  between  us  @ 
the  French  (5>  all  other  Indians  they  goe  as  far  as  the  South  Sea  the  North  West  passage  @  Florida  to 
warr.  New  England  in  their  last  wffrr  with  the  Indians  had  been  ruined  had  not  Sr  Edmund  Andros 
sent  some  of  those  nations  to  their  assistance,  and  indeed  they  are  soe  considerable  that  all  the  In- 
dians in  these  parts  of  America  are  tributary  to  them.  I  suffer  no  Christians  to  converse  with  them 
any  where  but  at  Albany  @  that  not  without  my  license 

Since  I  came  here  the  people  of  Boston  have  sent  them  presents  in  acknouledgement  of  their  favor 
@  friendship.  @  I  was  forc't  to  goe  with  my  Lord  Effingham  to  bury  his  hatchet  and  theirs  which  is 
their  way  of  making  a  peace 

I  have  sent  herewith  what  the  nations  that  conquered  the  Susquehannas  desired  of  the 
sal  andProp°  King  in  my  Lord  Effingham's  presence  and  I  believe  it  to  be  of  dangerous  consequence  if 

present.  , 

denyed 

This  Governm1  has  always  been  and  still  is  at  a  great  charge  to  keep  them  peaceable  @  annexed 
to  this  government  which  is  of  that  moment  that  upon  any  occasion  I  can  have  three  or  four  thousand 
of  their  men  at  a  call. 

I  cannot  believe  that  ever  it  was  the  King's  intention  to  grant  away  soe  considerable  a  part  of  this 
government  which  has  been  so  long  appropriated  to  it  @  even  the  people  think  it  as  a  part 
(or  the  Beaver  of  themselves  @  would  be  much  troubled  at  a  separation  from  soe  good  @  ancient  neigh- 
bours that  at  first  of  their  own  free  wills  become  soe  and  have  ever  since  continued  with 
such  constancy  to  desire  and  maintain  a  mutual  friendship  and  correspondence  If  therefore  his 
Maty  were  pleased  to  have  a  line  run  from  41 d  and  40  m  in  Delaware  River  to  the  Falls  upon  the 
Susquehanna  and  to  let  Mr.  Pen  keep  all  below  that  it  would  be  sufficient  for  him  the  bounds  below 
it  being  conjectured  to  contain  more  than  all  England  besides  the  louer  Countys  which  is  near  upon 
100  miles  from  the  Cape  up  the  river  ;  and  in  bredth  more  than  30  miles  as  is  generally  beleeved 

To  preserve  the  Beaver  @  Peltry  trade  for  this  @  Albany  and  to  be  an  encouragement  to  our 
Beaver  hunters  I  desire  I  may  have  order  to  erect  a  Campayne  Fort  upon  Delaware  River  in  41  d 
40  m ;  another  upon  the  Susquehanna  where  his  Maty  shall  think  fit  Mr.  Penns  bounds  shall  ter- 
minate. And  another  at  Oneigra  near  the  great  lake  in  the  way  where  our  people  goe  a  Beaver 
hunting  or  trading  or  any  where  else  where  I  shall  think  convenient  it  being  very  necessary  for  the 
support  of  Trade,  maintaining  a  correspondence  with  the  further  Indians,  @  in  securing  our  right  in 
the  country  the  French  making  a  pretence  as  far  as  the  Bay  of  Mexico,  for  which  they  have  no  other 
argument  than  that  they  have  had  possession  this  twenty  years  by  their  fathers  living  so  long  among 
the  Indians  they  have  fathers  still  among  the  five  nations  aforementioned  viz.  the  Maquaes,  Sinicaes, 
Cayouges,  Oneides,  and  Onondagues  @  have  converted  many  of  them  to  the  Christian  Faith  @  doe 
their  utmost  to  draw  them  to  Canada,  to  which  place  there  are  already  G  or  70U  retired  and  more 
like  to  doe,  to  the  great  prejudice  of  this  Goverm4  if  not  prevented.  I  have  done  my  endeavours  (S 
Indians  from  ^ave  §one  80  &r  in  it  that  I  have  prevailed  with  the  Indians  to  consent  to  come  back  from 
Canada  on  condition  that  I  procure  for  them  a  piece  of  land  called  Serachtague  lying  upon 
Hudson's  River  about  40  miles  above  Albany  @  there  furnish  them  with  priests. 

Thereupon  and  upon  a  petition  of  the  people  of  Albany  to  mee  setting  forth  the  reasonableness 
and  conveniency  of  granting  to  the  Indians  there  requests  I  have  procured  the  land  for  them,  altho 


100 


GOV.  DONG  AN' S  REPORT  ON  THE    PROVINCE  OK  NEW-YORK. 


it  has  been  formerly  patented  to  people  at  Albany  @  have  promised  the  Indians  that  they  shall  have 
priests  and  that  I  will  build  them  a  church  (a  have  assured  the  people  of  Albany  that  I  would  ad- 
dress his  Ma'y  as  to  your  Lo'i,s  that  care  may  bee  taken  to  send  over  by  the  first  five  or  six  it  being 
a  matter  of  great  consequence. 

These  Indians  have  about  10  or  12  castles  (as  they  term  them)  @  those  at  a  great  distance  from 
one  another,  soe  that  there  is  an  absolute  necessity  of  having  soe  many  priests,  that  there  bee  three 
always  travelling  from  castle  to  castle,  @  the  rest  to  live  with  those  that  are  Christians,  Bj  that 
means  the  French  Priests  will  be  obliged  to  retire  to  Canada,  whereby  the  French  will  be  divested  of 
their  pretence  to  ye  Country  @  then  wee  shall  enjoy  that  trade  without  any  fear  of  being  diverted, 

I  find  a  very  small  matter  will  serue  the  French  for  a  prelftice  of  right.  About  30  years  ago 
G  or  700  of  them  taking  advantage  of  the  Indians  being  abroad  soe  farr  as  Cape  Florida  at  warr  came 
down  ®  burnt  a  castle  of  the  Maquaes  wherein  there  were  none  but  old  men  women  @  children 
which  the  rest  of  the  Indians  hearing  pursued  the  French  to  a  place  called  Sconectade  about  20  miles 
above  Albany  where  they  had  every  man  been  cut  off  had  not  one  Corlarr  (a  Dutchman  so  beloved 
of  the  Indians  that  in  memory  of  him  they  call  all  Governors  by  that  name)  interposed 

However  from  that  time  they  have  fancied  to  themselves  that  they  have  a  right  to  the  country  so 
farr  as  that  place 

The  great  difference  between  us  is  about  the  Beaver  trade  and  in  truth,  they  have  the  advantage  of 
us  in  it  @  that  by  noe  other  meanes  than  by  their  industry  in  making  discoveries  in  the  country 
before  us.  :>f 

Before  my  coming  hither  noe  man  of  our  Governm*  ever  went  beyond  the  Sinicaes  country,  Last 
year  some  of  our  people  went  a  trading  among  the  farr  Indians  called  the  Ottowais  inhabiting  about 
three  months  journey  to  the  West  (u>,  W.  N.  W.  of  Albany  from  whence  they  brought  a  good  niany 
Beavers.  They  found  their  people  more  inclined  to  trade  with  them  than  the  French  the  French 
not  being  able  to  protect  them  from  the  arms  of  our  Indians,  with  whom  they  have  had  a  continued 
warr,  soe  that  our  Indians  brought  away  this  very  last  year,  a  great  many  prisoners, 

Last  week  I  sent  for  some  of  our  Indians  to  New  York  where  when  they  came  I  obtained  a  promise 
from  them  that  some  of  themselves  would  goe  along  with  such  of  our  people  as  goe  from  Albany  & 
Esopus  to  there  far  nations  @  carry  with  them  the  captives  they  haue  prisoners  in  order  to  the  resto- 
ring them  to  their  liberty  @  and  bury  their  hatchetts  with  those  of  their  enemys  by  which  means  a 
path  may  be  opened  for  these  farr  Indians  to  come  with  safety  to  trade  at  Albany,  and  our  people 
goe  thither  without  any  let  or  disturbance. 

I  hear  the  French  have  built  a  Wooden  Fort  or  two  in  the  Way  thither  @  that  there  are  two  offi- 
cers with  men  in  them  to  obstruct  our  passage,  I  am  sending  a  Scotch  Gent  called  McGreger  (that 
served  formerly  in  France)  along  with  our  people,  he  has  orders  not  to  disturb  or  meddle  with  the 
French  and  I  hope  they  will  not  meddle  with  him,  Ever  since  my  coming  hither  it  has  been  no  small 
trouble  to  keep  the  Sinicaes  from  making  warr  upon  the  French,  Monsieur  De  la  Barr  was  very  hot 
upon  it  ®  brought  a  great  many  men  to  a  place  called  Cadaraque  lying  on  the  lake  with  intent  to 
fill  on  the  Indians,  who  hearing  of  it  came  to  me  for  leave  to  enter  Canade  with  fire  (fu  sword,  which 
I  refused  to  permit  but  immediately  I  wro1  to  La  Barr  («:  let  him  know  that  those  Indians  were  his 
Maty*  of  Great  Britain's  subjects  (ffi  that  he  must  not  molest  them  @  that  if  the  Indians  had  done  the 
Governm1  of  Canada  any  injury,  upon  his  making  the  same  appear,  I  would  cause  that  bee  should 
have  satisfaction  as  also  I  sent  the  arms  of  his  Royal  Highness  now  his  Majesty  to  bee  put  up  in  each 
castle  as  far  as  Oneigra  which  was  accordingly  done,  (<»  thereupon  De  la  Barr  retired  without  doing 
anything  after  having  been  at  vast  expense  and  all  to  no  purpose. 

The  new  Governor  Monsr  de  Nonville  has  written  mee  that  bee  desires  to  have  a  very  good 
correspondence  with  this  Governm1  («)  I  hope  bee  will  bee  as  good  as  his  word,  notwithstanding  he 
put  a  great  deal  of  provisions  into  (</  keeps  tour  or  five  hundred  men  at  Cadaraque 


GOV.  DONGAN's  REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW- YORK. 


101 


Last  spring  lie  sent  one  De  la  Croa  with  fifty  soldiers  @  one  hundred  young  men  of  Canada  to  the 
North  West  passage  where  as  I  am  certainly , informed  from  Canada  they  have  taken  three  forts. 
About  two  years  since  there  came  a  thousand  men  from  France  to  Canada  with  the  new  Gov  @  three 
hundred  came  the  year  after.  But  the  most  part  of  them  as  I  hear  are  since  dead  the  country  proving 
too  cold  for  them.  We  need  not  feare  them  soe  long  as  the  Indians  continue  to  bee  our  friends  @  the 
less  if  we  can  prevail  with  the  Indians  that  are  Christians  to  come  from  them  to  us,  they  being  gene- 
rally the  youngest  @  lustiest  men. 

The  number  Last  year  there  was  a  list  brought  into  the  new  Gov  of  17000  French  Inhabitants  in 
ciuada.0'1 "'  Canada,  men  women  @  children  of  which  3000  fit  to  bear  arms. 

It  will  be  very  necessary  for  us  to  encourage  our  young  men  to  goe  a  Beaver  hunting  as  the  French 
doe. 

I  send  a  Map  by  Mr.  Spragg  whereby  your  LopPs  may  see  the  several  Governmts  kc  how  they  lye 
where  the  Beaver  hunting  is  @  where  it  will  be  necessary  to  erect  our  Country  Forts  for  the  securing 
of  beaver  trade  @  keeping  the  Indians  in  community  with  us 

Alsoe  it  points  out  where  theres  a  great  river  discovered  by  one  Lassal  a  Frenchman  from  Canada 
who  thereupon  went  into  France  @  and  as  its  reported  brought  two  or  three  vessels  with  people  to 
settle  there  which  (if  true)  will  prove  not  only  very  inconvenient  to  us  but  to  the  Spanish  alsoe  (the 
river  running  all  along  from  our  lakes  by  the  back  of  Virginia  @  Carolina  into  the  Bay  Mexico)  @ 
its  beleeved  Nova  Mexico  can  not  bee  far  from  the  mountains  adjoining  to  it  that  place  being  in  3Cd 
North  Latitude  if  your  Lops  thought  it  fit  I  could  send  a  sloop  or  two  from  this  place  to  discover  that 
river. 

In  answer  to  the  Fifth 

The  strength     This  query  is  for  the  most  part  answered  in  the  precedent  what  is  not  answered  fblloweth 

of  our  . 
neighbors  here 

Connecticut  according  to  the  nearest  conjecture  I  can  make  may  have  about  3000  men  able  to  bear 
arms 

0 

In  it  there  are  but  few  Indians  having  been  generally  destroyed  or  removed  into  this  government 
in  the  time  of  the  last  warrs 

They  have  but  a  small  trade,  what  they  have  is  to  the  West-Indies  Boston  and  this  place. 

They  have  not  above  a  Ketch  or  two  and  about  6  or  7  sloops  belonging  to  the  place. 

The  country  is  very  good  accommodated  with  several  good  harbors  @  two  considerable  rivers 
New  London  is  @  very  good  harbor  for  shipping  where  they  may  ride  secure  from  all  winds  As  for 
their  timber  its  the  same  as  ours  here 

To  the  Sixth 

The  Correspondence  wee  hold  with  our  neighbors  is  very  amicable  @  good  wee  on  all  occasions 
doing  to  each  other  all  the  offices  of  Friendship  @  Service  wee  cann :  which  has  soe  much  endeared 
them  to  us  that  they  desire  nothing  more  than  to  be  a  part  of  this  Goverm1  those  of  Connecticut 
choosing  farr  rather  to  come  under  this  Goverm1  than  that  of  Boston  for  the  reasons  afore  mentioned 
and  the  Jerseys  wishing  the  like  as  having  once  been  a  part  of  us.  And  seeing  that  in  this  separa- 
tion they  are  not  soe  easy  nor  safe,  as  they  might  expect  to  bee,  were  they  re-united  to  us 

To  the  Seventh 
almes  jtc    ^  *s  answered  in  the  answer  to  the  Fourth 

To  the  Eighth 

boundaries'16  For  longitude  latitude  and  contents  of  this  Goverm1 1  refer  yor  Lop8  to  the  afore  men- 
lmimde  it  tioned  Map  wherein  you  will  see  in  what  narrow  bounds  we  are  cooped  up 

The  land  of  this  Goverment  is  generally  barren  rocky  land  except  the  land  wee  have  right  to  on 
the  Susquehanna  river  @  up  into  the  country  amongst  our  Indians  where  there  are  great  quantities 
very  good 


102 


GOV.  DONGAn's  REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


What  was  good  &  did  lye  convenient  and  near  the  sea  for  ye  most  part  is  taken  from  us  by  Con- 
necticut East  and  West  Jersey 

What  is  left  is  pretty  well  settled,  as  your  Lop8  will  perceive  by  ttie  list  of  patents  Mr.  Sprag  has 
with  him 

When  I  came  to  the  Goverment,  I  found  very  little  cpuit-rent  reserved  to  his  Ma'y  however  I  have 
got  the  people  with  their  own  consent  to  the  payment  of  a  certainty  as  yor  Lops  may  perceive  by  the 
afore  mentioned  list  of  patents.  Such  as  pay  noe  quit-rents  I  bring  into  the  aforementioned  court 
for  his  Maty  rents  @  revenues  where  in  a  short  time  they  are  easily  induced  to  doe  it,  @  I  hope  liis 
Maly  wj]]  have  considerable  revenue  by  it 

To  the  Ninth 

The  principal  towns  within  the  Goverm1  are  New  York  Albany  @  Kingston  at  Esopus   All  the  rest 
are  country  villages  the  buildings  in  New- York  @  Albany  are  generally  of  stone  @  brick. 

What  are  the  T       ,  ,      ,  ,  .-  ,     .,     .     _  .  yimi 

principal  In  the  country  the  houses  are  mostly  new  bmlt,  having  two  or  three  rooms  on  a  floor  The 
Dutch  are  great  improvers  of  land  New  York  @  Albany  live  wholly  upon  trade  with  the 
Indians  England  and  the  West  Indies.  The  returns  for  England  are  generally  Beaver  Peltry  Oile  @ 
Tobacco  when  we  can  have  it.  To  the  West  Indies  we  send  Flower,  Bread  Pease  pork  (S  sometimes 
horses ;  the  return  from  thence  for  the  most  part  is  rumm  which  pays  the  King  a  considerable  excise 
@  some  molasses  which  serves  the  people  to  make  drink  («  pays  noe  custom 

There  are  about  nine  of  ten  three  mast  vessels  of  about  80  or  100  tons  burthen  two  or  three  ketches 
shi  s  at      @  Barks  of  about  40  Tun  :  and  about  twenty  sloops  of  about  twenty  or  five  @  twenty  Tunn 
vessels.       belonging  to  the  Goverm1    All  of  which  trade  for  England  Holland  @  the  West  Indies  ex- 
cept six  or  seven  sloops  that  use  the  river  trade  to  Albany  @  that  way 
parishes  'y   The  Tenth  is  answered  in  the  answers  to  the  four  @  twentieth 

Precinti  &c 

To  the  Eleventh 

A  thousand  ships  may  ride  here  safe  from  winds  @  weather,  I  send  herewith  to  your  Lodp  a  Map 
What  rivers  from  the  coming  in  of  Sandy  Hook  to  the  northermost  end  of  this  Island  wherein  the 
rouUfce  Soundings  are  markt  by  wluch  youil  perceive  the  coming  in  @  conveniency  of  this 
harbor  Quit  along  the  north  side  of  Long  Island  are  very  good  harbors  @  roads  but  on  the  south 
side  none  at  all 

To  the  Twelfth 

wh«i  com.     What  account  I  can  at  present  give  of  this  is  for  the  most  part  contained  in  my  answer 

modify  fcc    t0  tne  fourtn  0f  yOUr  luPs  Queries 

To  the  Thirteenth 

Both  our  neighbors  and  wee  have  conveniency  siiflicient  either  for  transporting  timber  or  building 
And  for  tryal  if  your  Lodp  think  fit,  I  will  send  over  boards  of  what  dimensions  you 

What  timber  J  J  _  ,  .      A    ,        ,  , 

mut  &  other  please  the  three  inch  planks  I  have  for  the  Batteries  cost  me  filteen  shillings  the  hundred 

matrruui 

foot 

To  the  Fourteenth 

I  can  give  ye  Lo  noe  account  at  present  but  by  the  next  I  may.  I  will  make  a  diligent  enquiry 
whether  salt  about  it  @  when  I  have  got  any  tiling  worthy  of  your  Loi's  knowledge  I  will  acquaint 
Pc,re  *c    you  with  it 

To  the  Fifteenth 

Concerning  the  number  of  the  Inhabitants  merchants  English  @  Foreigners,  Servants  Slaves  ®  how 
many  able  to  bear  arms  it  is  not  possible  to  give  an  exact  account  but  in  order  to  my  being 
or  inhahUMw'certainly  informed  I  have  issued  forth  several  warrants  to  the  Sheriffs  within  this  goverment 


GOV.  DONGAn's  REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


103 


requiring  them  to  make  an  inquiry  thereof  @  to  return  the  same  to  mee  on  which  returns  I  shall  not 
fail  to  give  your  Lodp8  the  account  required. 

To  the  Sixteenth 

I  believe  for  these  7  years  last  past,  there  has  not  come  over  into  this  province  twenty  English 
what  number  Scotch  or  Irish  familys.  But  on  the  contrary  on  Long  Island  the  people  encrease  soe  fast 
ioitch  irlrii  that  they  complain  for  want  of  land  @  many  remove  from  thence  into  the  neighboring 
Tave'co/ne1  ^'province.  But  of  French  there  have  been  since  my  coming  here  several  familys  come  both 
inhabit  &c  £fom  gt  Christophers  &  England  @  a  great  many  more  are  expected  as  alsoe  from  Holland 
are  come  several  Dutch  familys  which  is  another  great  argument  of  the  necessity  of  adding  to  this 
Goverm1  the  neighboring  English  Colonys,  that  a  more  equal  ballance  may  be  kept  between  his 
Maty8  naturall  born  subjects  and  foreigners  which  latter  are  the  most  prevailing  part  of  this  Govern- 
ment 

I  send  herewith  a  petition  of  the  new  come  naturalized  French 
immbef  of hal  For  Answer  to  the  Seventeenth  #  Eighteenth 

chnsiemngs  I  must  refer  your  Lops  to  my  next  by  which  time  I  doubt  not  but  to  be  able  to  give  ye 
b"r'ofhpleto'p"e11desired  account  having  to  that  end  issued  forth  the  like  warrant  to  the  Sheriff*  as  aforesaid 

dyed  Jcc 

To  the  Ni?ieteenth 

As  concerning  ye  vessels  belonging  to  this  place  it  is  already  answered  in  the  answer 
or  ships'mwJe'of  yr  Lop 8  ninth  Querie  @  for  others  they  are  but  few  which  are  either  from  England  New 
England  or  the  West  Indies 

To  the  Twentieth 

what  01.-       What  obstructions  do  you  find  to  the  improvement  of  trade  &c. 

6tructions  &c 

Ans.  a  great  obstruction  to  our  trade  is  the  hindring  the  importing  Tobacco  from  the  three  lower 
Countys  in  Delaware  as  I  have  already  given  your  Lop*  an  account  in  answer  to  the  fifth  of  your 
queries 

It  is  likewise  a  great  hindrance  to  our  trade  here  ©  an  inconveniency  to  the  ships  that  come  out  of 
England  and  the  fishery  that  his  Maty  keeps  not  an  officer  at  Newfoundland  for  formerly  there  went 
every  year  Sloops  with  provisions  thither  @  gave  the  provisions  in  exchange  for  their  fish  who  again 
sold  them  to  the  Shipps  for  Bills  of  Exchange  to  England  which  made  good  returns  from  this  place 
procuring  back  from  England  English  goods  which  paid  his  Maty  custom  there 

For  the  regulation  of  our  trade  we  have  made  several  rules  among  ourselves,  the  chief  of  which 
is  that  noe  goods  of  the  product  of  Europe  or  West  Indies  bee  imported  into  this  province  unless  it 
were  directly  from  England  or  such  part  of  the  West  Indies  where  such  commoditys  were  produced, 
without  paying  as  a  custom  to  his  Maty  10  pr  cent 

To  the  one  and  Tiventieth 

What  advantage 

or  improvements    This  querie  is  sufficiently  answered  in  the  foregoing  answers 

may  be  gained  to  A  * 

your  trade 

To  the  two  and  Twentieth  concerning  the  Revenue 

dul'yV&o"  and  I  shall  give  your  Lops  an  exact  answer  to  this  querie  as  its  possible  for  me,  and  wherein 
I  am  deficient  I  shall  acquaint  your  Lop8  with  the  true  causes  of  it 

The  Revenue  except  that  of  the  Quit-Rents  has  been  settled  upon  his  Maty  then  his  Royal  High- 
ness @  his  heirs  by  act  of  Assembly  payable  in  manner  following  viz1 

For  every  Gallon  of  Rum  Brandy  @  distilled  liquors  to  bee  imported  into  the  province  @  its 
dependencys  fou  pence  currant  money  of  the  province 

For  every  pipe  of  Madera,  Fyal  St  George  Canary  Malaga  Sherry  @  all  sweet  wines  the  sumni  of 
forty  shillings  currant  money  aforesaid 


104 


GOV.   DONGAn's  REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OK  NEW-YORK. 


Upon  all  other  merchandizes  imported  into  the  province  @  dependencys  the  suram  of  forty  sliil- 
lings  currant  money  aforesaid  for  every  hundred  pounds  valued  at  the  prime  cost  except  those 
hereafter  specified  viz1 

Salt,  Brick,  Pan-tyles,  Coals,  Fish,  Sugar  Molasses,  Cottonwool  Ginger,  Logwood,  brasalette,  ffustyk 
west-India  hydes,  Tobacco  bullion  @  Plate 

Upon  all  merchandize  commonly  called  Indian  Goods  as  Duffels,  Strouds,  Blanketts,  plains,  half- 
thicks,  Woolen  Stokins,  White  Ozenbriggs,  kettles,  hatchetts,  hoes,  Red  Lead,  vermilion,  Cotton,  Red 
Kersey,  Knives,  Indian  Haberdashery  @  other  Indian  goods  the  summ  of  ten  pounds  currant  money 
aforesaid  for  every  hundred  pounds  value  prime  cost  carried  up  Hudsons  river  in  any  vessel  sloops 
boats  or  canoes  or  any  other  way 

Upon  every  baril  of  powder  twelve  shillings 

Upon  every  lb.  weight  of  lead  six  shillings 

For  every  Gun  or  Gun  Baril  with  a  lock  six  shillings 

For  every  Gall',  of  Rum,  Brandy  or  distilld  Liquors  that  shall  bee  carried  up  Hudsons  river  afore- 
said four  pence  currant  money  aforesaid 

Arid  likewise  by  the  said  act  is  settled  upon  his  Maty,  his  heirs  @  successors  an  excise  upon  all 
liquors  (beer  and  cyder  excepted)  retailed  under  five  gallons  the  sum  of  twelve  pence  cm-rant  money, 
aforesaid  w  ithin  ye  city  @  county  of  New  York  per  gallon  as  alsoe  the  excise  of  twelve  pence  currant 
money  aforesaid  upon  each  gallon  of  liquor  carried  up  Hudsons  river.  And  also  an  excise  of  twelve 
pence  on  liquors  retailed  throughout  the  whole  province  (gj  Depencies  (beer  and  cyder  only  excepted) 

As  alsoe  the  custom  @  duty  upon  every  beaver  skin  commonly  called  a  whole  Beaver,  nine  pence 

And  that  all  other  furs  (Tf  peltry  bee  valued  accordingly  that  is  for  two  half  beavers  nine  pence 
for  four  lapps  nine  pence  three  drillings  one  shilling  sixpence  ten  ratoons  ninepence  four  foxes  nine- 
pence,  four  fishers  nine  pence,  five  catts  ninepence,  four  @  twenty  mees-catts  nine  pence,  ten  mailers 
nine  pence,  twenty-four  pounds  of  Moose  @  Deer  Skin  ninepence.  And  all  other  Peltry  to  be  valued 
equivalent  to  the  whole  beaver  exported  out  of  this  Province  (bull  (a  cowhides  excepted) 

And  alsoe  that  all  Indian  traders  tliroughout  the  whole  province  (a  dependencies  doe  pay  for  the 
value  of  each  hundred  pounds  prime  cost  they  traffick  with  the  Indians  for,  ten  pounds  money 
aforesaid. 

And  for  all  Beer  ®  Sider  retailed  throughout  the  Province  @  dependencies  six  shillings  per  baril, 
and  for  each  baril  of  beer  or  sider  that  is  sold  to  the  Indians  six  shillings  as  if  retailed 
As  for  the  Quit  Rents  at  my  arrival  they  were  very  inconsiderable  most  made  by  Sr  Edmund  Andros, 
Quit  Reni»  the  greatest  part  whereof  in  Delaware  River  the  most  part  of  the  patents  granted  by  my 
predecessors  were  without  any  reservation  of  any  Quit-Rents  or  acknowledgement  to  his  Ma*y  or 
very  inconsiderable  such  as  several  of  Sr  Edmund  Andros's  grants  to  great  townships  reserving  the 
Quit-rent  of  our  Land  only  («  were  but  confirmations  of  former  grants  @  Indian  purchases,  These 
people  have  renewed  their  patents  under  a  greater  Quit-Rent  as  will  appear  by  the  list  sent  herewith 
most  of  these  patents  granted  by  mee  were  confirmations  alsoe 

The  methods  that  I  took  for  the  obliging  them  to  this  was  finding  several  tracts  of  laud  in  their 
townships  not  purchased  of  the  Indians  and  soe  at  his  Maty8  disposal.  They  were  willing  rather  to 
submit  to  a  greater  Quit  Rent  than  have  that  unpurchased  land  disposed  of  to  others  than  themselves 

The  persons  that  have  had  the  collection  receipt  @  management  of  his  Maty?s  revenue  for  these 
three  years  past  («  upwards  are  Mr  Lucas  Santen  by  commission  from  his  Ma'y  then  his  Royal  High- 
ness, Collector  @  Receiver.  John  Smith  one  that  he  brought  out  of  England  was  his  deputy  book- 
keeper @  surveyor  for  about  three  years  («  one  John  Harlow  a  servant  of  his,  waiter  searcher 
Saiium  I  gave  order  to  Mr  Santon  that  for  the  good  management  of  this  small  revenue  to  ye  best 
advantage  hee  should  not  make  any  journey  into  the  country  on  pretence  of  the  King's  business 


GOV.  DONGAN'S  REPORT  ON  THE    PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


105 


whereby  to  put  him  to  charge,  but  that  when  any  thing  occurred  hee  should  acquaint  mee  with  it 
that  I  might  order  the  sheriffs  or  Justices  of  the  Peace  of  the  Place  to  take  care  of  it.  And  alsoe 
went  up  to  Albany  myself  on  purpose  to  settle  his  Maty8  business  there  where  I  made  one  Robert 
Livingstone  Collector  @  Receiver,  with  order  to  acc1  wth  @  pay  into  Mr  Santer  w*  money  he  shod 
receive  for  which  he  was  to  have  Is  per  Pound  of  all  such  moneys  as  should  pass  through  his  hands? 
@  alsoe  made  him  Clerk  of  the  Town  that  both  places  together  might  afford  liim  a  competent  main- 
tenance 

At  Esopus  one  Thomas  Garton  was  by  Mr  San  ton  made  collector  @  receiver  who  as  I  find  by  Mr 
Santons  account  had  not  accounted  with  Mm  for  these  three  years  past.  Upon  wch  I  was  fbrct  to 
send  an  order  of  Council  for  his  coming  hither  with  his  accts  who  when  hee  came  gave  in  a  scrole  of 
paper  containing  a  confused  acct  of  about  £200.  pretending  that  his  accts  together  with  a  great  deal 
of  corn  @  Peltry  by  him  collected  @  received  for  his  Matys  customs  excise  @  Quit-Rents  were  burnt 
in  his  house  so  that  all  the  council  @  I  could  get  from  him  for  three  years  @  on  half  past  was  a  bond 
of  ,£200. 

Since  that  I  have  set  the  Excise  of  that  country  alone  to  Mr  Pawling  sheriff"  for  £110. 

As  for  the  county  of  Richmond  I  have  noe  acct  thereof,  as  your  Lops  will  see  by  the  audit. 

And  for  the  county  of  West  Chester  one  Collins  is  Collector  @  Receiver  there,  whoe  (as  your  Lop3 
may  likewise  see  by  the  audit)  has  not  given  any  account — only  this  Mr  Santen  tells  me  that  in 
Septr  last  hee  took  two  bonds  for  money  payable  in  March  next  which  I  look  upon  to  be  nothing,  @ 
all  the  Revenue  of  that  County  lost  the  man  having  hardly  bread  to  put  in  his  mouth. 

The  first  year  there  was  £52.  offered  for  the  Excise  of  Long  Island,  but  I  thought  it  unreasonable 
it  being  the  best  peopled  place  in  this  Goverm1  @  wherein  theres  great  consumption  of  Rumm  @  and 
therefore  I  gave  commission  to  Mr  Nicolls  @  Mr  Vaughton  to  gather  it  with  whom  I  made  this  agree- 
ment that  out  of  it  they  should  have  forty  pounds,  («  that  they  should  account  with  Mr  Santon  for 
the  remainder. 

Since  that  for  these  two  years  past  one  Henry  Fillkin  has  been  Collector  @  for  his  pains  has  a 
salary  of  .£30  per  ann.  What  returns  he  makes  I  referr  to  the  audit  most  part  of  the  people  of 
that  Island  especially  towards  the  East  end  are  of  the  same  stamp  with  those  of  New-England, 
refractory  @  very  loath  to  have  any  commerce  with  this  place  to  the  great  detrm*  of  his  Maty 
revenue  @  ruin  of  our  merchants.  To  prevent  which  the  aforementioned  act  of  Assembly  imposing 
10  pr  cent  upon  all  such  goods  as  should  be  imported  from  any  colony  where  such  goods  were  not 
produced  passed,  which  was  intended  chiefly  to  hinder  their  carrying  their  oyle  to  Boston  @  bring- 
ing goods  from  thence  into  this  Goverm1 

They  thought  it  a  hardship  to  be  obliged  as  formerly  to  come  to  this  citty  to  enter  @  clear  @  on 
their  application  wTere  allowed  to  have  a  port  where  I  made  Mr  Arnold  Collector  @  Receiver,  with 
order  to  be  accomptable  to  Mr  Santen— What  returns  he  has  given  I  likewise  referr  to  the  audit 

I  allowed  him  for  3  years  @  half  past  but  £52  with  which  hee  was  well  satisfied  having  had 
some  Pquisits  by  Entrys  @  clearing  there  Notwithstanding  the  desire  of  theirs  was  readily  granted 
they  refused  to  take  our  merchants  money  or  goods  @  carried  away  their  Oyle  private  to  Boston 
@  brought  back  goods  from  thence  as  formerly.  Therefore  with  the  advice  of  the  Council  I  made 
an  order  that  all  people  before  they  goe  there  shall  enter  @  clear  here  and  also  I  have  bought  a  Bark 
that  cruseth  there  with  a  master,  two  seamen  a  sergeant  @  six  soldiers  from  the  Garrison  lor  which 
the  soldiers  are  allowed  no  more  than  their  pay  except  a  little  provision  more  than  their  former 
allowance,  the  master  @  two  seamen  I  have  fisted  in  the  Company  alsoe  (g  "allow  them  something 
more  than  soldiers  pay. 

[Vol.  I.]  14 


106 


GOV.   DONGAn's  REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


As  for  the  Dukes  county  @  county  of  Cornwall  I  refer  to  y°  audit.  What  acct  Mr  Santen  gives 
@  Judge  Palmer  whom  I  sent  thither  last  spring  @  has  made  his  returns  to  Mr  Santen  among  which 
theres  an  account  of  the  seizure  of  wines  and  oyl  made  in  the  county  of  Cornwall 

The  first  year  I  left  every  thing  to  the  care  of  Mr  Santon  @  what  officers  hee  thought  fit  to  put  in, 
but  afterwards  finding  things  ill  managed  I  spake  to  Mr  Santon  several  times,  advising  him  as  a 
friend  to  look  better  to  the  trust  reposed  in  him 

What  returns  hee  has  made  mee  for  my  kindness  I  will  pass  by  <5j  say  noe  more  of  them  than  I 
am  obliged  to  doe  for  my  own  vindication  having  nothing  of  ill  will  against  him 

After  the  expiration  of  the  year  I  desired  him  to  bring  in  his  accounts  that  they  might  bee  audited 
which  hee  promised  me  from  time  to  time  but  in  such  manner  as  was  not  fit  for  him  for  always  when 
I  spoke  to  him  of  moneys  @  accompt  he  flew  into  a  passion 

Upon  which  I  ordered  him  that  since  hee  had  no  better  goverment  of  himself  he  should  refrain 
from  coming  into  my  company  @  after  I  frequently  sent  to  him  by  the  Secy  for  his  accompts  who 
likewise  met  with  the  same  dilatory  answers.  Upon  which  I  had  him  brought  before  the  council  3 
or  4  times  where  he  was  often  ordered  to  bring  in  his  accts  but  all  to  noe  purpose  for  upwards  of  a 
year  together  as  yr  Lop8  may  see  by  the  time  of  the  audit  @  by  the  several  orders  of  council  here- 
with sent 

At  last  when  his  accts  came  I  shewed  them  to  the  council  who  were  mightily  surprised  that  for 
eighteen  @  upwards  the  Revenue  should  amount  but  to  £3000  @  odd  pounds  upon  which  I  had 
them  audited  and  thereby  it  was  found  that  a  great  many  frauds  had  been  done  to  the  King  as  your 
Lops  may  see  by  the  said  audit  @  the  charge  brought  in  @  proved  against  Mr  Santon 

Then  I  desired  him  to  put  John  Smith  from  the  office  of  surveyor  and  out  of  the  custom  house 
having  the  charity  for  mr  Santon  to  believe  that  that  man  has  cheated  him  as  well  as  the  King  (I 
having  had  while  in  England  this  ill  character  of  him  from  Sr  Benj11  Bathurst  that  for  his  misbeha- 
vior he  had  been  turned  out  of  a  good  employment)  But  hee  never  wod  comply  with  it  notwith 
standing  several  orders  of  councill  to  that  affect  until  I  put  in  on  Thomas  Coker  to  bee  surveyor, 
upon  which  Smith  being  concerned  at  losing  his  surveyors  place,  grew  very  insolent  and  put  Mr 
Santon  upon  worse  measures  as  is  believed,  for  which  @  other  misdemeanors  as  yr  Lops  may  pceave 
by  the  Minutes  of  Council  sent  over  by  Mr  Sprag  he  was  turned  wholly  out  of  the  Custom  House 

In  Hatlow  (Serv1  to  Mr  Santon)  that  was  waiter  and  searcher  he  sent  into  England  as  I  am  informed 
to  the  commissioners  of  thee  custom  house  for  a  commission  to  be  collector  for  the  enumerated 
comoditys  here,  @  would  force  so  much  for  his  going  @  coming  as  yr  Lops  may  see  charged  in  his 
acct  brought  in  to  the  audit  @  likewise  has  brought  in  a  note  of  his  for  four  and  twenty  pounds  odd 
money  for  going  to  the  east  end  of  Long  Island  in  which  he  did  not  spend  fourteen  days  time 

The  Auditor  finding  noe  cheque  upon  the  collector  his  book  keeper  being  Surveyor  called  upon 
this  Hatlow  for  his  warrants  Who  answered  that  hee  had  none  or  that  if  ever  hee  had  any  hee  had 
left  them  in  England 

Upon  which  I  put  in  one  Larkin  in  his  stead  who  upon  an  order  in  Council  set  up  in  the  Custom 
House  commanding  noe  goods  to  goe  oft'  without  a  warrant  refusing  to  lett  some  goods  bee  exported 
on  the  verbal  order  of  Mr  Santon  only  was  by  him  turned  out  of  that  place  as  your  Lop8  will  see  by 
the  aforementioned  charge  (3)  the  proofs  thereto 

After  the  audit  of  his  first  accts  the  others  were  demanded  and  with  the  same  difficulty  as  the 
former  obtained  as  J*  Lo^8  may  perceive  by  the  said  minutes  of  Council  particularly  the  order  for 
payment  every  Saturday  which  was  occasioned  thus  The  Council  considering  how  dilatory  Mr  San- 
ton was  ®  with  what  difficulty  he  would  be  brought  to  account  being  satisfied  that  Mr  Santon  was 
then  behindhand  in  his  paym13  («  that  in  process  of  time  he  might  bee  yet  more  soe  for  the  prevent- 
ing of  further  embezlement  of  his  Mal>  8  revenue  they  ordered  him  that  every  Saturday  hee  should 


GOV.  DONGAN'S  REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


107 


acct  with  @  pay  into  mee  what  he  had  received  the  preceeding  week  which  was  a  method  taken  in 
the  time  of  Sr  Edmond  Andros  with  Capt  Dyer  the  then  Collector  upon  the  like  occasion  tho'  this 
had  not  the  like  effect  thro  Mr  Santens  disobedience,  for  as  hee  did  with  all  other  orders  hee  did  with 
this  hee  took  noe  notice  of  it 

As  alsoe  there  were  several  orders  of  Council  requiring  him  to  have  all  his  acts  from  the  25th  of 
March  to  the  6th  of  October  ready  for  Mr  Sprag  to  carry  over  audited  with  him  who  had  agreed  for 
liis  passage  in  a  ship  @  kept  her  here  on  that  purpose  these  two  months  past.  But  with  all  this  he  made 
noe  compliance  pretending  that  by  a  letter  from  my  Lord  Treasm-er  hee  was  satisfied  his  accomps  were 
not  to  be  audited  here  that  hee  was  only  obliged  to  leave  a  duplicate  with  mee  upon  which  the  Council 
upon  sight  of  the  letter  agreed  that  it  was  reasonable  for  him  to  send  his  accomps  home  but  that 
nevertheless  it  was  my  duty  to  have  them  audited  according  to  former  instruction  @  soe  to  continue 
to  doe  until  I  should  have  orders  to  the  contrary  from  Mr.  Blathwayt  to  whom  my  Lord  Treasurer  in 
his  letter  refers  it  being  otherwise  impossible  for  me  to  answer  this  query 

Seeing  soe  many  abuses  done  to  his  Maty  @  finding  fair  means  to  be  wholly  ineffectual  to  the 
making  Mr.  Santen  discharge  his  duty  @  hee  continuing  still  refractory  @  disobedient  to  the  several 
orders  of  Council  to  him  directed,  the  charge  which  y  Lops  have  herewith  wras  drawn  up  against 
him  to  which  hee  answered  in  such  manner  as  your  Lop3  will  see  on  perusal  of  the  copy  thereof 
herewith  sent.  Upon  hearing  of  which  charge  and  answer  @  ye  proofs  thereto  herewith  likewise 
sent,  thee  council  made  their  report  to  mee  under  their  hands,  in  manner  as  your  Lop8  sees  by  the 
copy  thereof  which  you  have  likewise  herewith  wherein  altho'  they  positively  say  that  he  has  been 
an  unfaithful  serv*  to  his  Maty  in  the  management  of  his  Revenue,  yet  I  sent  for  him  @  advised  him 
to  give  in  security  for  the  ballance  of  the  acct  that  by  the  audit  he  was  found  behind  hand.  And 
for  his  better  carriage  for  the  future  which  if  hee  did  I  promised  to  pass  by  all  former  faults  @  make 
noe  complaint  against  him.  I  not  only  told  him  this  myself  but  from  time  to  time  sent  messages  to 
him  to  this  effect  sometimes  by  sucli  of  the  council  as  were  his  particrlar  friends  sometimes  by  the 
ministers  @  often  by  the  Secretary  but  all  to  noe  purpose  hee  still  continued  obstinate 

And  what  returns  hee  made  mee  to  these  several  instances  of  my  kindness  I  shall  not  now  trouble 
your  Lops  with 

Nevertheless  I  forbare  doing  anything  further  against  him  till  the  expiration  of  the  second  audit 
proposing  that  then  when  I  could  know  the  whole  amount  of  his  debt  I  would  at  once  doe  my  best 
to  secure  the  Kings  concerns  from  sustaining  any  loss  by  him 

At  last  hee  brought  in  a  book  without  being  signed  and  said  he  could  not  lieve  them  neither, 
they  being  to  bee  sent  over  to  Mr  Blathwayt  Whereupon  we  were  forct  to  give  him  3  weeks 
longer  to  get  them  copied  @  then  with  great  adoe  he  signed  them  @  brought  in  with  them  an 
acct  called  a  general  acct,  an  acct  so  extravagant  that  your  Lops  have  hardly  seen  the  like 

Then  I  pressing  the  auditors  to  make  an  end  they  desired  that  they  might  have  his  papers 
to  compare  with  those  books  @  accomps  he  had  delivered  in,  which  by  order  of  council  hee 
was  required  to  deliver  to  them.  But  he  refusing  as  appears  by  the  testimony  of  3  of  the 
auditors  herewith  sent,  It  was  ordered  that  his  said  papers  should  be  seized  @  he  suspended 
from  the  sd  office  of  collector  @  receiver  till  his  Maty3  pleasure  should  be  known  thereon  @ 
hee  taken  into  the  Sheriffs  custody  and  there  remain  till  hee  should  give  in  such  security  as 
in  the  said  orders  is  expressed  as  relation  to  the  said  orders  had,  may  more  at  large  appear 

Upon  search  of  the  Pap's  relating  to  his  Mat)3  revenue  I  found  a  charge  drawn  up  against 
myself  with  letters  to  his  Maty  Lord  T'sear  Lord  Chancellor  @  several  other  gentlemen  stuft 
with  complaints  against  me  and  other  p'sons  which  are  wholly  false 

Indeed  its  true  the  poor  gentleman  since  his  coming  here  has  been  troubled  with  3  or  4 
hypocondriack  fitts,  he  was  in  one  of  them  when  his  Mat)3  nomination  of  the  Council  came  over 


108 


GOV.  DONGAN's  REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


upon  which  they  all  thought  it  not  convenient  to  have  him  sworn  at  least  at  that  time  as  your 
Lopps  will  see  by  the  minutes  of  council 

And  my  lords  to  bee  short  I  must  say  this  of  him  lies  a  man  wholly  unfit  lor  business  especially 
this  wherein  hee  has  noe  more  skill  than  a  child,  Soe  that  for  the  executing  of  it  hee  must  have  his 
whole  dependance  on  another.  I  am  sure  if  I  had  not  taken  more  care  of  the  Revenue  than  hee 
did  since  I  found  his  failure  it  had  been  more  embezled  than  it  is  for  though  he  received  the 
money  I  was  obliged  to  continual  watching  to  guard  against  his  carelessness  @  neglects 
And  truly  what  he  takes  very  ill  what  there  is  neither  president  nor  establishment  for 
In  his  commission  hee  has  allowed  him  £200  p  annum  the  same  allowance  that  Dyer  had  in  the 
time  of  S  Edmond  Andros  of  which  £100  was  for  the  Surveyor  Comptroller  @  Waiter  therefore  I 
finding  no  new  establishment  allow  him  no  more  than  Dyer  had  for  him  @  his  officers  Salary  it 
being  the  sentiment  of  the  Council  that  I  could  not  alter  the  former  practice  with  which  they  were 
well  acquainted  But  he  gives  himself  a  far  larger  allowance  he  will  have  it  that  Ins  salary  is  ster- 
ling ;  @  to  make  it  so  of  this  country  money  he  charges  three  @  thirty  Pr  cent  advance  @  one  hun- 
dred pound  more  for  his  two  under  officers,  Besides  this  Mr  Smith  being  his  Deputy-Surveyor  @ 
Book-keeper,  hee  would  have  allowance  to  him  of  £50  pr  ann  as  his  deputy  £40  Pr  ann  as  his  ac- 
comptant  £30  Pr  ami  for  his  transcribing  his  books  £20  Pr  anniun  Pr  his  diet  besides  his  salary  for 
Surveyor,  For  John  Harlow  hee  would  have  allowed  £30  Pr  ann  as  waiter,  £48  Pr  ann  as  being 
employed  in  the  Kings  service  where  or  how  noe  man  Knows  £20  pr  anu  for  liis  Diet  and  £162  and 
two  voyages  made  into  England  with  despatches  for  his  Maty  all  this  a  great  deal  more  such  for 
his  officers  in  the  country,  @  the  like  your  Lops  will  see  in  his  last  general  ace4  a  copy  whereof  is 
herewith  sent, 

Notwithstanding  hee  charges  the  King  soe  largely  for  liis  officers  salaries,  to  some  of  them  hee  has 
paid  nothing  at  all  insomuch  as  they  are  making  very  great  clamor  for  their  money,  and  not  getting 
it  from  him  expect  it  from  the  King 

Of  his  own  head  hee  bought  a  little  rotten  tool  of  a  sloop  on  pretence  for  liis  Mat58  service, 
which  as  your  Lop3  may  see  by  their  audit,  has  stood  the  King  in  near  £100  @  now  cannot 
be  sold  for  thirty  soe  must  either  be  laid  up  or  burnt 

In  his  instructions  @  by  several  orders  from  me  @  the  council  he  was  expressly  forbid  to 
trust  out  his  Mat5'8  revenue  notwithstanding  I  was  forc't  to  take  notes  from  him  to  the  value 
of  £800.  besides  a  great  many  more  which  hee  pretends  still  to  bee  standing  out  as  your  Lop* 
will  perceive  by  the  audit 

Hee  has  likewise  been  negligent  in  taking  the  bonds  required  by  the  laws  of  the  Goverment 
from  the  masters  of  ships  one  ill  consequence  whereof  has  been  the  New  York  Pink  has  carried 
off  several  Elephants  teeth  without  entry,  @  the  bond  being  inquired  for  there  was  none  taken? 
How  he  has  behaved  himself  touching  an  Interloper  that  came  in  hither  I  have  already  given 
S  Benj.  Bathurst  an  accoimt,  and  as  for  the  debts  for  him  pretended  to  too  the  auditors  upon 
enquiry  the  most  of  them  are  found  to  bee  received  by  him.  and  I  believe  of  thee  rest,  the 
twentieth  part  will  never  be  had,  they  are  soe  ill 

And  besides  notwithstanding  his  confused  way  of  accounting  @  being  without  a  cheque  upon 
him  as  aforesaid,  he  is  found  by  his  own  accounts  brought  into  the  audit  to  bee  £1758  15 
shillings  threepence  and  §tlis  of  a  penny  in  debt  to  the  King  as  your  Lop8  may  see  by  the  said 
audit  which  (as  is  to  bee  feared)  is  all  gone  besides  his  salary  and  pquisits,  on  which  he  might 
have  lived  very  handsomely 

Hee  (as  hee  hath  all  along  done)  does  to  all  persons  he  converseth  with  speak  scurrilously 
(a;  and  abusively  of  me  @  ye  Council  which  considering  his  circumstances  we  let  pass  without 
tuking  any  notice  of 


GOV.  DONGAN's  REFORT  ON    THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


109 


Hee  is  likewise  very  troublesome  to  the  present  management  of  his  Mat"  customs 

I  desire  that  as  soon  as  may  bee  I  may  know  what  his  Mat18  pleasure  is  should  bee  done 
with  him,  what  acc1  I  have  here  given  yr  Lopi,s  of  Mm  is  as  moderate  as  may  bee  farr  short  of 
what  I  might  have  represented  @  yet  have  spoken  nothing  but  the  truth.  What  I  have  done 
has  not  been  out  of  malice,  for  I  beare  none  to  him  rather  pitty,  but  purely  with  an  intent  to 
doe  his  Ma^  service  @  to  secure  his  interest,  as  I  doubt  not  will  appear  to  yr  Lo^s  and  if  I 
bee  to  be  blamed  for  any  tiling  in  the  Series  of  this  affair  its  for  too  much  forbearance 

Thus  my  Lords  I  have  given  you  as  good  an  account  of  the  Revenue  received,  @  by  whom  as  I  can, 
as  also  how  the  same  in  a  great  part  of  it  has  been  mismanaged  and  by  what  meanes  I  shall  there- 
fore now  proceed  to  give  your  Lopps  an  estimate  of  what  charge  the  maintenance  of  this  Govermt 
has  been  hitherto  to  raee  @  what  will  bee  recpuisite  for  its  further  support 

Its  a  very  hard  thing  upon  mee  that  coming  over  hither  in  troublesome  times,  finding  noe  revenue 
established  @  yet  having  tlu-ee  garrisons  to  look  after  @  the  forts  in  the  condition  before  mentioned, 
@  finding  such  contest  between  the  Governm1  of  Canada  @  this  about  the  Beaver  Trade  the  Inland 
Country  @  the  Indians,  to  purchase,  as  I  was  obliged  by  my  instructions,  sixty  odd  miles,  upon 
the  Hudsons  River  17  or  18  miles  into  the  land  in  one  place  from  the  Indians.  In  another  place 
up  the  River  16  miles  And  on  the  south  side  of  Long-Island  twelve  miles  to  give  a  great  deal  to 
the  Indians  for  Susquehanna  River  to  bee  at  great  expences  on  the  Assembly  at  their  first  sit- 
ting when  they  gave  the  revenue  @  on  the  Lord  Howard  of  Effingham  when  here  with  his  train 
Governor  Pen,  commissioners  from  Boston  @  other  colonies,  the  Gov1'  of  Connecticut  East  @  West 
Jersey,  the  running  the  line  between  this  @  East  Jersey,  and  the  like  between  Connecticut  and  this, 
tho'  that  last  not  yet  finished  besides  the  establishment  as  will  appear  by  my  books  when  audited  @ 
sent  over,  which  shall  be  by  the  very  first  conveniency,  @  had  been  long  ere  now,  had  I  got  Mr. 
Santens  sooner  done 

In  the  meantime  yr  Lop8  may  bee  capable  of  making  an  estimate  of  the  constant  charge  of  the 
Goverm1  by  the  calculation  thereof  herewith  sent  in  which  you  see  that  there  is  set  down  yearly  for 
the  Council  Judges  @  Attorney  General  which  tho'  not  at  present  allowed  in  my  opinion  with  sub- 
mission to  your  Lops  there  is  a  necessity  there  should  The  Councilors  being  persons  obliged  to  a 
constant  attendance  from  their  own  business  @  the  judges  such  as  devote  themselves  wholly  to  that 
service  @  whose  present  salary  is  soe  small  to  support  them  @  their  familys  in  that  station  as  is  set 
forth  in  their  petition  which  I  have  herewith  sent  to  his  Maty  for  his  consideration,  neither  can  the 
Attorney-generals  small  perquisites  bee  able  to  maintain  him  in  going  thro  his  Mat"  concerns,  which 
may  take  up  his  whole  time,  without  the  addition  of  such  salary  as  his  Mat>  shall  think  fitt  to 
allow 

Your  Lops  taking  all  this  into  yr  consideration,  cannot  but  think  his  Maty  must  be  in  debt,  which 
however  would  not  have  been  very  much  had  Mr  Santen  done  his  duty 

What  revenue  there  is  is  with  the  ease  @  satisfaction  of  the  people  (a>  paid  without  grumbling,  tho' 
as  much  as  modesty  can  bee  put  upon  them 

Soe  that  if  Connecticut  be  not  added  to  the  Governi*  it  can  be  hardly  able  to  support  itself.  But 
if  it  bee  added,  thee  revenue  will  bee  sufficient  to  keep  the  King  wholly  out  of  debt 

Mr  Santen  taxes  me  with  covetousness  in  not  allowing  sufficiently  to  the  officers  employed.  Nig- 
gardly I  have  not  been,  but  the  revenue  being  soe  small  (§>  having  soe  great  a  charge,  I  endeavored 
to  bee  as  good  a  husband  lor  the  King  as  I  could  I'm  sure  better  than  I  ever  was  for  myself.  And 
truly  I  have  been  put  soe  to  it  to  make  things  doe  that  what  small  pquisits  I  got,  I  have  disburst,  @ 
not  only  soe,  but  have  been  forc't  to  engage  my  credit  soe  far  as  t' would  goe  @  that  not  sparing  to 
pawn  my  plate  for  money  to  carry  on  the  Kings  aflairs  @  now  I  have  sent  some  of  it  home  by  Mr 


110  gov.  dongan's  report  on  the  province  OF  NEW- YORK. 

Sprag  to  reimburse  Sr  Ben  Bathurst  what  hee  has  paid  for  mee,  @  and  to  provide  clothes  for  the 
soldiers  @  some  things  for  my  own  use 

Now  My  Lords  before  I  proceed  to  answer  the  rest  of  your  queries  I  will  take  occasion  here  to  give 
Answer  to  Jom'  Lops  satisfaction  as  to  those  articles  Mr  Santer  has  been  pleased  to  draw  up  against 
charges"1" 3  mee,  a  copie  whereof  I  herewith  send  for  yr  Lo^3  perusal  the  scope  of  which  being  to 
against  me  pjjgjg^  me  mismanagement  of  his  Mat>s  affairs,  I  thought  noe  place  more  proper  for 
my  making  appear  the  falsity  of  his  accusation  than  here,  Avherein  I  have  been  soe  long  treating  of 
the  mismanagement  of  the  revenue  in  which  this  man  liimself  had  soe  large  a  share,  which 
answers  follow  distinctly  with  relation  to  such  proofs  as  are  herewith  sent  necessary  for  my  vin 
dication 


As  to  the  first  Article — concerning  a  copartnership  in  a  Trade  to  France  fyc 
For  my  justification  @  making  appear  the  falsehood  of  this  article  is  the  testimony  of  Mr  John 
Sprag  @  Mr  Gabriel  Minvielle  taken  before  Mr  Swinton  clerk  of  the  Council  hereunto  annexed 

To  the  Second  concerning  a  partnership  in  trade  to  Newfoundland 
This  is  noe  less  true  than  the  other  as  appears  by  Major  Brokhelles  testimony  &c  @  truly  had  I 
any  such  design  I  had  not  communicated  with  the  Kings  collector  especially  to  a  man  of  his  dispo- 
sition (a,  subject  to  soe  many  follies  @  infirmity s  that  he  was  never  capable  of  concealing  his  own 
secrets  from  the  very  rabble  of  the  town,  @  always  made  the  debates  of  the  Council  (while  he  was  a 
member  of  it)  the  subject  matter  of  his  Tavern  discourse 

To  the  Third  concerning  my  going  sharer  with  the  Privateers 
Wherein  hee  does  mee  the  honor  to  join  mee  in  partnership  with  privateers  I  dont  believe  that 
Frederick  Flipson  ever  went  sharer  with  any  body  in  a  ship  @  am  sure  Beekman  never  had  a  vessel 
nor  a  share  in  a  vessel  in  his  life.  Had  I  had  2  or  3  men's  shares  of  what  was  got  upon  the  wreck  I 
think  it  had  been  noe  breach  of  Law  or  my  instructions  it  being  customary  in  such  cases  for  the 
Govrs  of  plantations  to  have  it.  But  Mr  Santen  too  was  mistaken  in  this  they  did  not  clear  for  the 
wreck  @  least  they  should  make  incursion  upon  the  Spaniards  I  took  security  from  them  that  they 
should  not,  in  short  for  my  justification  on  this  point  I  refer  myself  to  the  testimonies  of  Frederic 
Flipson  @  Beakman  @  the  obligation  aforesaid  herewith  sent 

To  the  Fourth  Copartnership  with  Mr  Antill  for  Jamaica 
Hee  does  me  wrong  I  never  was  concerned  with  Mr  Antill  in  copartnership  One  Vaughan  half 
brother  to  Mr  Sprag  that  had  been  a  volunteer  2  or  3  years  on  board  Capt11  Temple,  ®  happening  to 
bee  in  London  when  I  came  away  ottered  his  service  to  come  along  with  mee,  whom  finding  a  pretty 
ingenious  young  man  (a)  out  of  employment  I  promised  to  help  him  with  a  little  money  when  hee 
stood  in  need  of  it  for  to  put  him  into  some  way.  Whereupon  not  long  after  this  Antill  purposed  if 
he  could  get  money  from  his  brother  or  any  other  to  purchase  the  half  of  a  little  ship  then  to  bee 
sold  hee  would  purchase  the  other  (</!  that  Vaughton  should  goe  master  of  her  upon  which  hee  came 
to  mee  into  the  country  where  I  then  was  @  acquainted  mee  with  ye  proposal  («  desired  my  assist- 
ance to  enable  him  to  comply  with  it.  I  demanded  what  security  hee  could  give  mee,  hee  proposed 
to  make  over  his  share  in  the  vessel  for  it.  Upon  which  in  kindness  to  him  I  let  him  have  the 
money  («  took  the  vessel  in  security  for  it  @  by  him  sent  as  a  venture  ten  Barils  of  Oyle  of  a  drift 
Whale  that  came  to  my  share,  @  thirteen  half  Barils  of  Flower,  to  purchase  Sugar  Molasses  Sweet- 
meats Oranges  and  other  necessaries  for  use  in  my  family.  And  this  (as  Mr.  Santen  knows  as  well 
as  I  (g)  most  of  the  town)  was  all  the  concerns  I  ever  had  with  Antil 


GOV.  DONGAN's  REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


Ill 


To  the  fifth  concerning  the  Dogger 
This  Mr  Beekman  having  a  Sloop  went  from  this  place  to  Nevis  @  Sr  William  Stapleton  hearing  of 
a  dutch  privateer  gave  him  a  commission  to  gpe  after  him,  which  hee  did  (a  took  a  great  ugly  vessel 
ye  dutch  have  for  fishing  with  one  deck  @  went  back  with  her  to  Xevis.  Whereupon  Sr  W»  in 
reward  of  his  good  service  gave  him  the  Kings  @  his  own  share  in  her  soe  hee  brought  her  hither 
where  shee  being  a  Dutch  built  @  and  the  man  having  a  mind  to  sell  her,  had  her  condemned  at  a 
Court  of  Admiralty.  Upon  which  I  forgave  him  the  Kings  share  which  by  apprizement  amounted 
to  as  doth  appear  by  Mr  Beeknian's  testimony 

To  the  sixth  concerning  Heathcofs  Sloop. 
Mr.  Santen  does  me  wrong  in  this  for  upon  the  word  of  a  Christian,  I  know  not  at  this  minute 
who  were  the  apprizers  they  having  been  appointed  by  the  Court  where  the  sloop  ®  goods  were 
condemned,  @  they  too  upon  their  oaths.  Neither  had  I  any  advantage  by  that  vessel  as  Mr  Santen 
knows  tho'  hee  had  by  making  George  Heathcot  pay  him  ninety  pounds  ®  charges  which  was  more 
then  the  third  part  the  condemnation  came  to  soe  that  I  hope  this  is  not  the  voyage  hee  charges  the 
King  with  soe  much  for,  tho'  it  is  the  only  remarkable  one  hee  ever  made  @  yet  but  ten  miles  dis- 
tant from  this  place 

To  the  seventh  concerning  my  Lord  Neill  Campbells  goods 
My  Lord  Neill  Campbell  its  true  desired  my  bill  of  store  for  the  10  P  cent  which  I  did 
grant,  but  Mr  Santen  does  mee  wrong  to  say  that  I  ordered  they  should  bee  entered  without 
examination  to  the  best  of  my  remembrance  there  was  noe  such  thing:  but  here  hee  forgets 
what  hee  has  done  himself  what  goods  he  has  admitted  to  entry  without  examination  contrary 
to  Act  of  Assembly  @  my  order  as  appears  by  his  own  books  to  the  great  diminution  of  his 
Matvs  revenue  in  this  Province:  neither  does  he  remember  what  bills  of  store  hee  has  granted 
notwithstanding  several  orders  to  the  contrary 

To  the  eighth  concerning  one  Riddell 
Mr  Santen  does  mee  wrong  in  this,  One  Mr  Riddell  a  poor  Gentleman  that  brought  into  this 
city  without  entry  (as  a  great  many  others  have  done  without  Mr  Santen  or  his  officers  taking 
notice  thereof)  a  small  parcel  of  linen  afterwards  appraised  to  be  of  the  value  of  3  or  5  pounds, 
And  after  that  this  Riddell  @  one  of  the  officers  of  the  Custom  House  drinking  drunk  together, 
fell  a  quarrelling,  on  which  the  Officer  went  out  @  meeting  with  Vaughton  about  one  or  two 
in  the  morning,  compelled  him  to  goe  along  with  hini  to  seize  uncostomed  goods  at  Riddell's 
lodging,  where  when  they  came  they  broke  open  the  door  upon  this  Riddell  who  being  still 
drunk  endeavoured  to  keep  them  out  @  in  the  struggling  stabbed  Mr  Vaughton.  Whereupon 
he  was  secured  in  prison  where  hee  lay  a  long  time  till  Vaughton  recovered.  Afterwards  the 
poor  man  being  in  a  starving  condition  on  the  application  of  Mr  Vaughton  @  himself  (5  Mr 
Sprag  (S,  several  others  hee  was  set  at  liberty,  and  on  a  petition  of  his  to  the  Council  his  goods 
were  ordered  to  bee  released,  hee  paying  all  charges  which  being  more  than  the  value  of  the 
goods  Mr  Sprag  in  charity  to  Riddell  paid  the  Surgeons  their  demands  which  was  ten  pounds 
without  taking  any  thing  from  him 

To  the  ninth  concerning  Capt  Santen's  icarrants  to  the  Sheriff's  Sfc 
Mr  Santen  knows  lumself  that  from  time  to  time  by  order  of  Council,  all  the  Sheriffs  have  been 
obliged  to  account  with  him  for  all  rents,  Quit  rents  ®  arrearages  of  rent  &c  yet  this  would  not  doe 
to  make  himself  seem  great,  he  would  needs  issue  forth  his  own  warrants,  which  poor  man  was  done 


112  GOV.  dongan's  report  on  the  PROVINCE  OF  NEW- YORK. 

in  one  of  his  fitts  @  indeed  they  met  with  such  reception  as  they  deserved,  the  sheriffs  took  noe  other 
notice  of  them  than  to  send  them  to  mee  Whereupon  I  being  somewhat  surprised  at  his  manner  of 
proceedure  called  him  before  the  Council  where  (being  asked  how  he  came  to  issue  forth  such  war- 
rants) his  answer  was  that  to  his  knouledge  the  Lord  Treasurer  did  soe  in  England,  But  here  I  would 
ask  Capt  Santen  why  he  hath  not  given  a  better  account  of  Such  Quit  rents  &c  as  have  passed  through 
his  hands 

To  the  Tenth  concerning  my  covetousness  as  he  is  pleased  to  term  it 
Here  (if  Mr.  Santen  speaks  true  in  saying  I  have  been  covetous)  it  was  in  the  management  of  this 
small  revenue  to  the  best  advantage,  @  had  Mr  Santen  been  as  just  as  I  have  been  careful,  the  King 
had  not  been  in  debt,  as  I  had  more  in  my  pocket  than  now  I  have 

It  may  be  true  when  I  called  for  the  King's  money  @  accompts  from  Mr  Santen  @  I  met  with  un- 
becoming returns  I  might  use  some  passionat  expressions 

And  as  for  my  pinching  Officers  if  hee  means  himself  it  was  because  he  took  it  very  ill  that  I 
would  not  allow  him  7  or  800  pounds  extravagant  expenses,  As  for  Fran.  Barber  I  never  spoke  a 
word  to  him  of  salary  in  my  life  @  and  leave  it  to  the  audit  what  acct  hee  gives  of  the  Revenue  of  that 
County  for  three  years  @  on  half 

To  the  Eleventh  concerning  the  excise  of  Long  Island  #c 
What  Mr  Santen  says  concerning  the  offer  of  £52  for  the  excise  pr  a  year  may  bee  true  I  thought 
it  very  unreasonable  that  the  excise  of  three  Countys  should  be  farmed  for  soe  little,  therefore  I  fixed 
upon  Mr  Vaughton  @  Mr.  Nicolls  looking  upon  them  to  bee  honest  men  @  agreed  with  them  for 
£20  PPS@  what  they  could  make  over  @  above  they  should  deliver  to  Mr  Santen  That  Dan. 
Whitehead  offered  me  three  pounds  for  my  license  it  is  false,  or  that  I  had  £10,  from  Nicolls  @ 
Vaughton  is  likewise  false  as  doth  appear  by  Mr  Nicolls  testimony  @  would  by  that  of  Mr  Vaughton 
were  hee  here.  Neither  had  I  even  any  mony  for  licenses  since  I  came  into  this  Government  except 
from  Albany  @  this  place  £24,  but  on  the  contrary  gave  it  all  to  the  collectors  of  the  respective 
countys  for  their  encouragement 

To  the  twelee  concerning  Mr  Pretty  Sfc. 
Mr.  Pretty  is  Sheriff  of  that  County  @  having  a  great  deal  of  other  concerns  upon  his  hands  for 
the  King  @  countreys  service,  that  being  a  frontier  County  to  Canada, soe  that  hee  could  not  possibly 
attend  the  Surveyors  place  I  put  in  William  Shaw  who  had  that  place  before  in  the  time  of  Sr  Ed- 
mond  Andros  @  as  Mayor  Brockhelles  informs  us  behaved  himself  laithfully  therein.  And  as  to  his 
allegation  in  his  memorandums  that  Shaw  was  put  in  for  satisfaction  for  two  or  three  years  pay  due 
to  him,  it  is  wholly  untrue  as  does  appear  by  the  testimony  of  Mayor  Baxter,  Mr  Coker,  (§)  by  the 
receipt  under  Shaws  own  hand 

To  the  Thirteenth  concerning  the  deprivations  of  the  Officers  fyc 
This  John  Smith  is  a  man  that  if  hee  were  as  honest  as  hee  is  able  the  King  had  had  more  justice 
done  him  @  Mr.  Santen  more  money  in  liis  pocket.    What  account  Sr  Ben  Bathurst  gave  mee  of  him 
I  have  already  acquainted  y  Lo»'»'8  with,  (S)  for  what  reason  hee  was  turned  out  of  the  Custom  House 
is  herein  before  given  to  your  Lo»'s. 

To  the  Fourteenth  concerning  the  Pasture  of  Albany  Sfc 
As  for  this  of  the  Pasture,  he  is  mistaken,  it  was  never  yet  in  the  King's  hands,  but  hee  that  was 
the  commander  took  some  profits  of  it,  which  was  a  great  grievance  to  the  people  it  having  been 
patented  by  governor  Nicolls  to  several  people  @  by  them  built  upon  whose  buildings  have  been 


GOV.  DONGAN's  REPORT  ON  THE    PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


113 


since  carried  away  by  the  overflowing  of  the  river,  It  does  not  contain  above  fifteen  or  sixteen  acres. 
I  doubt  not  but  I  shall  make  it  appear  that  I  have  done  nothing  in  this  to  his  Matys  prejudice  I  con- 
ceive I  have  done  the  King  very  good  service  in  Albany.  The  town  of  Albany  lyes  within  the 
Ranslaers  Colony,  and  to  say  truth  the  Ranslaers  had  the  right  to  it  for  it  was  they  settled  the  place, 
@  upon  a  petition  of  one  of  them  to  our  present  King  about  Albany  the  petitioner  was  referred  to 
his  Maty»  council  at  law  who  upon  a  perusal  of  the  Ranslaers  papers  made  their  return  that  it  was 
their  opinion  that  it  did  belong  to  them  Upon  which  there  was  an  order  sent  over  to  Sr  Edmund  An- 
dros  that  the  Ranslaers  should  be  put  in  possession  of  Albany,  @  that  every  house  should  pay  some 
two  beavers,  some  more  some  less  according  to  their  dimensions  pr  annum,  for  thirty  years,  (q  after- 
wards the  Ranslaers  to  put  what  rent  upon  them  they  could  agree  for — What  reason  Sr  Edmond  An- 
dros  has  given  for  not  putting  these  orders  in  execution  I  know  not 

The  Ranslaers  came  @  brought  me  the  same  orders  which  I  thought  not  convenient  to  execute 
judging  it  not  for  his  Maty3  interest  that  the  second  town  of  the  Goverment  @  which  brings  his  Mat5 
soe  great  a  Revenue  should  bee  in  the  hands  of  any  particular  men  The  town  of  itself  is  upon  a 
barren  sandy  spot  of  land,  @  the  inhabitants  live  wholly  upon  trade  with  the  Indians.  By  the  meanes 
of  Mr  James  Graham  Judge  Palmer  @  Mr  Cortlandt  that  have  great  influence  on  that  people  I  got 
the  Ranslears  to  release  their  pretence  to  the  town  @  sixteen  miles  into  the  country  for  commons  to 
the  King  with  liberty  to  cut  firewood  within  the  Colony  for  one  @  twenty  years.  After  I  had  ob- 
tained this  release  of  the  Ranslaers  I  passed  the  patent  for  Albany  wherein  was  included  the  afore 
mentioned  pasture,  to  which  the  people  apprehended  they  had  so  good  a  right  that  they  expressed 
themselves  discontented  at  my  reserving  a  small  spot  of  it  for  a  garden  for  the  use  of  the  Garrison 

That  the  people  of  Albany  has  given  me  £700.  is  untrue  I  am  but  promised  £300,  which  is  not 
near  my  Prquisits,  viz^  ten  shillings  for  every  house  @  the  like  for  every  hundred  acres  patented  by 
me,  established  by  a  committee  appointed  by  the  Assembly  for  the  establishing  of  all  fees,  where 
Cap*  Santen  may  remember  himself  was  chairman,  Alsoe  what  they  have  given  to  those  other  Gen- 
tlemen I  know  nothing  of  it  @  upon  my  word  in  Gen1 1  have  not  got  the  fourth  part  of  my  Pquisits, 
chusing  rather  to  want  them  than  take  from  the  poor  people  that  cannot  spare  it 

To  the  Fifteenth  concerning  a  farm  at  East  Jersey  belonging  to  his  Maty  fyc 
Mr  Santen  might  have  given  a  better  account  of  this  if  his  malice  had  suffered  him  The  Farm  at 
East  Jersey  paid  £10,  pr  annum  to  his  Maty  @  at  a  Rack-rent,  the  proprietors  of  East  Jersey  putting 
us  to  more  trouble  than  the  value  of  it,  they  constantly  disturbing  the  Tenants  on  pretence  that  his 
Maty  had  granted  that  to  them,  so  that  I  conclude  it  would  be  more  inconvenient  to  keep  it  than  to 
part  with  it.  Therefore  Judge  Palmer  having  an  interest  in  East-Jersey  @  an  influence  with  the 
Governor  there,  on  his  giving  mee  his  obligation  to  pay  as  a  fine  the  summ  of  £60.  to  the  King  in 
case  hee  should  not  think  fit  to  forgive  it  @  the  rent  of  twenty  shillings  pr  ann.  @  to  defend  the  title, 
I  gave  him  a  lease  of  the  Reversion  of  it 

To  the  Sixteenth  concerning  Rockaway  Neck  4fc 

Mr  Santen  poor  man  neither  understands  his  own  nor  others  concerns,  hee  was  one  of  the  Council 
himself  when  Cap1  Palmer  petitioned  for  licence  to  purchase  this  land,  lying  without  the  meers  @ 
bounds  of  Hempsted  @  when  the  same  was  granted,  @  before  hee  had  had  his  patent  granted,  the 
people  of  Hempstead  were  summoned  to  appear  to  show  cause,  if  they  had  any  why  it  should  not 
bee  granted,  Thereupon  one  person  came  to  mee  @  told  mee  that  it  was  his  land  @  that  it  was  within 
the  meers  @  bounds  of  Hempstead  on  which  I  ordered  him  to  put  a  Caveat  in  to  the  Seer > 8  office 
against  the  passing  of  Judge  Palmers  patent,  and  then  the  Surveyor  went  to  survey  the  lands  accom- 
panied by  some  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Hempsted,  to  show  him  their  bounds  who  returning  this  lands 

[Vol.  L]  15 


114 


GOV.   DONGA NS  REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


to  bee  without  their  meers  @  bounds  the  patent  was  passed  in  which  Captn  Palmer  is  expressly 
bounded  where  hee  adjoins  to  Hempsted  by  their  line,  And,  wherein  hee  says  the  Hempsted  people 
were  frighted  to  let  their  Suits  fall,  its  quite  otherwise,  for  tliis  Pearsall,  upon  the  granting  of  this 
Patent  got  into  possession  of  this  land,  inasmuch  as  Judge  Palmer  was  forcet  to  commence  suits 
against  him  Where  after  it  had  sometime  depended,  Pearsall  finding  that  to  insist  on  his  pretence 
would  not  avail  him,  suffered  judgement  to  goe  against  him,  and  as  for  his  being  frightened  into  it 
by  Captn  Palmers  being  Judge,  there's  noe  such  thing  lor  on  purpose  he  withdrew  himself  (a.  left  the 
management  of  that  Court  to  his  Collegue  Judge  Nicolls  and  as  for  the  lands  being  the  only  pasture 
of  the  town  its  wholly  false  for  its  noe  pasture  at  all,  being  all  woodland,  and  that  town  having  a 
plain  of  upwards  of  40,000  acres  of  good  pasture  without  a  stick  upon  it  @  as  for  its  value  I  believe 
Judge  Palmer  would  think  himself  obliged  to  Cap*  Santen  or  any  others  that  woidd  give  him  £200. 
for  it. 

To  the  Seventeenth  concerning  Mr  Grahams  insinuation 
Mr  Santen  is  in  the  right  that  Mr  Graham  is  Attorney-general  @  supervisor  of  all  Patents  @  soe 
made  upon  Mr  Rudyard's  going  from  this  place  to  Barbadoes  @  is  a  person  understanding  in  the 
law,  it  being  his  whole  business  Wherefore  I  thought  it  not  fit  to  pass  any  patents  without  his 
perusal  least  I  might  doe  prejudice  to  the  King.  It  is  likewise  true  that  I  have  called  in  former  patents 
@  still  continue  to  doe  so,  that  I  might  see  by  what  Tenure  they  hold  their  lands,  which  I  find  gene- 
rally to  be  by  none,  they  paying  noe  acknowledgment  to  the  King  Whereupon  being  convinced  of 
that  defect  by  the  resolution  of  ye  Judges  the  people  for  their  own  ease  @  quiet  @  that  of  their 
posterity  which  otherwise  might  have  fallen  under  the  lash  of  succeeding  Governors,  without  the 
least  murmuring  have  renewed  their  patents  with  a  reservation  of  a  certain  Quit-Rent  to  the  King 
to  the  noe  small  advancement  of  his  Revenue,  @  this  done  with  general  satisfaction  @  of  which 
none  will  in  the  least  complain  but  on  the  contrary  express  themsehes  thankful  for  it 

Mr  Santen  sure  when  hee  wrote  this  article  against  mee  did  not  consider  the  obligation  that  was 
upon  us  both  to  advance  the  Kings  interest  in  our  several  stations,  far  less  how  inconsistent  it  was 
with  his  office  to  bee  the  only  pson  aggrieved  at  the  advancement  of  his  Mat>s  revenue,  when  the 
people  themselves  that  are  concerned  are  not  only  satisfied  but  pleased  with  it 

Again  hee  forgets  that  hee  was  a  member  of  the  Council  when  they  gave  it  for  their  opinion  that 
those  former  patents  were  insufficient©  and  were  then  dayly  consenting  to  the  passing  of  new  ones. 
As  for  sums  of  money  exacted  I  own  I  have  received  .£200  from  Ranslaer,  but  its  nothing  to  what 
my  perquisite  would  have  amounted  to  according  to  the  aforementioned  regulation  hee  having  a  vast 
tract  of  land 

From  Hempted  I  recd  one  hundred  pound  by  forty  @  that  in  Cattle  which  is  far  less  than  my 
pquisils  they  hauing  upwards  of  100.000  acres,  I  own  alsoe  I  have  received  £300  from  the  citty  ot 
New  York,  @  have  granted  them  nothing  more  than  what  they  had  from  my  predecessors,  @  is  now 
before  his  Maty  for  a  confirmation 

The  land  that  Mr  Santen  complains  of  to  bee  such  a  grievance,  is  the  Dock  which  the  town  at 
their  own  proper  charge  have  taken  from  the  sea,  @  and  dayly  are  at  vast  expense  to  maintain,  @ 
what  use  they  make  of  it  is  not  my  business  to  inquire,  but  as  to  their  selling  to  the  value  of  XI 500 
for  my  use  its  wholly  false,  And  as  for  those  other  sums  of  50,  30  @  20  pound,  its  not  soe.  I  was 
never  covetous  to  take  from  the  pour  people  what  they  could  not  well  spare,  the  Secratary  is  my 
witness,  but  if  I  had  it  never  amounted  to  my  pquisits,  according  to  the  regulation  aforesaid 
Besides  the  charge  herein  before  answered  were  found  several  memorandums  of  what  Mr  Santen 
intended  to  complain  against  me.  Among  which  there  being  some  things  not  mentioned  In 
CapTstmena  the  said  charge,  the  same  as  I  presume  not  being  perfected,  I  presume  further  to  trouble 

Mem'dums  .  ...  .  .. 

your  LOP1  with  what  I  have  to  say  therein  in  my  vindication 


GOV.  DONGAn's  REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


115 


I  am  sorry  Mr.  Santen  has  not  a  better  memory.  The  Kings  share  of  Cobbys  Ship  came  by  apprize- 
cobbysShip  ment  to  ,£19  7s  Gd  which  was  by  Judge  Palmer  paid  into  Capt11  Santens  own  hands  as 
appeai-s  by  the  testimony  of  Capt  Palmer 

Morrius  house  As  to  Mr  Merrits  house  it  does  not  pay  soe  much  rent  as  Capt  Santen  pretends  @  is  too 
quite  out  of  repaire,  ready  to  drop  down 

And  as  to  the  Farm  hee  might  have  remembered  that  I  showed  him  a  letter  from  Sr  B  Bathurst 
The  Farm  wherein  was  intimated  that  his  Royal  Highness  now  his  Mat*'  was  pleased  I  should  have 
both  the  farm  @  the  house  during  the  time  of  my  government  of  this  place 

For  Coker's  house  I  am  glad  Capt"  Santen  has  found  so  considerable  a  rent,  for  my  part  I  never 
coker's  received  a  peny  for  it,  therefore  I  shall  now  charge  X72,  more,  being  four  years  rent  to  Capt 
House  Santens  account  for  which  he  has  not  yet  given  the  King  credit  There  was  a  cooper  liv'd 
in  the  next  house  to  it  and  paid  12  or  15  pound  pr  ann  for  which  I  find  no  credit  given  to  the  King 
in  Capt  Santens  books,  since  the  cooper  left  the  poorest  p'son  in  town  would  not  live  in  it  it  being 
ready  to  drop  down  @  Cokers  is  not  in  a  better  condition,  soe  bad  they  are  that  its  a  wonder  to  every 
body  that  they  stand  yet,  in  soe  much  that  when  Dr  Junes  brought  me  my  Lord  Middletons  order  to 
let  him  have  them  @  I  showed  them  to  him  hee  would  not  live  in  them 

Two  or  three  years  agoe  S1'  John  Worden  sent  me  an  order  to  give  a  long  lease  of  them  to  any 
that  would  take  it,  I  have  not  met  with  any  such  person  @  I  am  sure  if  rebuilt  by  the  King,  it  would 
not  give  him  the  interest  of  his  money  @  Merrits  house  is  in  the  same  condition,  as  appears  by  the 
return  of  the  Survey  made  by  some  of  the  Council  and  Carpenters  sent  to  view  it 
As  for  the  business  between  Mr  Santen  @  Mr  Antill  its  a  thing  soe  scandalous  that  I  will  not  trouble 
Amur*  your  LopS  with  an  account  of  it,  only  this  Pll  say  that  Mr  Antill  sent  severall  to  him 
business  an(j  j  gpa^e  to  him  myself  .to  let  him  know  that  Mr  Antill  would  be  satisfied  with  an 
acknowledgement  that  hee  had  done  him  wrong  in  speaking  those  scandalous  words  @  that  it  was 
the  effects  of  drink,  But  Mr  Santens  pride  was  such  that  hee  would  not  doe  it,  but  continued  to 
justify  what  hee  had  said.  Whereupon  Mr  Antill  took  out  the  execution  against  him  (he  not  being- 
then  of  the  Council)  but  before  the  serving  sent  him  ye  like  message  as  before  with  the  same  effect 
whereupon  the  execution  was  served 

Larkins  Case     As  for  Larkins  case  I  refer  to  the  orders  of  Council  herewith  sent 

And  as  for  the  Kings  concerns  going  in  a  right  channel  I  am  sure  they  never  can  where  he  has 
powers.  As  for  desiring  a  list  of  his  Mat>s  Quit-Rents  @  my  denying  it  to  him,  its  wholly  untrue 
for  he  has  a  book  with  an  acct  of  all  the  Quit-Rents  that  then  were  to  bee  found  mentioned  in  the 
records  of  Patents  kept  in  the  Secretarys  office,  which  I  caused  Coker  to  draw  out  on  purpose  for 
him 

Smith  kept  the  key  of  the  Granary  @  what  corn  I  received  for  my  own  use  or  the  use  of  the 
Garrison  was  taken  out  by  Coker  @  it  was  shown  to  Mr  Smith  where  I  gave  credit  to  the  King  for 
it  in  my  books.  Afterwards  finding  that  Santen  gave  no  credit  to  the  King  for  what  corn  came  into 
the  Granary  I  took  the  key  from  Smith  @  gave  it  to  James  Larkens  with  order  to  him  to  give 
receipts  for  what  should  bee  brought  in  @  to  give  an  account  of  it  to  Smith  that  he  might  enter  it 
upon  the  books 

Hee  does  Judge  Palmer  @  Mr  Graham  wrong  for  they  are  psons  look't  upon  by  the  Council  as  fittest 
for  those  employments  they  are  in,  viz.  Palmer  Judge  @  Graham  attorney  for  the  King,  And 

Capt  Palmer    _  _  _     _  _  "  °' 

&Mr  jaGra-it  Mr  Santen  would  speak  truth  he  must  needs  say  they  both  have  been  very  serviceable 
for  the  King  in  the  advancement  of  his  Revenue,  @  that  they  still  continue  with  their  ut- 
most endeavors  soe  to  bee  And  though  their  way  of  living  is  by  the  law,  yet  their  management  has 
been  such  by  arbitration  @  such  other  mild  courses  that  were  there  was  ten  actions  formerly  there  is 


116 


GOV.   DONGAN's  REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


not  one  now.  And  the  Council  had  soe  good  an  opinion  of  Capt"  Palmer  that  hee  was  thought  the 
fittest  to  bee  the  Judge  of  ye  court  for  the  Kings  affairs 

As  for  sloops  &c  going  from  this  to  Newfoundland,  if  it  was  against  the  act  of  navigation  hee  did 
ill  to  admit  soe  many  to  clear  (Si  enter  to  @  from' thence  without  soe  much  as  taking  notice  of  it,  till 
hee  @  Major  Brockhelles  falling  out,  hee  took  occasion  to  seize  his  sloop,  which  the  Council  @  I 
looking  upon  to  bee  only  malicious  discharged  taking  security  from  him  till  his  Matys  further  plea- 
sure were  known  Mr  Mayne  coming  here  @  shewing  mee  his  instruction,  noe  vessel  has  gone  from 
hence  thither  since, 

And  had  I  not  relyed  soe  much  upon  Cap1  Santen  none  had  gone,  @  for  his  sake  I'll  not  trust  to 
another  soe  much  again 

Mr  Santen  was  in  the  right  I  was  angry  to  find  a  cart-load  of  goods  going  off  the  bridge  after 
shutting  up  the  Custom  House  without  entry  @  demanding  of  the  man  how  long  they  had  been 
there,  hee  answered  from  seven  in  the  morning,  without  any  officers  taking  notice  of  them,  Upon 
my  speaking  to  Mr.  Santen  he  fell  excusing  his  officers  @  gave  meeill  words.  What  thereupon  hap- 
pened I  refer  to  My  Lord  Neal  @  Mr  Mayne's  testimonies  that  were  then  witnesses  of  it 

As  for  Woolsford's  case  I  have  already  referred  your  Lop*  to  the  account  given  thereof  to  S«  Ben- 
jamin Bathurst. 

The  negro-story  I  refer  to  the  record  herewith  sent  I  never  did  anything  since  I  came  into  the 

government  without  the  advice  @  consent  of  the  Council 

The  ship  Charts  was  cleared  upon  trial  Mr  Santen  had  notlnng  to  allege  against  her 

The  sloop  Lancaster  is  the  same  with  that  of  Gov.  Heathcot  before  mentioned 

The  Boat  of  D'Morez  was  condemned  for  going  to  the  Mill  with  Corn  without  the  Governm1  @ 

seized  by  Capt  Santen 

The  Sloop  Fortune  was  condemned  @  my  own  share  as  well  as  the  Kings  forgiven,  the  poor  man 
having  done  what  he  did  innocently 

The  Sloop  Lewis  came  from  Pettiquaves,  (2  brought  here  some  of  our  people  who  had  been  taken 
by  the  Spaniards,  in  going  to  Jamaica  with  provisions  @  had  fled  to  Pettiquaves  @  the  sloop  coming 
hither  the  master  sent  up  word  from  Sandy  Hook  that  hee  would  willingly  come  @  live  here  which 
I  willingly  granted  him  liberty  to  doe,  @  in  consideration  of  his  service  in  bringing  home  our  people 
I  forgave  the  Kings  @  my  own  part  in  the  sloop  after  shee  was  condemned  witli  the  proviso  that  if 
his  Maty  did  not  approve  of  it  hee  should  pay  that  share  according  to  appraizement  for  which  Bond 
was  accordingly  taken,  as  will  appear  to  y  Lops  by  the  attested  copie  herewith  sent  In  short  all  that 
I'll  say,  hee's  fitter  for  a  retired  life,  than  to  bee  the  Kings  Collector 

To  the  three  $  Twentieth 

Whate»iimate 

Smmm The  answer  thereof  is  referred  to  the  next 

estatei  «c 

In  answer  to  the  tenth  if  four  @  Ticentieth  querie 
Every  Town  ought  to  have  a  Minister  New  York  has  first  a  Chaplain  belonging  to  the  Fort  of  the 
Church  of  England ;  Secondly,  a  Dutch  Calvinist,  thirdly  a  French  Calvinist,  fourthly  a 
Dutch  Lutheran— Here  bee  not  many  of  the  Church  of  England ;  lew  Roman  Catholicks ; 
abundance  of  Quakers  preachers  men  @  Women  especially;  Singing  Quakers,  Banting 
Quakers;  Sabbatarians;  Antisabbatarians ;  Some  Anabaptists  some  Independents;  some  Jews;  in 
short  of  all  sorts  of  opinions  there  are  some,  and  the  most  part  of  none  at  all 
The  Great  Church  which  serves  both  the  English  @  the  Dutch  is  within  the  Fort  which  is  found  to 
The  church  bee  very  inconvenient  therefore  I  desire  that  there  may  bee  an  order  for  their  building  an 


GOV.  DONGAN's  KEFORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OE  NEW-YORK. 


117 


other  ground  already  being  layd  out  lor  that  purpose  @  they  wanting  not  money  in  Store  wherewith- 
all  to  build  it 

The  most  prevailing  opinion  is  that  of  the  Dutch  Calvinists 

To  the  Jive  and  twentieth 

It  is  the  endeavor  of  all  Psons  here  to  bring  up  their  children  (3?  servants  in  that  opinion  which 
what  course  &c  themselves  profess,  but  this  I  observe  that  they  take  no  care  of  the  conversion  of  their 
Slaves. 

Every  Town  («;  County  are  obliged  to  maintain  their  own  poor,  which  makes  them  bee  soe  careful 
that  noe  Vagabonds,  Beggars,  nor  Idle  Persons  are  suffered  to  live  here 

But  as  for  the  Kings  natural-born-subjects  that  live  on  long-Island  @  other  parts  of  the  Govern- 
ment I  find  it  a  hard  task  to  make  them  pay  their  Ministers. 

Tho.  Dongan. 

My  Lords 

Since  my  writing  of  this,  on  Perusal  of  some  Papers  in  the  Secretary's  office,  I  found  some  Memo- 
randums of  Sir  Edmond  Andros  whereby  I  understand  that  in  the  year  167f  hee  sent  home  Capt" 
Salisbury  for  England  to  let  his  Royal  Highness  now  his  Ma*y  know  how  impossible  it  was,  fur  this 
Government  to  subsist  without  the  addition  of  Connecticut.  And  hee  himself  went  with  some 
soldiers  to  surprise  them,  intending  when  he  had  done  it  to  keep  possession  by  a  Fort  he  designed 
to  make  at  a  place  called  Seabrook  but  was  prevented  by  the  opposition  of  two  Companys  of  men 
then  lodged  there  ready  to  goe  out  agst  the  Indians  with  whom  they  were  in  Warr  - 

Much  less  it  can  subsist  now  without  it,  being  at  more  expense  than  in  the  time  of  Sir  Edmond 
@  having  lost  Delaware  @  soe  consequently  the  Peltry  Trade  which  is  not  much  inferiour  to  that  of 
the  Beaver,  besides  much  Quit-rents  @  the  Excise  which  would  have  been  a  very  considerable  Revenue 
And  too,  what  helps,  he  had  these  from  East  @  West  Jersey. 

Weighing  this  with  the  reasons  aforementioned,  I  hope  his  Maty  will  be  graciously  pleased  to  add 
that  Colony  to  this  which  is  the  Centre  of  all  His  Dominions  in  America.  And  the  people  thereof 
have  been  more  inclined  to  his  Ma1}'3  service  and  have  expressed  upon  all  occasions  more  Loyalty 
than  any  other  of  these  parts 

Likewise  I  am  to  give  y*  Lops  an  account  that  since  I  received  my  Instructions,  I  caused  a  Vessel 
which  came  to  Amboy  to  come  hither  @  enter — It  being  the  opinion  of  the  Council,  that  it  was  both 
agreeable  to  my  Instructions  and  former  practise  especially  in  the  time  of  Sir  Edmd  Andros 
I  am  now  informed  that  the  people  of  Pensilvania  have  had  last  year  from  the  Indians,  upward  of 
Pensiivania  200  packs  of  Beaver  down  to  the  Skonshill  @  will  have  more  this,  as  I  have  reason  to  believe, 
which  if  not  prevented,  his  Ma*y  must  not  expect  this  Governm1  can  maintain  itself,  besides  that 
it  will  wholly  depopulate  both  this  Town  @  Albany 

One  Rogers  the  Weighmaster  being  found  indebted  to  the  King  in  .£190-1 7- 1  I  demanded  the 
money  from  him  to  which  hee  returned  for  answer ;  that  he  was  Mr.  Santen's  servant  @  would  live 
@  die  by  him  @  would  not  pay  it  without  his  order.  On  which  an  Extent  was  made  out  against 
him  @  hee  taken  thereupon  @  put  into  Prison  ;  Where  after  many  endeavors  of  Mr  Saten  to  the 
contrary  as  will  appear  by  the  Minutes  of  Council  hee  at  last  paid"<£l40  of  it  which  I  was  willing  to 
take  rather  than  lctee  the  whole 

I  am  afraid  we  shall  not  have  soe  good  an  account  of  the  rest  of  the  debts 

Being  informed  that  Mr  Smith  has  never  accounted  with  Mi-  Santen  @  having  the  opinion  of  Capt" 
Palmer  @  Mr  Graham  that  he  is  accountable  to  the  King  at  least  for  soe  much  of  the  money  as  he 
has  received  to  his  own  use  on  pretence  of  Salary  without  any  authority  for  the  same.  I  have  caused 
him  to  be  arrested  in  an  action  of  account  at  Ins  Malys  suit,  upon  which  hee  lies  a  prisoner  to  answ  er 
it  at  the  Court  appointed  for  the  management  of  his  Mat)8  Revenue 


118 


gov.  dongan's  report  on  the  PROVINCE  OF  NEW- YORK. 


Mr  Santen  since  his  commitm*  hath  been  soe  unruly  (S1  abusive  to  mee  and  the  Council  that  in 
our  own  defence,  Wee  are  force't  to  send  him  home,  threatning  us  with  Chains  at  least  for  what  wee 
have  done. 

Councilors  The  names  of  ye  Councilors 

Major  Anthony  Brockhells 
Frederick  Flipson 
Stephen  V  Courtlandt 
John  Spragg 
Gervis  Baxter 

The  Council  thought  fit  not  to  give  Mr.  Santen  his  oath  as  appears  by  the  Minutes  of  Council 
John  Young  had  his  oath  given  him  but  hee  lives  150  miles  from  this,  @  has  no  estate  of  his  own 
and  very  old,  that  it  is  a  thing  impossible  for  him  to  serve 

There  being  a  clause  in  my  Instructions  wherein  I  am  limited  not  to  act  without  five,  therefore 
Mr  John  Spragg  @  Major  Jervis  Baxter  going  for  England,  and  there  not  being  a  sufficient  number 
to  make  a  quorum,  I  have  by  Vertue  of  a  clause  in  my  letters  Patents,  impowring  mee  in  case  of 
absence  out  of  the  Government  death  or  Suspension  to  add  of  the  principal  Freeholders)  given  the 
oath  to  Judge  Palmer  and  Nicolas  Bayard  the  present  Mayor  to  serve  in  the  Council  until  his  Ma1)  8 
pleasure  be  known 

And  whereas  there  is  a  clause  in  my  instructions  to  send  over  the  names  of  six  persons  more  fitt 
to  supply  the  vacancy  of  the  Council  six  of  the  fittest  I  find  in  this  Government  are  as  followeth 

Matliias  Nichols  Judge 
James  Graham 
William  Smith 
Gabriel  Minvielle 
Francis  Rumbouls 
Major  Nicolas  Demy  re 


■x. 

VII. 

P  A  P  E  K  S 

RELATING  TO 

Jtt.  ire  ID  tnonv  tilt'  0  <Bxy  tuition 

TO 

THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 

    / 


1687. 


EXTRACT  FROM  THE  KING'S  INSTRUCTIONS  TO  THE  MARQUIS  DE  DENONVILLE, 

March  10,  1685. 

[  Paris  Doc.  III.  ] 

His  principal  object  ought  to  be  to  establish  the  repose  of  the  Colony  by  a  firm  and  solid  peace. 
But  to  render  this  peace  durable  he  must  lower  the  pride  of  the  Iroquois,  support  the  Illinois  and 
the  other  allies  whom  Sr  de  la  Barre  has  abandoned,  and  by  a  firm  and  vigorous  policy  to  let  the  said 
Iroquois  know  that  they  will  have  every  thing  to  fear  if  they  do  not  submit  to  the  conditions  which 
he  intends  to  impose  on  them. 

He  will,  then,  first  declare  to  them  that  he  shall  protect  with  all  his  power  the  allies  of  the  French ; 
inform  the  Illinois,  the  Outaouacs,  Miamis  and  others  of  the  same  thing,  and  should  he  deem  it  proper 
to  back  this  declaration  by  troops  and  an  expedition  against  the  Senecas,  His  Majesty  leaves  it  to 
hi  in  to  adopt,  in  his  regard,  such  resolutions  as  he  shall  deem  most  suitable,  being  well  persuaded 
that  he  will  follow  the  best  course,  and  that  his  experience  in  war  will  place  him  in  a  position  to 
bring  that  to  a  speedy  conclusion  if  he  be  obliged  to  undertake  it. 

He  ought  to  be  informed  that  the  Commandant  of  New  York  has  pretended  to  aid  the  Iroquois 
and  to  extend  the  English  domination  even  to  the  bank  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence  and  over  the  whole 
extent  of  Country  inhabited  by  those  Savages.  And  though  His  Majesty  doubts  not  but  the  King  of 
England  to  whom  he  has  made  representations  by  his  Ambassador,  will  give  orders  to  his  Com- 
mandant to  put  a  stop  to  these  unjust  pretensions,  he,  notwithstanding,  considers  it  necessary  to 
explain  to  him  that  he  ought  to  do  every  thing  to  maintain  good  understanding  between  the  French 
and  English  :  Yet  should  the  latter,  contrary  to  every  appearance,  rouse  the  Savages  and  afford  them 
succor,  he  must  act  towards  them  as  towards  enemies,  when  he  finds  them  in  the  Indian  Country, 
without,  however,  attempting  any  thing  in  the  countries  under  the  King  of  England's  obedience. 


FATHER  LAMBERVILLE  TO  GOV.  DONGAN. 

[  London  Doc.  V.  ] 

From  Onnontaguf,  10  Sept.  1685. 

My  Lord — I  had  the  honour  not  long  since  to  write  to  you — it  was  last  month ;  since  the  despatch 
of  my  last  letter,  the  Senecas  who  were  desirous  to  make  trouble  and  to  persuade  the  Mohawks  and 
other  villages  to  unite  with  them  against  Monsr  de  la  Barre,  have  changed  their  minds ;  since  they 
were  assured  that  the  peace  concluded  last  year,  as  you  desired,  should  not  be  broken  by  M.  de  la 
Barre,  as  they  were  maliciously  told,  and  as  a  hundred  false  reports  which  are  never  ceased  being 

[Vol.  I.]  16 


122 


DEXONVII.Le's  EXPEDITION    TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


related  would  persuade  them.  To  complete  successfully  what  you  have  so  well  begun,  it  only  re- 
mains to  exhort  the  Senecas  to  add  a  few  more  peltries  to  the  ten  beavers  and  thirty  otters  which 
they  left  in  deposit  with  the  Onnontagues  to  satisfy  Mr  de  la  Bane,  as  you  recommended  them  to  do 
last  year.  Let  your  zeal  for  the  public  peace,  and  especially  for  the  Christians  of  this  America  induce 
you,  if  you  please,  to  put  the  finishing  hand  to  this  good  work  and  to  recommend  the  Seneoas  and 
other  villages  not  to  attach  credit  to  the  new  floating  rumors,  since  it  is  true  that  theGo\ '  of  Canada 
desires  with  all  his  heart  that  all  things  should  be  quiet  and  to  second  your  just  intentions.  The 
Onnontagues  and  those  who  are  of  their  opinions,  have  operated  powerfully  on  the  minds  of  the  said 
Senecas  to  induce  them  to  resume  thoughts  of  peace,  as  well  as  Mr.  Arnout,  bearer  of  tlus  letter, 
who  was  present  at  what  was  done  and  said ;  and  who  can  inform  you,  and  from  whom  you  will  be 
glad  to  receive  this  report. 

Since  peace,  through  your  care,  will  aparently  last,  we  shall  continue  to  carry  the  Christian  faith 
through  this  Country,  and  to  solicit  the  Indians,  whom  you  honor  with  your  friendship,  to  embrace 
it  as  you  yourself  embrace  it,  for  this  is  the  sole  object  that  has  caused  us  to  come  here,  that  the 
blood  of  Jesus  Christ,  shed  for  all  men,  may  be  useful  to  them,  and  that  His  glory  may  be  great 
throughout  the  earth. 

If  you  will  please  to  honour  me  with  a  line  from  your  hand,  you  can  have  your  letter  given  to 
one  named  Garakontie  who  is  deputed  from  the  Onnontagues  to  repair  to  the  Diet  which  you  have 
convoked  at  Albany.  Do  him  the  charity  to  exhort  him  to  be  a  good  Christian,  as  he  was  whose 
name  he  bears,  and  who  was  his  brother.  Recommend  him  I  beseech  you  not  to  get  drunk  any 
more,  as  he  promised  when  he  was  baptized,  and  to  perform  the  duties  of  a  Christian.  One  word 
from  you  will  have  a  wonderful  effect  on  his  mind,  and  he  will  publish  throughout  that  it  is  not  true 
that  the  English  forbid  them  to  be  Christians  since  you  who  command  them  will  have  exhorted 
them  to  persevere  therein. 

I  pray  God,  who  has  given  us  the  grace  to  be  united  in  the  same  Catholic  faith,  to  imite  us  also  in 
Heaven ;  and  that  he  may  heap  his  graces  on  you  here  on  earth,  is  the  wish  of  him  who  is  perfectly 
and  witli  all  manner  of  respect,  My  Lord, 

Your  very  humble  and 

very  obedient  servant, 

Jean  de  La.mbervii.le, 
of  the  order  of  Jesuits,  (called  in  Indian,  Tejorhensere.) 

Oblige  me,  I  request  you,  to  have  the  enclosed  sent  to  its  address. 

Please,  My  Lord,  pardon  me  the  liberty  which  I  take  to  present  my  humble  respects  to  the  Gover- 
nor of  Virginia,  who  is  called  among  the  Indians,  Big  Sword  or  Cutlass,  who  I  learn  is  with  you  at 
Albany,  to  whom,  some  time  ago,  I  caused  to  be  restored  an  Englishman  named  Rolelman,  whom 
these  Indians  here  had  plundered  and  captured  and  whom  I  took  into  my  hut  to  save  him  from  the 
fury  of  some  refractory  people  and  from  those  who  would  make  him  their  slave.  It  is  the  least  ser- 
vice I  would  desire  to  render  him. 


DENONVILLE's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


123 


MEMOIR  CONCERNING  THE  PRESENT  STATE  OF  CANADA 

AND  THE  MEASURES  THAT  MAY  BE  ADOPTED  FOR  THE  SECURITY  OE  THE  COUNTRY.      12  NOVEMBER  1685. 

{Extract.) 
[Paris  Doc.  III.] 

The  most  to  be  feared  is  the  Iroquois  who  are  the  most  powerful  in  consequence  of  the  facility 
with  which  they  obtain  arms  from  the  English  and  the  number  of  slaves  they  make  daily  among 
their  neighbours  by  carrying  away  at  an  early  age  their  children,  whom  they  adopt ;  this  is  the  only 
means  of  their  increase,  for  thro'  their  debaucheries  of  Brandy  which  lead  them  into  frightful  dis- 
orders, the  few  children  their  women  raise  could  not  of  themselves  assuredly  sustain  them,  if  they 
did  not  make  prisoners. 

The  great  trade  in  arms  and  ammunition  at  a  low  rate,  among  the  English  has  given  them  hitherto 
that  advantage  which  they  have  over  other  nations  who  in  order  to  be  disarmed  have  been  destroyed 
by  the  former  who  are  all  of  them  insolent.  Even  the  English  in  Virginia  have  suffered  and  still 
suffer  from  them  every  day ;  but  the  interest  of  the  trader  at  Orange  and  Manatte  supersedes  the 
public  interest,  for  if  they  would  not  sell  them  powder,  that  nation  could  be  more  easily  conquered 
than  any  other.  It  consists  of  five  principal  villages,  each  of  which  have  other  smaller  ones  depen- 
dant on  them ;  the  first  is  called  Annie  (Mohawk)  which  can  furnish  two  hundred  men  fit  for  service 
and  are  ten  leagues  from  Orange  (Albany)  ;  the  second  is  Oneyoust  (Oneida)  which  can  furnish  one 
hundred  and  fifty  men  at  from  15  to  20  leagues  from  Annie  ;  the  third  is  Onnontague  which  could 
bring  out  three  hundred  men,  ('tis  one  hundred  leagues  from  Montreal) ;  the  fourth  is  Goyoguoain 
(Cayuga)  which  could  put  two  hundred  men  a-foot,  at  twelve  leagues  from  Lake  Ontario,  and  the 
Sonoutouans  (Senecas)  the  fifth,  who  comprize,  as  it  is  reported,  twelve  hundred  men  bearing  arms, 
at  five  leagues  South  of  the  Lake. 

The  Senecas  being  the  strongest,  are  the  most  insolent.  The  idea  must  not  be  entertained  that  this 
Nation  can  ever  be  reduced  except  by  being  in  a  position  to  pounce  on  them  ;  which  cannot  be  done 
without  approaching  them,  occupying  some  posts  where  provisions  can  be  placed  for  the  troops  who 
will  be  sent  after  them.  To  accomplish  this  sufficiently  apropos  without  being  perceived  by  the 
enemy,  in  consequence  of  the  navigation  of  the  river,  which  is  full  of  Rapids  and  Cascades,  impass- 
able except  by  portages,  independent  of  the  distance — herein  consists  all  the  care  and  difficulty. 

The  post  of  Catarokuy  appears  to  me  the  most  advantageous,  by  placing  it  in  a  better  state  of  de-  ] 
fence  than  it  is.    It  is  at  the  entrance  of  Lake  Ontario  from  the  extremity  of  which  the  Senecas  are 
distant  only  five  or  six  leagues,  in  a  beautiful  country  towards  the  South. 

The  position  of  this  fort  is  sufficiently  favorable  to  secure  the  barks  against  the  storms  and  the  at- 
tacks of  the  Indians  at  a  trifling  expense  which  will  require  to  be  made  on  it.  The  passage  to  be 
made  through  this  lake  is  forty  or  fifty  leagues  before  disembarking  near  the  Senecas.  The  three 
barks  at  Catarokuy  will  be  particularly  useful  in  this  enterprize  by  putting  them  in  repair,  for  they 

have  been  much  neglected. 

#  *  #  #  *  *  #  ##*# 

It  appears  to  me  extremely  important  that  the  King  render  himself  absolute  master  of  this  Lake, 
which  is  more  than  three  hundred  leagues  in  circumference.  I  am  persuaded  that  the  English  would 
like  particularly  to  have  a  post  there,  which  would  be  immensely  prejudicial  to  the  Colony  and  the 
King's  power  on  this  Continent;  his  Majesty  could  easily  make  himself  master  of  it,  without  any 
opposition,  by  the  permanent  establishment  of  a  post,  with  vessels  on  this  lake,  and  by  another  fort 


124 


DENONVILLE's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


and  vessels  on  lake  Erie  which  is  only  two  leagues  distant,  by  the  Niagara  River,  from  this  lake  On- 
tario; but  as  this  post  cannot  be  established  until  after  the  Iroquois  are  conquered,  I  shall,  before 
entering  into  a  detail  of  the  means  of  conquering-  that  Nation,  again  say,  regarding  the  importance 
of  occupying  those  posts,  that  the  English  have  so  great  a  facility  to  establish  themselves  there  that 
it  is  the  power  of  the  Iroquois  alone  which  has  prevented  them  having  posts  there,  since  Lake  On- 
tario can  be  easily  reached  on  horseback  from  Manatte  and  Orange,  there  being  a  distance  of  only 
one  hundred  leagues  through  a  fine  country. 

The  importance  of  the  post  to  be  occupied  on  lake  Erie  is  easily  perceived,  since  we  can  easily  go 
in  vessels  from  that  lake  to  Missilimakina  which  would  be  a  great  facility  for  the  trade  of  the  country, 
to  keep  the  Outaouacs  in  check  and  in  obedience  to  the  King ;  besides,  we  should  have  the  means  of 
reaching  through  tins  lake  the  Illinois,  and  surmount  by  this  communication  with  sliips  many  of  the 
difficulties  experienced  in  the  Rivers  in  consequence  of  the  number  of  portages.  Being  masters  of 
these  two  lakes  and  cruizing  there  with  our  vessels,  the  English  would  lose  the  Beaver  trade  in  that 
quarter,  of  which  they  have  abundance. 

A  durable  peace  with  the  Iroquois  Indians  would  be  more  advantageous  to  the  Colony  than  prose- 
cuting a  war ;  but  this  Nation  has  assumed  such  excessively  insolent  and  haughty  airs  towards  all 
the  other  tribes  against  whom  they  wage  war  and  at  whose  expense  they  daily  increase ;  and  joined 
to  that,  the  odds  they  have  had  from  a  disadvantageous  peace  concluded  last  year  with  us, has  placed 
them  in  a  position  that,  we  may  be  assured,  they  will  break  with  us  on  the  first  opportunity.  It  is 
yet  more  certain  that  if  they  be  not  checked,  they  will  reassume  their  former  insolent  air  the  moment 
there  will  be  no  more  troops  in  this  country,  however  they  may  promise  us  at  present,  and  will  no 
doubt  insult  us,  and  subject  us  to  all  possible  outrage. 

It  is  necessary,  then,  to  examine  the  most  certain  means  of  destroying  and  conquering  their  five 
villages,  which  according  to  the  above  estimate,  may  bring  into  the  field  about  two  thousand  men 
bearing  arms,  and  in  a  condition  to  go  to  war. 

I  consider  that  what  troops  we  have,  and  what  militia  we  can  collect  together,  if  we  had  them  all 
with  some  of  our  Savages,  would  suffice  to  attack  them ;  but  as  it  is  not  sufficient  to  make  them  let 
go  their  foot,  and  it  becomes  necessary  to  deprive  them  of  all  means  of  disturbing  us  in  our  settle- 
ments, we  must  not  go  after  them  to  chastise  them  by  halves  but  to  annihilate  them  if  possible.  This 
cannot  be  done  without  the  aid  of  a  number  of  Savages  sufficiently  great  to  pursue  them  in  security 
to  the  distant  forests  towards  Maryland  and  Andastes  whither  they  will  retreat  if  they  find  that  we 
are  more  powerful  than  they ;  and  as  it  is  of  extreme  importance  not  to  declare  war  against  them 
until  we  are  in  a  condition  to  vanquish  them,  it  will  be  absolutely  necessary  to  adopt  measures  with 
the  Illinois,  their  enemies,  and  with  the  Savages  our  allies,  to  engage  them  to  unite  with  us  in  attack- 
ing them  and  pursuing  them  into  the  woods  whither  they  never  fail  to  retire,  daring  not  to  stand 
against  us.  For  as  it  would  be  very  unfortunate  not  to  vanquish  them  if  we  attack  them,  nothing 
ought  to  be  neglected  that  can  be  done,  to  endeavor  to  destroy  them  and  put  it  beyond  their  power 
to  injure  the  Colony.    If  we  succeed,  I  calculate  the  English  will  lose  their  trade  in  that  quarter. 

I  find  all  our  allies  so  discontented  with  us,  and  so  dissatisfied  on  account  of  the  idle  march  which 
we  caused  them  to  make  last  year,  that  according  to  what  I  learn,  I  do  not  believe  that  any  of  them 
can  be  relied  on. 

Before  engaging  in  a  war,  then,  I  considered  it  prudent  to  permit  the  continuance  of  the  negotia- 
tions of  a  certain  Onontague  savage,  accredited  by  them  and  the  other  Iroquois,  who  is  said  to  wish 
for  nothing  but  peace.  Notwithstanding  I  bethought  me  of  managing  the  Illinois  by  promising  them 
every  protection,  and  as  Chevalier  de  Tonty,  who  is  in  command  at  the  fort  on  behalf  of  M.  de  La- 
salle,  has  considerable  influence  among  the  Illinois,  I  have  deemed  it  a  duty  to  advise  him  of  my 


DENONVILLe's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


125 


arrival  and  of  he  necessity  which  exists  that  he  should  speak,  as  soon  as  possible,  for  the  King's 
interest. 

I  likewise  sent  to  M.  de  Ladurantaye  who  is  at  lake  Superior  under  orders  from  M.  de  Labarre, 
and  to  Sieur  Duluth  who  is  also  at  a  great  distance  in  another  direction,  and  all  so  far  beyond  reach 
that  neither  the  one  nor  the  other  can  have  news  from  me  this  year,  so  that  not  being  able  to  see  them 
all,  at  soonest  before  next  July,  I  considered  it  best  not  to  think  of  undertaking  any  thing  during  the 
whole  of  next  year,  especially  as  a  great  number  of  our  best  men  of  the  Colony  are  among  the 
Outaouacs,  and  cannot  return  before  the  ensuing  summer. 

Moreover,  learning  that  six  tribes  of  our  friends  and  allies  are  at  war  with  each  other,  and  as  it  is 
absolutely  necessary  to  reconcile  them  before  thinking  of  deriving  any  advantage  from  them,  I  sent 
presents  and  instructions  to  M.  Ladurantaye  to  collect  our  French  and  put  himself  at  their  head,  in 
order  to  support  his  reasoning  and  to  have  more  authority  to  reconcile  them  in  concert  with  Father 
Anjeblan  Jesuit  Missionary  at  Missilimakina. 

We  shall,  however,  lose  no  time  in  putting  ourselves  in  a  position  to  resent  the  insults  that  the 
Iroquois  may  offer  the  Colony,  which  would  suffer  very  much  if  we  were  mastered,  and  we  will  not 
let  pass  any  negotiations  that  offer  so  as  to  lull  the  Senecas  who  are  the  most  insolent,  and  with 
whom  there  is  no  permanent  peace  to  be  expected,  much  less  that  they  will  observe  it  with  our  allies 
whose  total  destruction  they  contemplate. 

Chevalier  de  Tonty  commandant  of  M  de  Lasalle's  fort  among  the  Illinois,  coming  next  week,  we 
shall  agree  together  as  to  what  is  best  to  be  done  to  secure  the  conquest  of  this  Nation,  which  I  un- 
derstand can  be  done  if  he  can  march  with  a  sufficiently  large  body  of  Illinois  behind  lake  Erie  and 
come  to  Niagara,  as  Sieur  de  la  Forest  who  commanded  at  Fort  Catarokvy  told  me  could  be  done, 
who  also  assured  me  that  powder  and  at  least  four  or  five  hundred  guns  would  be  required  to  arm 
these  people.  This  is  but  a  loan,  which  the  said  Sieur  de  Laforest  is  certain  will  be  reimbursed  in 
cash,  by  the  said  Sieur  de  Tonty. 

The  said  Sieur  de  La  Forest  having  demanded  my  permission  to  go  and  join  said  Sieur  de  Tonty 
on  M  de  Lasalle's  business,  I  deemed  it  proper  to  select  a  capable  person  to  guarantee  the  safety  of 
the  Post  of  Catarokvy.  I  chose  Sieur  D'Orvilliers  a  very  prudent  and  intelligent  man  and  who  has 
much  experience,  whose  conduct  during  M  de  Labarre's  administration  is  praised  and  approved  by 
all  persons  of  property  in  the  country. 

I  gave  him  his  company  as  a  garrison,  with  some  workmen  as  well  to  refit  the  vessels  as  to  repair 
the  barracks,  and  to  put  the  fort  in  the  best  possible  condition  to  pass  the  winter. 

And  as  there  is  a  great  resort  of  Iroquois  at  that  place,  and  as  there  is  quite  a  number  established 
there,  I  requested  the  Jesuit  Fathers  to  station  Father  Milet  there  to  act  as  Interpreter  and  to  corres- 
pond with  Father  de  Lamberville  who  is  a  Missionary  among  the  Onontagues  who  evince  a  desire 
for  peace. 

In  regard  to  Sieur  Duluth  I  sent  him  orders  to  repair  here  so  that  I  may  learn  from  himself  the 
number  of  savages  on  whom  I  may  depend  :  he  is  accredited  among  them  and  rendered  great  services 
to  M  de  Labarre  by  a  considerable  number  of  savages  whom  lie  brought  to  him  to  Niagara,  who  alone 
would  have  attacked  the  Senecas  were  it  not  for  an  express  order  from  M  de  Labarre  to  the  contrary. 

On  arriving  here  I  found  neither  batteaux  nor  canoes  for  our  troops,  and  as  they  are  absolutely 
useless  if  not  adapted  to  pass  from  one  point  to  another  ;  knowing  by  experience  that  the  expense  of 
canoes  is  too  great  and  that  they  require  too  much  attention  and  repair,  I  thought  I  could  not  do 
better  than  to  order  plank  to  be  prepared  for  one  hundred  fiat  batteaux,  which  will  carry  twice  more 
than  canoes  and  will  be  much  cheaper  both  in  cost  and  repair,  because  a  batteau  that  will  carry  two 
thousand  pounds  will  not  cost  more  than  a  canoe  which  will  carry  only  one. 

The  means  for  preparing  to  wrage  war  against  the  Iroquois,  if  the  King  approve  of  it,  so  that  that 
Nation  may  not  have  any  suspicion,  remain  to  be  considered. 


126 


DENONVILLE's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


It  is  very  much  to  be  desired  that  first  of  all,  sufficient  flour  and  other  provisions  might  be  put 
into  Catarokvy  next  year,  so  as  to  have  nothing  to  do  the  following  year  but  to  march  against  the 
enemy ;  but  as  I  do  not  think  it  possible  to  convey  the  whole  quantity  of  provisions  necessary  thither 
without  the  savages  naturally  suspicious  taking  umbrage,  measures  must  be  adopted  to  accomplish 
all  in  the  same  year  with  great  diligence,  winch  cannot  be  effected  without  trouble  and  expense^  for 
in  truth,  the  difficulties  in  surmounting  rapids  and  cascades,  twenty-five  to  thirty  leagues  in  extent, 
are  immense. 

This,  however,  is  not  all ;  for  it  is  well  to  consider  that  the  arrangements  are  not  easy  to  be  made 
so  as  to  secure  punctuality,  since  from  the  Illinois  country  there  are  lour  hundred  leagues  to  be 
travelled  to  arrive  at  Niagara,  the  place  of  rendezvous;  and  from  the  Outaouacs  and  Savages  of  lake 
Superior,  three  hundred  leagues,  and  from  Quebec  nearly  two  hundred  to  the  said  place  of  Niagara. 
All  this  must  make  me  think  of  putting  myself  in  a  condition  to  be,  myself,  sufficiently  strong  to 
fight  them  without  any  other  aid  than  that  of  this  country. 

The  conveyance  of  supplies  and  the  expense  are  my  sole  difficulties.  The  neighbourhood  of  Cata- 
rokvy indifferently  fertile  in  grain,  produces  good  peas ;  M.  de  Laforest  assures  me  that  he  has  nearly 
three  hundred  minots.  I  caused  him  to  give  orders  to  have  them  all  sown,  and  M.  d'Orvilliers  not 
to  allow  any  to  be  consumed,  but  will  make  the  soldiers  work  and  oblige  them  to  plant  some.  That 

will  be  a  trifling  supply  of  four  or  five  hundred  minots  for  next  year. 

*********** 

It  will  require  considerable  expense  to  render  the  river  navigable  ;  the  Map  I  have  caused  to  be 

made  of  it  will  afford  some  imperfect  idea  by  remarking  the  pitch  in  several  places  there. 

*********** 

The  surest  remedy  against  the  English  of  New  York  would  be  to  purchase  that  place  from  the 
King  of  England  who  in  the  present  state  of  his  affairs,  will,  without  doubt,  require  money  of  the 
King.    By  that  means  we  should  be  masters  of  the  Iroquois  without  waging  war. 


M.  DE  DENONVILLE  TO  THE  MINISTER,  8  May  1686. 

[  Paris  Doc.  III.  ] 

I  learn  that  the  news  which  I  had  the  honour  to  send  you  of  the  appearance  on  Lakes  Ontario  and 
Erie  of  English  Canoes  accompanied  by  French  Deserters  on  their  way  to  the  Outaouacs  is  true. 
There  are  ten  of  them  loaded  with  merchandize,  Thereupon,  my  Lord,  I  sent  orders  to  Missilimakina, 
to  Catarokouy  and  other  places  where  we  had  Frenchmen,  to  run  and  seize  them,  and  I  am  resolved 
to  send  another  officer  with  twelve  reliable  men  to  join  Sieur  D'Orvilliers  at  Catarosky,  who  is  to  go 
with  Sieur  de  LasahVs  bark  to  Niagara  to  treat  there  with  the  Iroquois  Indians  on  their  return  from 
hunting.  He  will  take  some  men  with  him.  This  officer,  with  the  aid  of  this  bark  and  some  canoes 
which  shall  be  furnished  him,  will  post  himself  with  twenty  good  men  at  the  River,  communicating 
from  Lake  Eric  with  that  of  Ontario,  near  Niagara  by  which  place  the  English  who  ascended  Lake 
Eri6  must  of  necessity  pass  on  their  return  home  with  their  peltries.  I  regard,  my  Lord,  as  of 
primary  importance  the  prohibition  of  this  trade  to  the  English,  who  without  doubt,  would  entirely 
ruin  ours  both  by  the  cheaper  bargains  they  could  give  the  Indians  and  by  attracting  to  them  the 
Frenchmen  of  our  Colony  who  are  accustomed  to  go  into  the  woods. 


DENONVILLE's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


127 


I  am  persuaded  that  the  Iroquois  are  very  anxious  for  peace  now  that  they  see  troops,  but  I  do 
not  at  all  believe  that  they  will  submit  not  to  make  war  any  more  against  the  other  Nations  our 
allies,  therefore  there  is  no  doubt  but  we  must  prepare  to  humble  them. 

What  I  should  consider  most  effectual  to  accomplish  this,  would  be  the  establishment  of  a  right 
good  post  at  Niagara. 

The  manner  in  which  the  English  have  managed  with  the  Iroquois  hitherto,  when  desirous  to 
establish  themselves  in  their  neighbourhood,  lias  been  to  make  them  presents  for  the  purchase  of  the 
soil  and  the  property  of  the  land  they  wish  to  occupy.  What  I  see  most  certain  is,  whether  we 
act  so  by  them  or  have  peace  or  war  with  them,  they  will  submit  with  considerable  impatience 
to  see  a  fort  built  at  Niagara  which  would  secure  to  us  the  communication  between  the  two  lakes  ; 
would  render  us  masters  of  the  road  the  Senecas  take  in  going  to  hunt  for  furs,  none  of  which  they 
have  on  their  own  grounds ;  it  is  likewise  their  rendezvous  when  hunting  for  their  supplies  of  meat 
with  which  as  well  as  with  all  sorts  of  fish,  this  country  abounds. 

This  post  would  be  of  great  advantage  to  the  other  nations  who  are  at  war  with  these,  and  who 
durst  not  approach  them,  having  too  long  a  road  to  travel  when  retreating.  It  wrould  keep  them  in 
check  and  in  obedience,  especially  by  building  a  Fort  sufficiently  large  to  contain  a  force  of  4  or  500 
men  to  make  war  on  them  ;  this  cannot  be  done  without  expense  because  it  must  be  enclosed  by  a 
simple,  ordinary  picket  fence  to  place  it  beyond  all  insidt,  not  being  in  a  position  to  be  relieved  by  us. 

To  guarantee  its  construction,  it  must  not  be  doubted  for  a  moment,  though  at  peace  with  them, 
but  a  guard  would  be  necessary  there  for  the  security  of  the  workmen.  The  freight  of  provisions 
as  well  for  the  garrison  as  the  troops  to  be  stationed  there  is  very  high,  since  a  thousand  pounds  wl 
which  is  a  load  for  a  canoe,  costs  110  liv.  from  Ville  Marie  on  the  Island  of  Montreal  to  Catarakouy. 
Independent  of  mere  provisions,  how  many  other  necessaries  and  munitions  are  required  ! 
%  This  post,  my  Lord,  would  absolutely  close  the  entire  road  to  the  Outaouacs  against  the  English, 
and  would  enable  us  to  prevent  the  Iroquois  carrying  their  peltries  to  the  latter ;  for  with  the  redoubt 
at  Catarokouy  which  would  serve  us  as  an  Entrepot  to  shelter  our  barks  from  the  storms  in  winter, 
we  having  posts  at  both  sides  of  the  Lake  could  render  ourselves  Masters  of  the  hunting  of  that 
Nation  who  can  support  itself  merely  by  that  means  and  would  chaw  but  little  from  the  English  if  it 
had  no  more  peltries  to  give  them  :  What  is  very  certain,  they  wTould  carry  them  much  fewrer  than 
heretofore. 

I  propose  to  send  Sieur  D'Orvilliers  to  Niagara  this  year  with  Sieur  de  Villeneuve,  the  draughtsman 
wdiom  you  gave  me,  to  drawr  the  plan,  and  after  I  shall  have  seen  the  Iroquois  at  Villemarie  on  the 
Island  of  Montreal  and  wre  shall  know  what  we  have  to  expect  from  them,  I'll  see  if  I  shall  not  be 
able  to  take  a  trip  thither  myself,  in  order  to  furnish  you  with  a  more  certain  report  thereon  ;  for  to 
rely  on  Sieur  de  Villeneuve  alone,  he  is  a  very  good,  very  accurate,  very  faithful  draughtsman,  but 
in  other  respects  he  has  not  a  very  well  ordered  mind ;  it  is  too  confined  to  be  able  to  furnish  out  of 
his  owrn  head  any  ideas  for  the  establishment  of  a  post  and  its  management. 

I  am  assured  that  the  land  in  the  neighbourhood  is  very  fine  and  fertile,  easy  of  cultivation ;  it  is 
situate  about  the  44th  degree.  Everything  I  learn  confirms  me  in  the  opinion  which  I  entertain,  that 
this  post  woidd,  in  three  years  at  farthest,  support  itself.  It  is  to  be  feared  that  fortifying  it  would 
drawr  war  on  us,  if  you  wish  to  avoid  it ;  but  at  the  same  time  I  believe  that  wTere  the  Senecas  to  see 
us  well  planted  there,  they  would  be  more  pliant. 

Should  this  plan  be  agreeable  to  you,  my  Lord,  please  send  masons  and  plenty  of  instruments  to 
break  up  the  ground  and  convey  stone. 

****####*** 

You  will  be  surprised,  my  Lord,  to  learn  that  Sieur  de  Chailly,  of  whom  I  had  the  honour  to  write 
you  this  fall,  not  being  able  to  have  his  conge  from  me  to  retire  to  France  with  all  his  property  which 


128 


DENONVILLE's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


he  sent  off  last  year  before  my  arrival,  has  fled  and  deserted  the  Country,  to  pass  over  to  Orange 

(Albany)  and  thence  without  doubt  by  way  of  England  to  France. 

#######*### 

What  is  disagreeable  in  it  is,  that  he  will  have  informed  Governor  Dongan  of  every  thing  he 
knows  of  our  expeditions  to  the  Baie  du  Nord  (Hudson's  Bay)  and  has  learned  of  the  interests  of 
the  country  and  our  designs.  I  beg  of  you,  my  Lord,  to  permit  of  the  confiscation  of  whatever 
property  may  be  found  belonging  to  him  for  the  benefit  of  the  two  hospitals  of  the  Colony. 


FROM  GOV.  DONGAN  TO  M.  DE  DENONVILLE. 

[London  Doc.  V.  ;  Par.  Doc.  III.] 

Albany,  May  22.  1686. 

Sir — I  have  sent  for  the  five  Nations  of  Indians  y*  belongs  to  this  Governm1.  to  meet  me  at  this 
place,  to  give  them  in  charge  that  they  should  not  goe  to  your  side  of  the  Great  Lakes  nor  disturbe 
your  Indians  and  Traders,  butt  since  my  coming  here  I  am  informed  that  our  Indians  are  apprehen- 
sive of  warr  by  your  putting  stores  into  Cataract  [Cataraqui]  and  ordering  some  forces  to  meet  there. 
I  know  you  are  a  man  of  judgment  and  that  you  will  not  attack  the  King  of  England's  subjects. 
Being  informed  that  those  Indians  with  whom  our  Indians  are  engaged  in  war  with,  are  to  the  West 
and  Southwest  of  the  greate  Lakes  (if  so)  in  reason  you  can  have  no  pretence  to  them.  It  is  my 
intention  that  our  Indians  shall  not  warr  with  the  farr  Indians.  Whether  they  doe  or  not  it  does 
not  seem  reasonable  that  you  should  ingage  yourself  in  the  quarrell  of  Indians  wee  pretend  to, 
against  our  own  Indians.  Whether  these  Territories  belong  to  our  or  the  French  King  is  not  to  be 
decided  here,  but  by  our  Masters  at  home ;  and  your  business  k  mine  is  to  take  Mapps  of  the 
Country  so  well  as  we  can  and  to  send  them  home  for  the  limits  to  be  adjusted  there. 

I  am  likewise  informed  that  you  are  intended  to  build  a  ffort  at  a  place  called  Ohniagero  on  this 
side  of  the  Lake  within  my  Masters  territoryes  without  question  (I  cannot  believe  it,)  that  a  person 
that  has  your  reputation  in  the  world  would  follow  the  steps  of  Monsr  Labarre  and  be  ill  advised  by 
some  interested  persons  in  your  Governm1  to  make  disturbance  between  our  Masters  subjects  in 
these  parts  of  the  world  for  a  little  pillitree ;  when  all  these  differences  may  be  ended  by  an  amicable 
correspondence  between  us,  If  there  be  any  thing  amiss  I  doe  assure  you  it  shall  not  be  my  fault, 
though  we  have  suffered  much,  and  doe  dayly  by  your  People's  trading  within  the  King  of  England's 
territoryes.  I  have  had  two  letters  from  the  two  Fathers  that  lives  amongst  our  Indians,  and  I  find 
them  somewhat  disturbed  with  an  apprehension  of  war,  which  is  groundlesse,  being  resolved  that  it 
shall  not  begin  here,  and  I  hope  your  prudent  conduct  will  prevent  it  there,  and  referr  all  differences 
home  as  I  shall  doe.  I  heare  one  of  the  Fathers  is  gone  to  you,  and  the  other  that  staid  I  have  sent 
for  him  here  lest  the  Indians  should  insult  over  him,  tho'  its  a  thousand  pittys  that  those  that  have 
made  such  progress  in  the  service  of  God  should  be  disturbed,  and  that  by  the  fault  of  those  that 
laid  the  foundation  of  Christianity  amongst  these  barbarous  people. 

Setting  apart  the  station  I  am  in  I  am  as  much  Monsr  Desnonville's  humble  Servant  as  any  friend 
he  has,  and  will  omit  noe  opportunity  of  manifesting  the  same 

S' 

Your  humble  Serv1 

Tho1  Dongan. 


DENONVILLE's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


129 


This  Rumor  of  yr  coming  to  Cataracto  has  prevented  my  sending  a  gentleman  to  Quebec  to  con- 
gratulate your  arryval  in  ye  Governm1  soe  am  constrained  to  make  use  of  ye  Father  for  ye  safe 
conveyance  of  this  to  your  hands 


M.  DE  DENONVILLE  TO  GOV.  DONGAN. 

[Par.  Doc.  III.  ] 

Ville  marie,  June  20.  1686. 

I  received,  Sir,  the  letter  which  you  did  me  the  honour  to  write  me  on  the  22"d  May  last, 
You  will  sufficiently  learn,  in  the  end,  how  devoid  of  all  foundation  are  the  advices  which  you  have 
had  of  my  pretended  designs  and  that  all  that  has  been  told  you  by  the  deserters  from  the  Colony 
ought  to  be  much  suspected  by  you. 

You  are,  Sir,  too  well  acquainted  with  the  service  and  the  manner  that  things  must  be  conducted, 
to  take  any  umbrage  at  the  supplies  which  I  send  to  Cataracouy  for  the  subsistence  of  the  soldiers 
which  I  have  there. 

You  know  the  savages  sufficiently  to  be  well  assured  that  it  woidd  be  very  imprudent  on  my  part 
to  leave  that  place  without  having  enough  of  supplies  and  munitions  there  for  one  year's  time.  You 
are  not  ignorant  that  it  is  impossible  to  get  up  there  at  all  seasons ;  if  I  were  to  have  them  conveyed 
for  a  large  force,  I  should  have  used  other  means. 

The  natural  treachery  of  a  people  without  faith  and  without  religion,  require  us  to  be  so  far  dis- 
trustful of  them  that  you  ought  not  to  blame  me  for  using  precaution  against  their  restlessness  and 
caprice. 

I  had  the  honor  to  inform  you  by  my  letter  of  the  6th  June  last  that  the  orders  I  have  from  my 
Master  manifest  merely  the  zeal  which  His  Majesty  entertains  for  the  progress  of  Religion  and  for 
the  support  and  maintenance  of  the  Missionaries.  I  expect  from  your  piety  that  you  will  not  be 
opposed  to  that,  knowing  well  how  much  you  love  religion.  Do  you  think,  Sir,  that  they  will  reap 
much  fruit  whilst  the  savages  are  allowed  no  peace  in  the  villages  in  which  our  Missionaries  are 
established  ? 

"When  I  came  here,  I  thought  Peace  was  assured  between  the  Iroquois  and  us  and  our  Savage  allies. 
You  see,  Sir,  what  has  been  the  conduct  of  the  Iroquois  in  this  rencounter.  Can  you  say,  Sir,  that  I 
am  wrong  in  distrusting  them  1 

They  are  alarmed  at  the  war  which  they  fancy  I  shall  wage  against  them ;  their  conscience  only 
could  have  impressed  them  with  this  idea,  since  I  have  not  done  the  least  thing  to  make  them  believe 
that  I  want  any  thing  else  from  them  than  to  see  peace  well  established  throughout  all  the  country. 
What  have  I  done  to  cause  them  the  least  uneasiness  ?    And  what  do  they  want  1 

In  respect  to  the  pretensions  which  you  say  you  have  to  the  lands  of  this  country,  certainly  you 
are  not  well  informed  of  all  the  entries  into  possession  (prises  de  possessions)  which  have  been  made 
in  the  name  of  the  King  my  Master,  and  of  the  establishments  which  we  have  of  long  standing  on 
the  lands  and  on  the  lakes ;  and  as  I  have  no  doubt  but  our  Masters  will  easily  agree  among  them- 
selves, seeing  the  union  and  good  understanding  that  obtain  between  them,  I  willingly  consent  with 
you  that  their  Majesties  regulate  the  limits  among  themselves  wishing  nothing  more  than  to  live  with 
you  in  good  understanding ;  but  to  that  end,  Sir,  it  would  be  very  apropos  that  a  gentleman  so 

[Vol.  I.]  17 


130 


DENONVILLe's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


worthy  as  you  should  not  grant  protection  to  all  the  rogues,  vagabonds  and  thieves  who  desert  and 
seek  refuge  with  you,  and  who,  to  acquire  some  merit  with  you  believe  they  cannot  do  better  than  to 
tell  you[many  impertinencies  of  us,  which  will  have  no  end  so  long  as  you  will  listen  to  them. 

The  letter  which  the  Rev.  Father  de  Lamberville  has  been  so  kind  as  to  be  the  bearer  of  from  me 
on  the  6th  June  last  ought  to  suffice,  Sir,  to  put  you  perfectly  in  possession  of  my  intentions.  It 
would  be  unnecessary  that  I  should  make  any  other  reply  to  your  last  of  the  22<l  of  May,  were  it  not 
that  I  was  very  glad  hereby  to  prove  to  you  again  that  I  shall  always  feel  a  great  pleasure  in  seizing 
every  opportunity  to  shew  that  I  am 

Sir, 

Your  very  humble  & 

very  obedient  Servant. 


COL.  DONGAN  TO  M.  DE  DENONVILLE. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  V.;  Par.  Doc.  III.  ] 

New  York,  27th  July.  1686. 

Sir — I  had  the  honour  to  receave  two  letters  from  you  one  dated  the  6th  and  the  other  the  20th  of 
June  last  and  in  them  I  have  found  very  much  satisfaction  by  the  hopes  of  a  good  correspondence 
with  a  person  of  so  great  merit  worth  and  repute  spread  abroad  in  the  army  in  wliich  I  served.  Be- 
lieve it  it  is  much  joy  to  have  soe  good  a  neighbour  of  soe  excellent  qualifications  and  temper  and  of 
a  humour  altogether  differing  from  Monsieur  de  la  Barre  your  predecessor  who  was  so  furious  and 
hasty  very  much  addicted  to  great  words  as  if  I  had  bin  to  have  bin  frighted  by  them.  The  Indians 
perad venture  might  justly  offend  him  for  they  as  you  well  reniarke  are  not  people  of  the  greatest 
credit  and  reputation,  but  certainly  I  did  not  amiss  in  offering  sincerely  to  compose  the  difference 
and  I  went  expressly  to  Albany  to  do  it  and  yet  no  suitable  returns  were  made  by  him  for  it.  I 
doubt  not  but  your  Masters  inclinations  are  very  strongly  bent  to  propagate  the  Christian  Religion 
and  I  do  assure  you  that  my  master  had  no  less  a  share  in  so  pious  intentions ;  for  my  part  I  shall 
take  all  imaginable  care  that  the  Fathers  who  preach  the  Holy  Gospell  to  those  Indians  over  whom 
I  have  power  bee  not  in  the  least  ill  treated  and  upon  that  very  accompt  have  sent  for  one  of  each 
nation  to  come  to  me  and  then  those  beastly  crimes  you  reproove  shall  be  checked  severely  and  all 
my  endeavours  used  to  suppress  their  filthy  drunkennesse  disorders,  debauches,  warring  and  quarrels 
ami  whatsoever  doth  obstruct  the  growth  and  enlargement  of  the  Christian  faith  amongst  those 
people. 

I  have  heard  that  before  ever  the  King  your  Master  pretended  to  Cannida,  the  Indians  so  farr  as 
the  South  Sea  were  under  the  English  Dominion  and  always  traded  with  Albany  Maryland  and  Vir- 
ginia, but  that  according  to  your  desire  witli  very  good  reason  is  wholly  referred  to  our  Masters, 
and  I  heartily  pray  that  neither  you  nor  myselfe  give  occasion  of  any  of  the  least  misunderstanding 
between  them  but  that  a  prosperous  correspondence  stricht  amity  and  union  may  perpettually  bee 
continued  between  those  monarchs,  The  stricktest  care  shall  be  taken  concerning  runawayes  from 
you  and  those  who  are  here  if  you  please  to  send  lor  them  shall  bee  all  conveyed  to  you — but  if 
there  bee  any  soldiers  who  have  deserted,  I  desire  you  to  give  me  the  assurance  that  they  shall  not 
loose  their  lives,  And  now,  Sir.  I  beg  your  pardon  for  giveing  you  the  trouble  of  my  particular 
affairs  which  is  thus :  when  my  Prince  called  me  out  of  the  French  service  twenty  five  thousand 


DENONVILLE's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA.  131 

livres  were  due  to  me  as  was  stated  and  certif'yed  to  Monsr  De  Lenoy  by  the  Intendant  of  Nancy — my 
stay  was  so  short  that  I  had  no  time  to  kisse  the  King's  hands  and  petition  for  itt — a  very  great 
misfortune  after  so  long  service,  for  in  the  circumstances  I  was  then  in  I  served  him  faithfully  to  the 
uttermost  of  my  power.  After  I  quitted  France  I  went  to  Tangier  and  haveing  left  that  place  some- 
time after  came  hither  so  that  I  never  had  time  to  represent  my  case  to  His  Majesty  which  I  request 
you  to  espouse  for  me  that  so  by  your  means  I  may  obtaine  either  all  or  at  least  some  part  of  that 
which  is  due  to  me — The  King  I  know  had  bin  bountifull  to  all  and  I  am  confident  hath  too  much 
generosity  to  see  me  suffer ;  however  it  happens  I  shall  as  heartily  pray  for  his  good  health  and  happy 
success  in  all  his  undertakings  as  any  one  breathing  and  be  ever  ready  to  make  all  just  acknow- 
ledgements to  yourselfe  for  so  great  an  obligation  and  favour;  wishing  heartily  for  a  favorable 
occasion  to  demonstrate  how  profound  an  esteem  I  have  for  your  person  and  merritts  and  give  un- 
denyable  proofs  that  I  am  sincerely  and  with  all  respects 

Sir 

Your  most  humble  and  affectionate  servant 

Thos  Dongan 


M.  DE  DENONVILLE  TO  GOV.  DONGAN. 

[Paris  Doc.  III.] 

29  Sept.  1686. 

I  received  by  the  Rev.  Father  de  Lamberville,  the  elder,  missionary  among  the  Iroquois  of  the 
village  of  the  Onontagu6s  the  letter  which  you  took  the  trouble  to  write  to  me  on  the  27tb  July.  I 
repeat,  Sir,  what  I  already  had  the  honour  to  state  to  you  that  it  will  r.ot  be  my  fault  that  we  shall 
not  live  in  very  good  intelligence.  I  am  willing  to  believe,  Sir,  that  you  will  contribute  thereunto 
on  your  side,  and  that  you  will  put  an  end  to  all  those  causes  that  may  exist  for  dissatisfaction  at 
what  is  doing  under  your  government  by  your  traders  and  others  whom  you  protect. 

I  do  not  believe,  Sir,  that  the  King  your  master  approves  of  all  the  trouble  you  have  taken  in 
arming  and  soliciting  by  presents  all  the  Iroquois  Nation  to  wage  war  on  us  this  year,  neither  the 
exhortations  you  have  made  them  to  plunder  our  Frenchmen  who  trade  to  places  which  up  to  the 
present  time  we  have  acquired  long  before  New  York  was  what  it  is. 

You  have  proposed,  Sir,  to  submit  every  thing  to  the  decision  of  our  Masters,  yet  your  emissary  to 
the  Onnontagues,  told  all  the  nations  in  your  name  to  pillage  and  to  make  war  on  us.  This  is  so 
notorious  a  matter  that  it  cannot  be  doubted,  and  it  will  be  maintained  before  your  emissary ;  whether 
he  acted  by  your  order,  or  at  the  suggestion  of  your  merchants  at  Orange,  it  has  been  said  and  done. 
You  are  not  ignorant  of  the  expedition  of  your  merchants  against  Michilimaquina.  I  ask  you,  Sir, 
what  do  you  wish  that  I  should  think  of  all  this,  and  if  this  behaviour  accord  with  the  letter  which 
you  did  me  the  honour  to  write  on  the  21th  July  filled  with  courtesies  and  friendly  expressions  as 
well  regarding  Religion  as  the  good  understanding  and  friendship  existing  between  our  Masters  which 
ought  to  be  imitated  in  this  country  in  token  of  our  respect  and  obedience  to  them. 

You  had  the  civility  to  tell  me  that  you  would  give  me  up  all  the  deserters,  who  to  escape  the 
chastisement  of  their  knaveries,  take  refuge  with  you ;  yet  you,  Sir,  cannot  be  ignorant  of  those  who 
are  there,  but  as  all  these  are  for  the  major  part  bankrupts  and  thieves  I  trust  they  will  finally  give 
you  reason  to  repent  of  having  given  them  shelter,  and  that  your  merchants  who  employ  them  will 


132 


DENONVILLE's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTHY  AND  NIAGARA. 


be  punished  for  having  confided  in  rogues  who  will  not  be  more  faithful  to  them  than  they  have  been 
to  us. 

You  know,  Sir,  they  spare  neither  the  Outaouas,  our  most  antient  allies, nor  the  other  tribes  among 
whom  we  have  Preachers  of  the  Gospel  and  with. whose  cruelties  to  our-  holy  Missionaries, whom  they 
have  martyred,  you  are  acquainted.  Are  all  these  reasons,  Sir,  not  sufficiently  conclusive  to  induce  you 
to  contribute  to  designs  so  pious  as  those  of  your  Master  1  Think  you,  Sir,  that  Religion  will  pro- 
gress whilst  your  Merchants  supply, as  they  do,  Eau  de  Vie  in  abundance  which  converts  the  sa\ 3, 
as  you  ought  to  know,  into  Demons  and  their  cabins  into  counterparts  and  theatres  of  Hell. 

I  hope,  Sir,  you  will  reflect  on  all  this,  and  that  you  will  be  so  good  as  to  contribute  to  that  union 
which  I  desire,  and  you  wish  for. 

Finally,  Sir,  you  must  be  persuaded  that  I  will  contribute,  willingly  and  with  pleasure,  my  best  to 
obtain  for  you  the  favor  you  desire  from  the  King  my  master.  I  should  have  wished,  Sir,  that  you 
had  explained  your  case  more  clearly,  and  that  you  had  placed  in  my  hands  the  proofs  or  vouchers 
of  your  debt,  so  as  to  explain  it  to  the  King,  for  so  many  things  pass  through  the  hands  of  Messr». 
his  Majesty's  Ministers  that  I  fear  M.  de  Lonnoy  will  not  recollect  your  affair,  which  he  cannot  know 
except  through  the  Intendant  who  was  at  Nancy,  whose  name  you  do  not  mention.  I  shall  not  fail, 
Sir,  to  endeavour  to  obtain  for  you  some  favor  from  the  King  my  master  for  the  services  which  you 
have  rendered  his  majesty.  I  should  wish,  Sir,  to  have  an  opportunity,  on  some  other  more  fitting 
occasion  to  prove  that  I  am, 

Sir, 

Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  Servant. 


M.  DE  DENONVILLE'S  MEMOIR 

ON  THE  PRESENT  STATE  OF  AFFAIRS  IN  CANADA    AND  THE  NECESSITY    OF  MAKING    WAR  NEXT  YEAR  ON 

THE  IROQUOIS. 

[  Paris  Doc.  III.  ] 

Quebec   the  8th  9ber  KS86. 

Our  reputation  is  absolutely  destroyed  both  among  our  friends  and  our  enemies.  It  is  no  trilling 
thing,  My  lord,  to  reestablish  it  in  view  of  the  expense  and  labor  and  the  dreadful  consequences  of  a 
war,  absolutely  necessary.  But,  My  lord,  when  we  are  certain  that  it  is  God's  business  and  the 
King's  glory  that  are  in  question,  and  that  all  those  to  whom  they  are  committed  have  head  and  heart 
occupied  only  with  zeal  to  perform  their  duty  so  as  to  have  nothing  wherewith  to  reproach  themselves, 
we  labour  untroubled,  confident  that  Heaven  will  supply  the  defects  of  our  understanding  and 
abilities,  more  especially  having  you  as  our  Protector  near  to  King  with  whom  all  things  are  possible, 
his  piety  being  the  foundation  and  motive  of  all  his  undertakings. 

I  annex  to  this  Memoir,  the  duplicate  of  the  letter  of  June  last  in  which  I  advised  My  lord  of  the 
expedition  of  the  Iroquois  against  our  allies  the  Hurons  and  Ottawas  of  Missilimakina  in  the  Saguinan.' 
I  have  learned  since  that  the  English  had  more  to  do  with  that  expedition  than  even  the  Iroquois 
who  struck  the  blow.  Their  intrigues,  My  lord,  reach  a  point  that  without  doubt  it  would  be  much 
letter  that  they  should  have  recourse  to  open  acts  of  hostility  by  firing  our  settlements,  than  to  do 
what  they  are  doing  through  the  Iroquois  for  our  destruction. 


1  The  Country  between  Lakes  Eric  ami  Huron  was  thus  called.    Paris  Doc.  iii.  84. 


DENONVILLE's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA.  133 

I  know,  beyond  a  moment's  doubt  that  Mr.  Dongan  has  caused  all  the  Five  Iroquois  Nations  to  be 
collected,  this  spring,  at  Orange  to  tell  them  publicly,  so  as  to  stimulate  them  against  us,  that  I  want 
to  declare  war  against  them  ;  that  they  must  plunder  our  Frenchmen  in  the  Bush  which  they  can 
easily  eftect  by  making  an  incursion  into  the  country,  and  for  that  purpose  Mr.  Dongan  caused  pre- 
sents of  arms  and  ammunition  to  be  given  them  by  the  merchants,  neither  more  nor  less  than  if  it 
were  himself  who  was  to  make  war.  There  is  no  artifice,  therefore  My  lord,  that  he  did  not  employ 
to  persuade  them  of  their  destruction,  unless  they  destroyed  us. 

Father  de  Lamberville,  Jesuit  Missionary  at  Onontague,  one  of  the  five  villages,  being  advised  of 
the  wicked  designs  of  the  English,  set  all  his  friends  to  work  to  avert  the  storm,  and  enjoining  them 
to  report  everything  to  him,  he  obtained  from  them  that  they  would  not  budge  until  he  had  seen 
me.  During  his  absence  Mr.  Dongan  sent  an  express  to  the  Iroquois  to  notify  them  to  march  with- 
out delay  and  fall  on  the  Colony,  ordering  Father  de  Lamberv die's  brother,  who  had  remained  as 
hostage  to  be  brought  to  him,  thinking  to  deprive  us  of  all  our  missionaries  among  the  Iroquois. 
At  the  same  time,  he  sent  emissaries  among  our  savages  at  Montreal  to  debauch  them  and  draw  them 
to  him,  promising  them  Missionaries  to  instruct  them,  assuring  them  that  he  would  prevent  Brandy 
being  conveyed  to  their  villages.  All  these  intrigues  have  given  me  no  small  exercise  all  summer  to 
ward  off  this  blow. 

Mr.  Dongan  wrote  me,  and  I  answered  him  as  a  man  may  do  who  wishes  to  dissemble,  and  who 
cannot  yet  get  angry,  much  less  crush  his  foe.  I  thought  it  better  to  temporise  and  answer  Mr. 
Dongan  by  eluding  rather  than  exhibiting  one's  chagrin  without  having  the  power  to  injure  his 
enemy.  The  letters  which  I  recd  from  him  and  my  answers,  copies  of  which  I  send,  will  advise  you 
of  my  conduct  in  this  conjuncture.  Mr.  Dongan,  notwithstanding  works  secretly  with  all  the  arti- 
fices in  the  world,  to  debauch  our  Frenchmen  and  Indians.  Col.  Dongan's  letters  will  sufficiently 
explain  his  pretensions  which  embrace  no  less  than  from  the  Lakes  inclusive  to  the  South  Sea.  Mis- 
silimackinac  belongs  to  them.  They  have  taken  its  elevation.  They  have  been  there  treating  with 
our  Outawas  and  Huron  Indians,  who  received  them  there  very  well  on  account  of  the  excellent 
trade  they  made  there  in  selling  their  goods  for  beaver  which  they  pm chase  much  dearer  than  we. 
Unfortunately  we  had  at  the  time  but  very  few  French  at  Missilimackinac.  M.  de  la  Durantaye 
on  arriving  there  would  pursue  the  English  to  plunder  them  ;  the  Hurons  ran  to  escort  them  after 
saying  many  bad  things  of  us.  M.  de  la  Durantaye  did  not  overtake  the  English,  who  met  on  their 
road  the  Senecas  going  to  meet  them  to  escort  them  through  lakes  Erie  and  Ontario  until  they  were 
beyond  the  risk  of  being  attacked  by  us. 

Thus  you  see,  My  lord,  that  the  Senecas  and  the  English  understand  each  other  charmingly,  and 
are  in  perfect  harmony  and  this  alliance  is  made  particularly  with  the  army  whom  M.  de  la  Barre 
went  against,  for  at  the  time  of  his  march  the  Senecas  ran  to  Orange  to  find  Colonel  Dongan  to  beg 
him  to  take  them  under  his  protection,  giving  themselves  over  to  him  by  a  public  Acte  which  was 
registered  and  sent  to  England,  and,  then,  he  caused  poles  with  the  arms  of  England  to  be  planted  in 
all  their  villages. 

Nevertheless,  previous  to  that  time  we  had  missionaries  there,  the  first  before  any  Englishman  had 
an  idea  that  there  were  Senecas  there.  I  annex  to  this  letter  a  memoir  of  our  Right  to  all  that 
Country  of  which  our  registers  ought  to  be  full,  but  of  which  we  can  find  no  trace.  I  am  told  that 
M.  Tallon  had  originals  of  the  entries  of  possession  (prises  de  possessions)  of  many  discoveries  made 
in  this  country,  which  our  registers  ought  to  contain.  Doubtless  he  has  given  them  to  my  late  lord, 
your  father. 

Father  de  Lamberville  having  given  me  an  account  of  all  the  Colonel's  intrigues  which  tended  to 
take  the  Hurons  away  from  us  and  to  draw  off  the  Outawas,  I  entrusted  him  with  presents  to  gain 
over  the  principal  and  most  intriguing  of  the  Iroquois  to  secure  the  friendship  of  the  young  men 


134  DENONVILLE's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 

who  were  disposed  to  be  out  of  humor  with  us.  He  arrived  in  very  good  season,  for  all  the  Nations, 
assured  by  Mr.  Dongan  that  the  good  Father  would  not  return,  had  assembled  and  were  marching, 
but  his  return  woke  up  the  Father's  party,  who  by  means  of  secret,  which  are  called  here  "under- 
ground" presents,  dispelled  the  storm. 

All  the  summer  has  been  spent  in  comings  and  goings  to  get  back  the  prisoners,  the  Outawas 
wishing  to  demand  them  of  the  Iroquois  without  my  participation,  according  to  the  promises  of  the 
Senecas  to  restore  them,  provided  I  did  not  demand  them.  In  fine  the  Hurons  and  the  Outawas 
resolved  to  repair  to  Cataraqui,  and  the  Onontagues  alone  have  given  up  their  prisoners,  the  Senecas 
saying  that  theirs  did  not  wish  to  return  home.  Father  de  Lamberville  returned  here  in  the  latter 
part  of  September,  he  gave  me  an  account  of  all  his  cares,  and  of  all  his  troubles  and  fatigues. 
Whatever  affection  he  may  have  for  the  mission  where  he  has  been  stationed  fifteen  or  sixteen  years 
every  year  in  danger  of  being  killed  by  the  Iroquois,  he  admits  himself  that  nothing  is  to  be  done 
for  the  mission  unless  that  nation  be  humbled.  This,  My  lord,  is  so  true  that  the  Iroquois  have  no 
other  design  than  to  destroy  all  our  allies,  one  after  the  other,  in  order  afterwards  to  annihilate  us ; 
and  in  that  consists  all  the  policy  of  Mr.  Dongan  and  his  Traders,  who  have  no  other  object  than  to 
post  themselves  at  Niagara,  to  block  us ;  but  until  now  they  have  not  dared  to  touch  that  string  with 
the  Iroquois,  who  dread  and  hate  their  domination  more  than  ours,  loving  them  not,  in  truth,  except 
on  account  of  their  cheap  bargains. 

Mr.  Dongan  caresses  considerably  those  deserters  of  ours  whom  he  requires  to  execute  Ids  designs 
for  the  destruction  and  ruin  of  our  trade  by  promoting  his  own.  This  wakes  up  our  restless  spirits 
and  obliges  me  to  manage  them,  until  I  shall  be  in  a  position  to  treat  them  more  severely.  You  will 
notice,  My  lord,  by  a  letter  of  the  Colonel's  how  desirous  he  is  for  something  from  the  King  Which 
he  says  is  due  to  him.  He  is  a  very  selfish  man,wlio  woidd  assuredly  govern  himself  thereby  if  you 
thought  proper ;  but  the  fact  is  he  is  not  the  master  of  those  merchants  from  whom  he  draws  money. 

Father  de  Lamberville  has  returned  with  orders  from  me  to  assemble  all  the  Iroquois  nations  next 
spring  at  Cataraqui  to  have  a  talk  about  our  affairs.  I  am  persuaded  that  scarcely  any  will  come, but 
my  chief  design  is  to  draw  [  them]  thither,  (the  Jesuit  Father  remaining  alone  for  he  must  this  year 
send  back  his  younger  brother,)  in  order  that  he  may  have  less  trouble  in  withdrawing  himself. 
This  poor  Father  knows,  however,  nothing  of  our  designs.  He  is  a  man  of  talent,  and  who  says 
himself  that  matters  cannot  remain  in  their  present  state.  I  am  very  sorry  to  see  him  exposed,  but 
if  I  withdraw  him  this  year  the  storm  without  doubt  will  burst  sooner  on  us,  for  they  would  be  sure 
of  our  plans  by  his  retiring. 

I  have  advices,  notwithstanding,  that  the  Five  Nations  are  making  a  large  war  party,  supposed  to 
be  against  the  Oumianiis  and  other  savages  of  the  Bay  des  Puans  who  were  attacked  this  year,  one  of 
their  villages  having  been  destroyed  by  the  Iroquois ;  on  receiving  notice  thereof  the  hunters  of 
those  tribes  pursued  the  Iroquois  party  whom  they  overtook  and  fought  with  considerable  vigor, 
having  recovered  several  prisoners  and  killed  many  of  the  Iroquois,  who  without  doubt  pant  for 
revenge.  I  sent  them  word,  to  be  on  their  guard  and  to  have  their  women  and  children  removed 
to  a  distance  when  they  will  be  required  to  march  to  join  me  I  say  nothing  to  you  of  what  they 
have  done  to  the  Illinois  whom  they  spare  not,  having  since  two  years  committed  vast  destruction  on 
them. 

Nothing  more,  My  lord,  is  required  to  convince  you  that  we  cannot  hesitate,  and  that  the  Colony 
must  be  put  down  as  lost  if  war  is  not  waged  next  year ;  they  destroy  on  all  sides  our  allies  who 
are  on  the  point  of  turning  their  backs  on  us  if  we  do  not  declare  for  them.  The  Iroquois  plunder 
our  canoes  whereever  they  find  them,  and  no  longer  observe  appearances.  Nevertheless,  My  lord, 
in  the  deranged  state  of  the  Colony,  war  is  the  most  dangerous  thing  in  the  world  ;  nothing  can  save 
us  but  the  troops  you  will  send  and  the  redoubts  which  it  is  necessary  for  us  to  build.    Yet,  I  dare 


DENONVILLe's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


135 


not  begin  to  work  at  these,  for  if  I  make  the  least  movement  for  these  Redoubts,  I  will  assuredly 
draw  all  the  Iroquois  down  on  us,  before  I  am  in  a  condition  to  attack  them. 

The  copy  I  transmit  of  the  orders  I  have  issued  for  our  next  year's  expedition  will  advise  you  of 
all  the  measures  I  have  adopted  to  ensure  the  success  of  our  plans.  The  distance  is  terrible  and 
success  is  in  the  hands  of  God.  If  you  will  be  pleased,  My  lord,  to  take  the  trouble  to  read  all  these 
orders  with  the  Map  which  I  send,  you  will  perceive  all  my  projects.  I  have  overrated  a  little  the 
number  of  the  force  I  shall  have  with  me,  in  order  to  give  a  little  more  character  to  our  expedition. 
I  cannot  draw  more  than  eight  hundred  militia,  one  hundred  of  the  best  of  whom  will  be  required 
to  manage  the  fifty  canoes  for  convoys.  These  will  do  nothing  else  than  come  and  go  during  our  ex- 
pedition to  transport  provisions  for  our  troops  and  for  those  whom  we  shall  station  during  the 
winter  at  the  Post  which  we  must  occupy  either  at  Niagara  or  near  the  Senecas,  to  serve  as  a  retreat 
for  those  of  our  Indians  who  will  be  desirous  to  harrass  them  during  the  winter  and  the  following 
year.  Without  this  nothing  effectual  will  have  been  done  to  humble  tins  Nation,  for  to  be  satisfied 
in  driving  them  from  their  villages  and  then  to  retire,  is  not  accomplishing  any  great  thing,  as  they 
immediately  return  and  re-establish  themselves  in  their  Villages. 

As  you,  My  lord,  are  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  ruinous  condition  of  this  Colony,  you  under- 
stand very  well  the  deplorable  consequences  of  this  war  wliich  require  that  the  settlements  be  con- 
tracted, and  it  is  here  we  must  anticipate  many  difficulties ;  for  in  truth  the  establishment  of  the 
Colony  would  have  to  be  almost  begun  over  again,  and  this  it  is  which  causes  me  repeat  the  demand 
that  I  have  already  made  for  regular  troops  to  support  our  habitans,  and  to  occupy  the  posts  neces- 
sary to  be  guarded,  without  which  I  cannot  preserve  many  points  very  requisite  to  be  protected ; 
among  others  Chambly,  where  I  should  like  to  station  a  strong  post,  because  it  is  the  most  important 
pass  to  reach  the  English  by  lake  Champlain.  That  post  will  moreover  always  be  a  subject  of  un- 
easiness to  the  Indians  who  would  incline  to  cross  the  River  Richelieu  thence  to  our  settlements  on 
the  River  St.  Francis ;  in  addition  to  which,  communicating  as  it  does  with  that  of  la  Prairie  de  la 
Madelaine,  would  secure,  in  some  sort,  all  the  country  from  Sorel  unto  la  Prairie  de  la  Madelaine. 
Reflect  again,  My  lord,  if  you  please,  how  important  is  that  post  of  Tlout  de  l'Isle  de  Mont  Real, 
that  of  Chateaugu6,  that  of  la  Chesnaye  and  that  of  l'Isle  Jesus. 

I  say  nothing,  My  lord,  of  all  the  other  settlements  that  are  isolated  and  without  communication 
which  we  must  endeavor  to  secure  from  insult.    Those  details,  My  lord,  require  considerable  troops, 
which  could  not  fail  to  greatly  advance  this  country  by  laboring  to  draw  (resserer)  the  Colony  closer 
together  and  make  it  more  compact,  by  means  of  forts  around  which  clearances  would  be  made. 

All  this,  My  lord,  is  no  trifling  work  to  be  prepared.  For  what  certainty  can  there  be  of  destroy- 
ing so  powerful  an  enemy  as  that  Nation  which  has  assuredly  two  thousand  men  under  arms  inde- 
pendent of  a  large  number  of  other  tribes  their  allies,  estimated  at  twelve  hundred  1  The  vast  extent 
of  forest  into  which  they  will  retreat  and  where  Indians  alone  can  pursue  them ;  the  uncertainty  of 
the  strength  of  the  Indians  which  we  shall  have  with  us ;  the  difficulty  of  rendezvousing  so  far 
off — all  these  considerations  ought  to  make  us  reflect  on  the  means  of  sustaining  ourselves  in  case 
we  should  not  meet  that  success  we  may  desire,  and  which  cannot  come  without  a  manifest  inter- 
position of  Heaven  for  the  success  of  projects  so  scattered. 

It  is  very  certain  that  were  I  in  a  position  to  be  able  to  send  a  strong  detachment  to  the  Mohawk 
Country  by  the  River  Richelieu  whilst  I  was  proceeding  against  the  Senecas,  not  only  should  I  create 
considerable  alarm  among  the  English  which  would  keep  them  at  home,  but  I  would  obtain  a  great 
advantage  over  the  Iroquois  by  separating  and  pillaging  them  and  laying  waste  their  corn  fields  at 
both  ends  of  the  Iroquois  towns.  It  would  be  very  desirable  that  I  could  destroy  all  the  corn  in  the 
same  year,  so  that  the  one  could  no  longer  support  the  other ;  this  would  reduce  them  to  great 
wretchedness  and  would  put  a  burthen  on  the  English,  if  they  sought  a  refuge  there  for  means  to 


136 


DENONVILLE's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


live.  Had  I  a  sufficiency  of  troops  I  should  not  fail  to  undertake  that  enterprize,  but  having  only 
what  I  have,  I  must  attack  one  after  the  other,  and  endeavour  to  raise  another  army,  which  it  is 
impossible  to  effect  at  first.  'Tis  true,  were  all  done  at  once  it  woidd  be  much  better,  and  promote 
our  expedition  and  dishearten  our  enemies  considerably. 

I  am  very  sorry,  My  lord,  to  witness  all  the  expence  necessary  for  the  support  of  Fort  Cataracouy, 
merely  with  a  garrison  of  fifty  men.  It  is  very  unfortunate  that  the  lands  thereabout  are  not  better, 
so  that  it  might  support  itself.  I  am  not  yet  sufficiently  well  informed  of  the  environs  to  be  able 
to  write  you  with  sufficient  accuracy  all  that  coidd  be  effected  there ;  notwithstanding  it  is  of  great 
consequence  to  preserve  that  Post  at  the  entrance  to  the  Lake,  though  the  Posts  in  this  Country  do 
not  command  the  passages  so  completely  that  the  Savages  cannot  avoid  them,  two  or  three  leagues 
either  above  or  below.  Yet  that  Post,  and  one  at  Niagara  woidd  render  us  entire  masters,  and  keep 
the  Iroquois  in  great  check  and  respect,  and  give  us  immense  advantages  in  our  trade  with  the 
Illinois  and  Outtawas ;  that  road  being  shorter,  and  much  less  difficult  than  the  one  we  take,  in 
which  there  is  an  infinitude  of  portages  and  rapids,  much  more  dangerous  than  those  on  the 
Cataracouy  side. 

The  letters  I  wrote  to  Sieurs  du  Lhu  and  de  la  Durantaye,  of  which  I  sent  you  copies,  will  inform  you 
of  my  orders  to  them  to  fortify  the  two  passes  leading  to  Michilimaquina.  Sieur  du  Lhu  is  at  that  of 
the  Detroit  of  Lake  Erie,  and  Sieur  de  la  Durantaye  at  that  of  the  portage  of  Taronro.  These  two 
Posts  will  block  the  passage  against  the  English,  if  they  undertake  to  go  again  to  Michilimaquina,  and 
will  serve  as  retreats  to  the  Savages  our  allies,  either  while  hunting  or  marching  against  the  Iroquois. 

I  send  you  again,  My  lord,  copy  of  the  orders  I  have  issued  for  the  assembling,  marching  and 
repairing  of  our  Savage  allies  to  Niagara  with  Sieurs  du  Lhu  and  de  la  Durantaye.  You  will,  also, 
see,  My  lord,  the  orders  I  have  issued  for  marching  the  Illinois  in  the  rear  of  the  Iroquois.  It  looks 
very  well  on  paper,  but  the  business  is  yet  to  be  executed.  Many  difficulties  may  be  encountered  as 
well  in  regard  to  the  nature  of  the  Savages  who  are  little  accustomed  to  obedience  and  the  prosecu- 
tion of  a  design  during  several  months,  which  are  required  to  reach  the  rear  of  the  Senecas  from 
their  country.  Chevalier  Tonty,  who  came  to  see  me  at  Montreal  in  the  month  of  July  last,  has 
taken  charge  of  all  these  matters.  I  gave  him  twenty  good  Canadians,  with  eight  canoes  loaded  witli 
one  hundred  and  fifty  muskets,  which  was  all  I  could  collect  in  the  country.  He  carries  powder  and 
lead  and  other  things  for  the  trade.  Had  the  guns  you  sent  me  arrived  I  should  have  given  him  a 
good  number.  He  left  at  the  end  of  August  and  calculates  to  arrive  at  Fort  St.  Louis1  before  the 
departure  of  the  hunters.  He  could  not  assure  me  of  the  number  of  Savages  he  could  bring  with 
him,  but  I'm  certain  he  will  make  great  exertions  to  succeed  in  this  affair  in  which  he  will  participate 
largely  if  the  Indians  will  allow  themselves  to  be  governed  and  led  by  him.  I  cannot  sufficiently 
praise  his  zeal  for  the  success  of  this  enterprize.  He  is  a  lad  of  great  enterprize  and  boldness,  who 
undertakes  considerable.  He  left  Fort  des  Illinois  last  February  to  seek  after  M.  de  la  Salle  at  the 
lower  end  of  the  Mississippi.  He  has  been  as  far  as  the  sea,  where  he  learned  nothing  of  M.  de  la 
Salle  except  that  some  Savages  had  seen  him  set  sail  and  go  towards  the  South.  He  returned  on  the 
receipt  of  this  intelligence  to  Fort  St.  Louis  des  Illinois,  and  thence  to  Montreal,  where  he  arrived  in 
the  beginning  of  July  with  two  Illinois  Chiefs,  to  whom  I  had  made  some  presents,  and  to  another 
who  had  not  come.  They  promised  me  wonders.  Nothing  remains  but  the  execution  which  is  in 
the  hands  of  God,  for  according  to  what  I'm  told  of  the  temper  of  these  Savages,  a  mere  nothing 
sometimes  is  only  necessary  to  cause  them  to  change  their  minds.  He  will  have  about  twenty  good 
Canadians  with  him  to  march  at  the  head  of  the  Indians,  which  he  hopes  will  encourage  them.  He 
will  have  to  walk  three  hundred  leagues  over  land,  for  those  Savages  are  not  accustomed  to  canoes 
(ne  wit  pas  gens  de  Canot.) 

1  Now  Peoria,  UL  * 


DENONVILLe's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


137 


I  should  have  greatly  desired  to  shorten  my  letters  to  you.  But,  My  lord,  as  it  is  necessary  to 
inform  you  of  the  state  of  our  affairs  and  to  render  you  an  account  of  my  conduct,  1  thought  I  would 
send  you  all  the  orders  as  I  had  issued  them,  so  that  I  might  be  corrected  if  I  fail  in  any  respect, 
being' very  anxious  to  satisfy  you. 

I  receive  letters  from  the  most  distant  quarters  ;  from  the  head  of  the  River  Mississippi,  from  the 
head  of  Lake  Superior,  from  Lake  des  Lenemyngon1  where  they  propose  wonders  to  me  by  estab- 
lishing posts  for  the  Missions  and  for  the  Beavers  which  abound  there.  But  in  truth  so  long  as  the 
interior  of  the  Colony  is  not  consolidated  and  secured,  nothing  certain  can  be  expected  from  all  those 
distant  posts  where  hitherto  people  have  lived  in  great  disorder  and  in  a  manner  to  convert  our  best 
Canadians  into  banditti.  All  these  distant  posts  cannot  maintain  themselves  except  from  the  interior 
of  the  Colony,  and  by  a  secure  communication  with  them  from  here.  Whilst  we  have  the  Irorpuois 
on  our  hands,  can  we  be  certain  of  anything  1  Solicited  by  the  English,  they  daily  plunder  our 
canoes  and  openly  declare  they  will  continue  (to  do  so)  being  unwilling  that  we  should  carry 
ammunition  to  the  Savages,  their  enemies  and  our  allies. 

The  principal  affair  at  present  is  the  security  of  this  Colony  which  is  in  evident  danger  of  perishing 
whether  the  Iroquois  be  let  alone  or  we  make  war  Avithout  having  a  decided  advantage  over  them, 
and  however  decided  ours  may  be,  the  people  separated  as  they  are  will  always  be  in  danger.  Yet 
My  lord,  if  you  aid  us  with  troops,  war  will  be  the  least  inconvenience,  for  if  we  do  not  wage  it, 
I  do  not  believe  that  the  next  year  will  pass  away  without  the  whole  trade  being  absolutely  lost ;  the 
savages,  our  friends,  would  revolt  against  us,  and  place  themselves  at  the  mercy  of  the  Iroquois, 
more  powerful  because  better  armed,  than  any  of  them.  The  whole  of  the  Hurons  are  waiting  only 
for  the  moment  to  do  it.  Had  I  not  by  the  care  of  Father  de  Lamberville  fortunately  avoided  the 
war  this  year,  not  a  single  canoe  would  have  come  down  from  the  forests  without  having  been  cap- 
tured and  plundered  in  the  river  of  the  Outtawas.  We  should  have  lost  a  great  number  of  good 
men. 

This,  My  lord,  is  a  long  narrative  about  the  state  of  the  affairs  of  the  country  with  the  Iroquois 
which  absolutely  require  that  we  wage  war  without  longer  delay.  Even  person  sees  its  necessity  so 
clearly  that  those  concur  in  it  now,  who  had  been  hitherto  the  most  opposed  to  it.  I  hope  that  on 
the  sketch  I  give  you  of  our  wants,  you  will  aid  us  both  in  men  and  other  necessaries.  In  regard  to 
troops,  My  lord,  I  had  the  honor  to  ask  you  for  Regulars,  for  in  truth  the  employment  of  people 
picked  up  anywhere  is  very  unwise.  It  requires  time  to  make  them  fit  for  service  and  on  their 
arrival  they  will  have  to  take  arms  in  their  hands  and  drill.  If  you  propose  to  send  us  some  it  would 
be  well  to  have  them  arrive  about  the  end  of  May  which  is  the  season  when  the  North  West  winds 
prevail  in  our  River.  For  that  reason,  the  ships  ought  to  leave  Rochelle  in  the  month  of  March. 
Sieur  Dambour,  one  of  our  best  ship  captains  that  come  to  Canada,  can  give  good  advice  thereupon. 

Our  march  cannot  begin  before  the  fifteenth  of  May,  for  we  must  let  the  sowing  be  finished,  and 
the  storms  before  that  time  are  furious  on  our  river  and  Lake  Ontario.  I  say  nothing  of  the  risks 
to  be  incurred  that  the  harvest  will  not  be  saved  next  year  on  account  of  the  war,  nor  of  the  neces- 
sity of  making  store-houses.  By  sending  us  troops,  many  things  will  be  done  of  which  we  dare  not 
dream  if  you  do  not  send  any. 

A  few  days  since  a  man  named  Antoine  L'Epinart,  an  old  resident  among  the  Dutch,  at  present 
among  the  English,  came  to  Ville  Marie  on  the  Island  of  Montreal  in  search  of  a  child  he  had  boarding 
with  the  Jesuits.  He  reports  that  the  English  kept  watch  three  months  this  summer,  our  deserters 
having  told  them  that  I  would  attack  them  for  having  armed  the  Iroquois  against  us.  He  also  says 
that  the  Iroquois  are  drawing  to  them  the  Loups  (Mohegans)  and  other  tribes  toward  the  Andastes, 
with  whom  they  are  forming  alliances  ;  he  believed  the  Iroquois  had  evil  intentions  toward  us — that 


1  Most  probably,  Lake  Aleminipigon  of  the  old  maps;  now  L.  St.  Ann,  north  of  Lake  Superior. 

[Vol.  I.]  18 


138  DENONVILLE's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 

the  English  who  had  been  to  the  Outtawas  had  been  well  received  and  invited  to  return  among  them 
with  merchandize,  and  well  nigh  procured  from  the  Iroquois  the  restitution  of  their  prisoners,  by 
which  means  they  will  be  more  attached  to  them  than  to  us ;  that  the  Merchants  at  Orange  had 
urgently  entreated  Colonel  Dongan  to  request  the  Senecas  to  surrender  the  prisoners  ;  that  the  Colonel 
had  convoked  a  meeting  of  the  Five  Nations  who  went  together  to  see  him ;  that  it  is  the  general 
belief  that  the  Colonel  will  obtain  satisfaction  of  the  Iroquois  and  thus  the  English  will  attract  to 
them  both  the  Outtawas  and  the  Hurons  and  that  their  cheap  bargains  will  ruin  our  trade.  The 
said  Antonie  L'Epinart  assures  moreover,  that  there  is  a  Company  of  fifty  men  formed  to  go  Missili- 
makina ;  that  their  canoes  were  purchased,  and  that  the  low  state  of  the  waters  had  prevented  them 
starting ;  that  they  waited  only  the  rising  of  the  rivers  by  the  rain ;  and  that  the  Senecas  promised 
to  escort  them. 

I  have  heard  that  Sieur  du  Lhu  is  arrived  at  the  post  at  Detroit  of  Lake  Eri6,  with  fifty  good  men 
well  armed,  with  munitions  of  war  and  provisions  and  all  other  necessaries  sufficient  to  guarantee 
them  against  the  severe  cold  and  to  render  them  comfortable  during  the  whole  winter  on  the  spot 
where  they  will  entrench  themselves.  M.  de  la  Durantaye  is  collecting  people  to  entrench  himself 
at  Michilimaquina  and  to  occupy  the  other  pass  which  the  English  may  take  by  Taronto,  the  other 
entrance  to  Lake  Huron.    In  this  way  our  Englishmen  will  find  somebody  to  speak  to. 

All  this  cannot  be  accomplished  without  considerable  expense,  but  still  we  must  maintain  our 
honor  and  our  prosperity. 

The  Oumeamies  and  other  savages  of  the  Bay  des  Puans  have  expressed  much  joy  to  me  on  learning 
that  Sieur  du  Lhu  was  posted  at  Detroit,  but  1  am  very  sorry  to  hear  that  Tonty  has  learned  on  the 
road  that  these  same  savages  had  quarrelled  with  the  Illinois,  which  would  prevent  the  Illinois 
attacking  the  rear  of  the  Senecas,  as  we  had  projected.  It  would,  in  truth  be  an  afflicting  circum- 
stance to  see  our  allies  devouring  one  another  instead  of  uniting  with  us  to  destroy  the  common 
enemy.  But  it  is  useless  to  be  vexed  at  it.  Nothing  remains  but  to  be  prepared  for  everything  that 
may  happen,  and  rely  only  on  ourselves.  If  God  give  us  the  advantage,  the  people  will  rouse  to  our 
aid. 

My  lord  ought  to  place  no  reliance  on  the  changeable  disposition  of  a  people  without  discipline, 
or  any  sort  of  subordination.  The  King  must  be  the  master  in  this  country  to  effect  any  sort  of  good, 
and  success  cannot  be  secured  without  expense. 

The  M.  de  Denonville. 


M.  DE  DENONVILLE  TO  THE  MINISTER. 

[  From  the  same.  ] 

Qu«bec,  16th  Nov.  1686. 

My  Lord, — Since  my  letters  were  written  a  very  intelligent  man  whom  I  sent  to  Manat,  who 
has  conversed  and  had  much  intercourse  with  Colonel  Dongan,  reports  to  me  that  the  said 
Colonel  has  despatched  fifty  citizens  of  Orange  and  Manat  among  whom  are  some  Frenchmen, 
to  winter  with  the  Senecas  whence  they  will  depart,  at  the  close  of  the  winter,  under  the  escort 
of  the  Senecas,  for  Michiliniaquina,  carrying  with  them  the  Huron  prisoners  to  restore  them  on 
the  part  of  the  English  Governor,  who  is  desirous  to  prevail  on  the  Outaouas,  by  the  service 
which  he  renders  them,  to  abandon  our  alliance  in  order  to  attach  themselves  to  the  English. 
They  carry  an  abundance  of  merchandise  thither  to  furnish  it  at  a  much  lower  rate  than  we. 


DENONVILLE'S  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


139 


This  is  not  all.  Colonel  Dongan  has  given  orders  that  one  hundred  and  fifty  other  English  should 
depart,  accompanied  by  several  Mohegan  Indians  to  follow  the  first  fifty  Englishmen  with  goods. 
But  this  detachment  is  not  to  leave  until  spring.  I  believe  there  is  no  room  to  doubt  but  the  design 
is  to  seize  the  post  of  Niagara.    Were  the  English  once  established  there,  they  must  be  driven  off  or 

we  must  bid  adieu  to  the  whole  trade  of  the  country. 

#  #  #  ######## 

The  same  man  who  came  from  Manat  told  me  that  within  a  short  time  fifty  or  sixty  men,  Huge- 
nots,  arrived  there  from  the  Islands  of  St.  Christophers  and  Martinique,  who  are  establishing  them- 
selves at  Manat  and  its  environs.  I  know  that  some  have  arrived  at  Boston  from  France.  There 
again,  are  people  to  operate  as  Banditti. 

Whilst  writing  this,  My  lord,  further  advice  is  come  from  Orange  that  Colonel  Dongan  sent  to  tell 
the  fifty  men  who  are  to  winter  among  the  Senecas,  not  to  leave  until  the  arrival  at  the  Senecas  of 
the  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  which  he  is  to  despatch  in  the  spring  to  support  them.  The  reason 
of  this  order  is  that  he  has  learned  by  Indians  that  the  Sieur  Du  Lhut  is  posted  at  the  Detroit  of 
Lake  Erie.  If  those  men  commanded  with  the  savages  attack  that  post,  you  perceive,  my  lord,  that 
I  have  nothing  more  to  manage  with  the  English.    Send  me,  if  you  please,  orders  on  this  point,  for 

my  disposition  is  to  go  straight  to  Orange,  drive  them  into  their  fort,  and  burn  the  whole. 

#*##*###### 

The  English  governor  prompted  at  present  by  the  cupidity  of  the  merchants  and  by  his  avarice  to 
drag  money  from  them,  pretends  that  all  the  country  is  his,  and  will  trade  thither  though  an  English- 
man has  never  been  there.  He  gives  passes  under  pretext  of  hunting,  to  his  creatures,  from  whom 
one  was  taken  at  Michilimaquina,  which  I  would  have  sent,  had  he  who  was  bringing  it,  not  upset 

in  the  water  and  been  thereby  drowned. 

*#########* 

Whilst  writing  this  letter  here,  My  lord,  I  receive  from  Father  de  Lamberville  confirmation  of  the 
news  which  I  had  the  honor  to  communicate  to  you  respecting  Colonel  Dongan.  I  send  you  what  he 
writes  me  of  the  speech  made  by  the  said  Colonel  to  the  Iroquois  assembled  by  his  order  at  Manat. 
Be  so  good  as  to  read  it  yourself  my  lord.1 


COL.  DONGAN  TO  M.  DE  DENONVILLE. 

[Par.  Doc.  III. ;  Lond.  Doc.  V.] 

1  Decern.  1686. 

Sir — I  had  the  honour  to  receiue  your  letter  of  the  first  of  October  1686  and  had  sooner  sent  an 
answer,  butt  that  I  wanted  a  convenient  opportunity  to  do  itt,  I  find  you  was  angry  at  the  writing 
and  therefore  for  fear  it  was  ill  turned  into  French  for  I  have  no  great  skill  in  your  language,  have 
sent  a  copy  of  it  in  English.  I  desire  you  to  continue  in  your  opinion  that  nothing  shall  bee  wanting 
on  my  part  that  may  contribute  to  a  good  and  friendly  correspondence,  and  that  I  will  not  protect 
either  merchant  or  others  that  shall  give  any  just  occasion  to  suspect  it.  Bee  assured,  Sir,  that  I 
have  not  solicited  nor  bribed  the  Indians  to  arme  and  make  warr  against  you,  all  the  paines  I  have 
taken  hath  bin  to  keep  those  people  in  quiet  who  are  so  inclineable  to  warr  that  one  word  is  enough  for 
them.    I  have  forbidden  their  joining  (if  they  should  be  entreated)  with  any  others  against  you 

1  See  postea,  "Susquehanna  Papers,"  for  an  extract  from  this  speech. 


HO 


DENONVILLe's  EXPEDITION    TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


neither  have  I  ever  allowed  any  to  plunder.  I  have  only  permitted  severall  of  Albany  to  trade 
amongst  the  remotest  Indians  with  strict  orders  not  to  meddle  with  any  of  your  people,  and  I  hope 
they  will  finde  the  same  civillity  from  you — It  being  so  farr  from  pillageing  that  I  beleeve  it  as  law- 
ful for  the  English  as  French  nations  to  trade  there  we  being  nearer  by  many  leagues  than  you  are — 
I  desire  you  to  send  me  word  who  it  was  that  pretended  to  have  my  orders  for  the  Indian^  to  plunder 
and  fight  you;  that  I  am  altogether  as  ignorant  of  any  enterprise  made  by  the  Indians  out  of 
this  Government  as  I  am  of  what  you  meane  by  "mihilmiqum"  and  neither  have  I  acted  v.ny  thing 
contrary  to  what  I  have  written,  but  will  stricktly  endeavour  to  immitate  the  ammity  and  friendship 
between  our  masters — I  have  desired  you  to  send  for  the  deserters,  I  know  not  who  they  are  but 
had  rather  such  Rascalls  and  Bankrouts  as  you  call  them  were  amongst  their  own  countrymen  than 
this  people,  and  will  when  you  send  word  who  they  are,  expell,  not  detain  them  and  use  all  possible 
means  to  preuent  your  good  wishes  and  hopes  that  our  merchants  may  suffer  by  them — Tis  true  I 
ordered  our  Indians  if  they  should  meet  with  any  of  your  people  or  ours  on  this  side  of  the  lake 
without  a  passe  from  you  or  me,  that  they  should  bring  them  to  Albany  and  that  as  I  thought  by 
your  own  desire  expressed  in  your  letter,  they  being  as  you  have  very  well  remarked  very  ill  people 
and  such  that  usually  tell  lyes  as  well  to  Christians  as  Heathens,  The  Missionary  Fathers,  if  they 
please  but  do  me  justice  can  give  you  an  account  how  careful  I  have  bin  to  preserve  them,  I  have 
ordered  our  Indians  strictly  not  to  exercise  any  cruelty  or  insolence  against  them  and  have  written 
to  the  King  my  master  who  hath  as  much  zeal  as  any  prince  living  to  propagate  the  Christian  faith 
and  assure  him  how  necessary  it  is  to  send  hither  some  Fathers  to  preach  the  Gospell  to  the  natives^ 
allyed  to  us  and  care  would  be  then  taken  to  dissuade  them  from  their  drunken  debouches  though 
certainly  our  Rum  does  as  little  hurt  as  your  Brandy  and  in  the  opinion  of  Christians  is  much  more 
wholesome :  however  to  keep  the  Indians  temperate  and  sober  is  a  very  good  and  Christian  per- 
formance but  to  prohibit  them  all  strong  liquors  seems  a  little  hard  and  very  turkish — What  I  wrote 
concerning  what  was  due  to  me  for  my  service  in  France  was  very  true,  Monsr  Charnell,  the  Inten- 
dant  at  Nancy,  adjusted  and  sent  them  to  Monsr  Lenoy  signed  by  himself  and  me  and  I  gave  the 
copies  of  them  to  Monsr  Pagaion  living  in  the  street  of  Sl  Hone  to  putt  them  into  the  hands  of 
Monsr  Carillon  Chaplaine  to  the  Duchesse  of  Orleans,  but,  Sir,  you  need  not  to  trouble  yourself 
about  itt  for  I  intend  to  get  it  represented  out  of  England  and  doubt  not  but  the  King  your  master 
who  is  so  bountiful  a  prince  will  be  so  just  as  to  pay  what  became  my  due  by  a  great  deal  of  fatigue 
and  labour,  however  I  humbly  thank  you  for  the  civill  obliging  offers  you  make  and  doe  assure  you 
shall  bee  heartily  glad  of  any  occasion  to  requite  them  desiring  you  to  believe  I  earnestly  wish  and 
contend  lor  the  union  (you  say)  you  desire  and  will  contribute  all  in  my  power  to  promote  and  pre- 
serve it  which  is  all  the  reflection  I  shall  make  on  your  letter  being — 
Sir,  assuredly  with  all  due  respect  your  most  humble 

and  affectionate 

servant — T.  Dongan. 


DENONVILLE's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


141 


MEMOIR  FOR  THE.  MARQUIS  OF  SEIGNELAY 

REGARDING  THE  DANGERS  THAT  THREATEN  CANADA,  THE    MEANS  OF  REMEDYING  THEM,  AND  OF  FIRMLY 
ESTABLISHING  RELIGION  COMMERCE  AND  THE  KINg's  POWER  IN  NORTH  AMERICA.      JANUARY  1687. 

[  Paris  Doc.  III.  ] 

Canada  is  encompassed  by  many  powerful  English  Colonies  who  labour  incessantly  to  ruin  it,  by 
exciting  all  our  savages,  and  drawing  them  away  with  their  peltries  for  which  the  English  give  them 
a  great  deal  more  merchandize  than  the  French,  because  they  pay  no  duty  to  the  King  of  England. 
This  profit  attracts  towards  the  English,  also,  all  our  Bush  rangers  (Coureurs  de  bois)  and  French 
libertines  who  carry  their  pel  tries  to  them,  deserting  our  Colony  and  establishing  themselves  in  those 
of  the  English  who  take  great  pains  to  attract  them. 

They  advantageously  employ  those  French  deserters  to  bring  the  far  savages  to  them  who  formerly 
brought  their  peltries  into  our  Colony  which  wholly  destroys  its  trade. 

The  English  began  by  the  most  powerful  and  best  disciplined  [Indians]  of  all  America.  They 
have  excited  them  entirely  against  us  by  the  avowed  protection  they  afford  them,  and  the  manifest 
usurpation  they  claim  to  the  sovereignty  of  their  country,  which  belongs  beyond  contradiction  to  the 
King  for  nearly  a  century  without  the  English  having  up  to  this  present  time  had  any  pretension 
to  it. 

They  also  employ  the  Iroquois  to  incite  all  our  other  Indians  against  us.  They  set  them  last  year 
to  attack  the  Hurons  and  the  Outawas,  our  most  ancient  subjects  ;  swept  by  surprise  from  them 
more  than  75  prisoners  among  whom  were  some  of  their  principal  Chiefs,  killed  several  others,  and 
finally  offered  them  peace  and  the  restitution  of  their  prisoners,  if  they  would  quit  the  French  and 
acknowledge  the  English. 

They  sent  the  same  Iroquois  to  attack  the  Illinois  and  the  Miamis  our  allies  who  are  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Fort  St.  Louis,  built  by  Monsr  de  la  Salle  on  the  Illinois  River  which  empties  into  the 
River  Colbert  or  Mississippi ;  massacred  and  burnt  a  great  number  of  them  and  carried  off  many 
prisoners  with  threats  of  entire  extermination  if  they  would  not  unite  with  them  against  the  French. 

Colonel  Dongan,  Governor  of  New  York,  has  pushed  this  usurpation  to  the  point  of  sending 
Englishmen  to  take  possession,  in  the  King  of  England's  name,  of  the  post  of  Mislimakinac  which  is 
a  Strait  communicating  between  lake  Huron  and  lake  des  Illinois,  and  has  even  declared  that  all 
those  lakes  including  the  river  St.  Lawrence  which  serves  as  an  outlet  to  them  and  on  which  our 
Colony  is  settled,  belong  to  the  English. 

The  Reverend  Father  Lamberville,  a  French  Jesuit  who  has  been  18  years  a  Missionary  among 
the  Iroquois  in  company  with  one  of  his  brothers  also  a  Jesuit,  wrote  on  the  first  of  November  to 
Chevalier  de  Callieres,  Governor  of  Montreal,  who  informed  the  Governor  General  that  Colonel 
Dongan  has  assembled  the  Five  Iroquois  Nations  at  Manatte  where  he  resides,  and  declared  to  them 
as  follows : 

1 .  That  he  forbids  them  to  go  to  Cataracouy  or  Fort  Frontenac  and  to  have  any  more  intercourse 
with  the  French. 

2.  That  he  orders  them  to  restore  the  prisoners  they  took  from  the  Hurons  and  Outawacs,  in  order 
to  attract  them  to  himself. 

3.  That  he  sends  thirty  English  to  take  possession  of  Missilimakinak  and  the  lakes,  rivers  and 
adjoining  lands  and  orders  the  Iroquois  to  escort  them  and  to  afford  them  physical  assistance. 

4.  That  he  has  sent  to  recall  the  Iroquois  Christians  belonging  to  the  Mohawk  tribe,  who  have 
settled  a  long  time  ago  at  Saut  St.  Louis,  adjoining  the  Island  of  Montreal,  where  they  have  been 


142 


DENONVILLE's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


established  by  us  and  converted  by  the  care  of  onr  Reverend  Jesuit  Fathers,  and  that  he  would 
give  them  other  land  and  an  English  Jesuit,  to  govern  them. 

5.  That  he  wishes  that  they  should  have  Missionaries  only  from  him  throughout  the  whole  of 
the  Five  Iroquois  Nations,  and  that  they  cause  our  French  Jesuits  to  withdraw,  who  have  been  so 
long  established  there. 

G.  That  if  Monsieur  de  Denonville  attacks  them,  he  will  have  to  do  with  him. 

7.  That  he  orders  them  to  plunder  all  the  French  who  will  visit  them ;  to  bind  them  and  bring 
them  to  him,  and  what  they'll  take  from  them  shall  be  good  prize. 

The  Iroquois. — He  accompanied  his  orders  with  presents  to  the  Five  Iroquois  Nations,  and  de- 
spatched his  thirty  English,  escorted  by  Iroquois,  to  make  an  establishment  at  Missilimakinak. 

The  Iroquois  pillage  our  Frenchmen  every  where  they  meet  them,  and  threaten  to  fire  their  settle- 
ments which  are  much  exposed  and  unfortified. 

These  measures,  and  the  discredit  we  are  in  among  all  the  savages  for  having  abandoned  our  allies 
in  M.  de  la  Barre's  time,  for  having  suffered  them  to  be  exterminated  by  the  Iroquois  and  borne  the 
insults  of  the  latter,  render  war  against  them  absolutely  necessary  to  avert  from  us  a  General  Re- 
bellion of  the  Savages  which  would  bring  ruin  on  our  trade  and  finally  the  extirpation  of  our 
Colony. 

It  is  likewise  necessary  for  the  establishment  of  Religion  which  will  never  spread  itself  there 
except  by  the  destruction  of  the  Iroquois :  so  that  on  the  success  of  the  war  which  the  Governor- 
General  of  Canada  proposes  to  commence  against  the  Iroquois  on  the  15th  of  May  next,  depends 
either  the  Ruin  of  the  Country  and  of  Religion  if  he  be  not  assisted,  or  the  Establishment  of  Religion, 
Commerce  and  the  Kings'  Power  over  all  North  America  if  he  be  granted  the  aid  he  demands. 

If  the  merit  in  the  eyes  of  God,  the  Glory  and  utility  which  the  King  will  derive  from  this  succor 
be  considered,  it  is  easy  to  conclude  that  expense  was  never  better  employed  since,  independent  of 
the  Salvation  of  the  quantity  of  Souls  in  that  vast  Country  to  which  His  Majesty  will  contribute  by 
establishing  the  Faith  there,  he  will  secure  to  himself  an  Empire  of  more  than  a  thousand  leagues  in 
extent,  from  the  mouth  of  the  River  Saint  Lawrence  to  that  of  the  River  Mississipi  in  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico ;  a  country  discovered  by  the  French  alone,  to  which  other  nations  have  no  right,  and  from 
which  we  shall  eventually  derive  great  Commercial  advantages,  and  a  considerable  augmentation  of 
His  Majesty's  Revenues  in  those  countries. 

The  Marquis  de  Denonville,  whose  zeal,  industry  and  capacity  admit  of  no  addition,  requires  a 
reinforcement  of  1500  men  to  succeed  in  his  enterprize.  If  less  be  granted  him,  success  is  doubtful 
and  a  war  is  made  to  drag  along,  the  continuation  of  which  for  many  years  will  cost  His  Majesty 
more  to  sustain  than  would  the  immediate  expense  necessary  to  guarantee  its  success  and  prompt 
termination. 

It  is  necessary  to  attack  the  Iroquois  in  two  directions.  The  first  and  principal  attack,  through 
the  Seneca  Nation  on  the  borders  of  Lake  Ontario;  the  second,  by  the  River  Richelieu  and  Lake 
Champlain  on  the  side  of  the  Mohawk  Nation.  3000  Frenchmen  will  be  required  for  that  purpose. 
Of  these  there  are  sixteen  companies  which  make  800  men  and  800  selected  from  the  habitans,  100 
of  the  best  of  which  the  Governor  General  destines  to  conduct  50  canoes  which  will  go  and  come 
incessantly  to  convey  provisions.  Of  these  3000  Frenchmen,  of  which  he  has  only  the  half  though 
he  boasts  of  more  for  reputation's  sake,  because  the  other  habitans  are  necessary  to  protect  and  culti- 
vate the  farms  of  the  Colony,  a  part  must  be  employed  in  guarding  the  posts  of  Fort  Frotenac, 
Niagara,  Toronto,  Missilimakinak  so  as  to  secure  the  aid  he  expects  from  the  Illinois  and  other  Sava- 
ges,on  whom  however  he  cannot  rely  unless  lie  will  be  able  alone  to  defeat  the  Five  Iroquois  Nations. 

The  Iroquois  force  consists  of  two  thousand  picked  warriors  (d'elitc)  brave,  active,  more  skilful  in 
the  use  of  the  gun  than  our  Europeans  and  all  well  armed;  besides  twelve  hundred  Mohegans 


DENONVILLe's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


143 


(Loups),  another  tribe  in  alliance  with  them  as  brave  as  they,  not  including  the  English  who  will 
supply  them  with  officers  to  lead  them,  and  to  fortify  them  in  their  villages. 

If  they  be  not  attacked  all  at  once  at  the  two  points  indicated,  it  is  impossible  to  destroy  them  or 
to  drive  them  from  their  retreat,  but  if  encompassed  on  both  sides,  all  their  plantations^!"  Indian 
corn  will  be  destroyed,  their  villages  burnt,  their  women,  their  children  and  old  men  captured  and 
other  warriors  driven  into  the  woods  where  they  will  be  pursued  and  annihilated  by  the  other 
savages. 

After  having  defeated  and  dispersed  them  the  winter  must  be  spent  in  fortifying  the  posf  of  Nia- 
gara, the  most  important  in  America,  by  means  of  which  all  the  other  nations  will  be  shut  out  from 
the  lakes  whence  all  the  peltries  are  obtained ;  it  will  be  necessary  to  winter  troops  at  this  post  and 
at  others,  to  prevent  the  Iroquois  returning  and  reestablishing  themselves  there,  and  to  people  these 
beautiful  countries  with  other  savages  who  will  have  served  under  us  during  this  war. 


EXTRACT  FROM  A  MEMOIR  OF  THE  KING 

TO  SIEURS  MARQUIS  DE  DENONVILLE  AND  DE  CHAJVIPIGNY,  DATED  VERSAILLES,  30th  MARCH,  1687. 

[Pari*  Doc.  III.] 

###***##### 

His  Majesty  has  no  knowledge  of  the  claim  of  Colonel  D'Unguent  for  25m  11)8  which  he  pretends 

to  be  due  him  in  France ;  therefore  he  has  nothing  to  say  about  it. 

#######*### 

His  Majesty  has  seen  the  Memoir  that  the  said  Sieur  de  Denonville  has  sent  of  the  measures  he 
has  adopted  and  the  orders  he  has  given  for  the  ensuing  campaign.  He  approves  of  them  and  doubts 
not  of  success,  and  that  it  will  be  as  favorable  as  can  be  expected  having  to  do  only  with  Savages 
who  have  no  experience  as  to  regular  war,  whilst,  on  the  contrary,  those  he  will  be  able  to  collect, 
being  led  by  a  man  so  capable  and  so  experienced  as  he  is,  will  be  of  great  utility. 

Finally,  He  expects  to  learn  at  the  close  of  this  year,  the  entire  destruction  of  the  greatest  part  of 
those  Savages.  And  as  a  number  of  prisoners  may  be  made,  and  His  Majesty  thinks  he  can  make 
use  of  them  in  his  Galleys,  He  desires  him  to  manage  so  as  to  retain  them  until  he  have  vessels  for 
France ;  by  the  return  of  His  Majesty's  Ships  which  will  convey  the  troops  he  can,  even,  send  those 
which  will  have  been  captured  before  the  departure  of  these  ships. 


COLL.  DONGAN  TO  FATHER  DE  LAMBERVILLE. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  V.  ] 

20  May.  1687, 

Reverend  Father — I  have  received  yours  of  the  tenth  currant  from  the  Onnondages  and  am  heart- 
ily glad  that  you  are  in  good  health  and  as  much  as  lyes  in  me  you  may  bee  assured  I  will  do  all  my 
endeavors  to  protect  you  from  the  danger  you  apprehend  from  those  people  and  all  those  others  of 


144 


DENONVILLE  S  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


your  fraternity  that  continue  in  doing  good  service,  I  am  sorry  that  our  Indians  are  soe  troublesome 
to  the  Indians  of  Canada  but  I  am  informed  from  Christians  that  it  is  the  custom  of  those  people, 
that  what  country  they  conquer  belongs  to  them  as  their  own,  yet  I  lay  no  stress  on  that,  but  I  am 
still  in  doubt  whither  that  land  where  the  Indians  goes  to  warr  belongs  to  our  King  or  to  the  King  of 
France,  but  in  all  probability  if  I  bee  truly  informed  it  must  depend  on  the  King  of  England  terri- 
tories it  lying  west  and  by  south  of  this  place  and  your  countryes  lye  to  the  northward  of  us  but 
that  is  no  material  reason  for  the  Indians  to  disturbe  the  people  of  Canada  and  I  will  use  my  endea- 
vour that  they  shall  disturbe  them  no  more  but  leave  the  decision  of  that  to  my  master  at  home  as  I 
leave  all  other  things  which  relates  to  any  difference  between  us  and  the  people  of  Canada  and  I  am 
sure  that  MonSr  de  Noville  will  do  the  same — 

I  have  not  spoke  to  the  Indians  as  yet.  Your  messenger  being  in  hast  cannot  give  an  account  what 
they  can  say  for  themselves,  but  to  continue  a  right  understanding  between  the  Government  of  Ca- 
nada and  this  if  any  of  the  Indians  will  doe  any  thing  to  disturbe  the  King  of  France's  subjects,  let 
the  Governour  sent  to  me  and  I  will  doe  all  the  justice  that  is  possible  for  me  to  do  and  if  he  will  do 
the  same  it  will  be  a  meane  to  keep  those  people  in,  and  to  see  both  Governments  in  a  good  corres- 
pondence one  with  another.  But  I  hear  they  pretend  that  they  are  aflfraid  of  the  French  but  I  hope 
that  Monsr  de  Nonville  will  well  weigh  the  business  before  he  invades  any  of  the  King  of  England's 
subjects — I  have  no  time  to  write  to  him  at  present  but  assure  him  of  my  humble  service  and  that 
I  will  write  to  him  before  I  goe,  haveing  no  other  businesse  here  in  sending  for  the  Indians  but  to 
check  them  for  offering  to  disturbe  the  people  of  Canada 

Reverend  Father 

I  am  your  humble  servant 

(Signed)    Tho  :  Dongan 

I  pray  you  to  pray  to  God  for  me 


M.  DE  DENONVILLE  TO  THE  MINISTER. 

[  Par.  Doc.  III.  ] 

8  June  1687. 

I  am  informed  that  the  English  have  given  notice  to  the  Senecas  that  I  am  going  to  attack  them, 
and  have  obliged  them  to  run  after  six  hundred  men  of  their  tribe  who  were  at  war  against  the 
Miamis,  our  allies,  to  induce  them  to  return  to  defend  their  country  against  us.  Other  war  parties 
who  had  gone  against  the  people  towards  Virginia  have  also  returned  through  the  same  troubles. 
The  consternation  of  our  enemies  thus  costs  Colonel  Dongan  very  dear.  I  have  learned  that  a  party 
has  come  from  Virginia  who  brought  a  dozen  prisoners,  Englishmen,  whom  the}-  will  also  burn,  and 
this  is  a  matter  about  which  Monsieur  Dongan  gives  himself  scarce  any  trouble. 


DENONVILLe's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA . 


145 


COLL.  DONGAN  TO  M.  DE  DENONVILLE. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  V.  ] 

11th  June  1687. 

Sir — The  enclosed1  came  to  my  hands  last  night  from  England  with  orders  to  have  it  proclaimed 
which  has  accordingly  bin  done,  what  is  there  agreed  upon  I  will  observe  to  the  least  title  and  I 
doubt  not  but  your  Excel! :  will  do  the  same  and  I  hope  bee  so  kinde  as  not  desire  or  seek  any  cor- 
respondence with  our  Indians  of  this  side  of  the  Great  Lake  if  they  doe  amisse  to  any  of  your 
Goverm4  and  you  make  it  known  to  me  you  shall  have  all  justice  done  and  if  any  of  your  people  dis- 
turbe  us  I  will  have  the  same  recourse  to  you  for  satisfaction  as  for  those  further  Nations,  I  suppose 
that  to  trade  with  them  is  free  and  common  to  us  all  until  the  meets  and  bounds  bee  adjusted  though 
truly  the  scituation  of  those  partes  bespeakes  the  King  of  England  to  have  a  greater  right  to  them 
than  the  French  king,  they  lying  to  the  southward  of  us  just  on  the  back  of  other  partes  of  our 
King's  dominions  and  a  very  great  way  from  you.  I  am  informed  by  some  of  our  Indians  that  your 
Excel! :  was  pleased  to  desire  them  to  meet  you  at  Cadaraque ;  I  could  hardly  beleive  it  till  I  had  a 
letter  from  Father  Lamberville,  wherein  he  informs  me  that  'tis  true,  I  am  also  informed  of  your 
Fathers'  endeavours  dayly  to  carry  away  our  Indians  to  Canada  as  you  have  already  done  a  great 
many,  you  must  pardon  me  if  I  tell  you  that  that  is  not  the  right  way  to  keepe  faire  correspond- 
ence— I  have  also  been  informed  that  you  are  told  I  have  given  to  Indians  orders  to  rob  the  French 
wherever  they  could  meet  them,  that  is  as  false  as  tis  true  that  God  is  in  heaven,  what  I  have  done 
was  by  your  own  desire  which  was  that  I  should  suffer  none  of  Canada  to  come  to  Albany  without 
they  had  your  passe  in  complyance  wherewith  I  ordered,  both,  the  Indians  and  people  of  Albany 
that  if  they  found  any  French  or  English  on  this  side  of  the  great  Lake  without  either  your  passe 
or  mine,  they  should  seize  them  and  bring  them  to  Albany :  I  am  now  sorry  that  I  did  it  since  its 
not  agreeable  to  you  and  has  as  I  am  informed  hindered  the  comeing  of  a  great  many  Beauers  to  this 
place — I  shall  therefore  recall  the  orders.  I  am  daily  expecting  Religious  men  from  England  which 
I  intend  to  put  amongst  those  five  nations.  I  desire  you  would  order  Monsr  de  Lamberuille  that 
soe  long  as  he  stayes  amongst  those  people  he  would  meddle  only  with  the  affairs  belonging  to  his 
function  and  that  those  of  our  Indians  that  are  turned  Catholiques  and  live  in  Canada  may  content 
themselves  with  their  being  alone  without  endeavouring  to  debauch  others  after  them,  if  they  do 
and  I  can  catch  any  of  them  I  shall  handle  them  very  severely.  Sr  setting  aside  the  trust  my  master 
has  reposed  in  me  I  should  be  as  ready  and  willing  to  serve  Monsr  de  Nonuille  as  any  friend  he  has, 
I  could  wish  with  all  my  heart  the  wildernesse  betwixt  us  were  not  soe  great  but  that  there  were  con- 
veniences whereby  we  might  see  one  another  often,  for  I  have  as  much  respect  for  all  the  people  of 
quality  of  your  nation  especially  such  as  have  serued  in  the  armies  as  any  man  in  the  world  can 
have  :  as  for  newes,  the  ships  lately  come  from  England  say  all  things  are  at  peace  both  there  and  in 
France  and  that  both  our  Masters  are  in  very  good  health  and  that  the  Emperour  and  the  King  of 
Poland  are  very  vigorous  against  the  Turques — 

I  am  Sir 

Your  most  humble  servant 

(Signed)    Tho.  Dongan 

S'  I  send  you  some  Oranges  hearing  they  are  a  rarity  in  your  partes,  and  would  send  more,  but 
the  bearer  wants  conueniency  of  Carriage — 


[Vol.  I.J 


1  Treaty  of  Neutrality. 
19 


146 


DENONVILLE's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


FROM  A  PAPER  SUPPOSED  TO  HAVE  BEEN  WRITTEN  BY  M.  DE  CALLIERES. 

DATED  QUEBEC,  16  JULY,  1687. 

[  Paris  Doc.  III.  ] 

I  yesterday  received  a  letter  from  M.  de  Denonville  from  Cataracouy  of  the  3rd  of  this  mouth, 
informing  me  that  he  sends  me  fifty  Iroquois  taken  near  that  place,  to  forward  them  to  France  in 
the  King's  Ships,  conformably  to  liis  orders.  I'll  take  advantage  of  the  delay  of  the  Fourgon,  in 
which  I  shall  have  them  embarked,  and  as  the  crew  is  too  few  to  convey  so  many  prisoners,  very 
difficult  to  be  guarded,  I  reinforce  them  by  some  passengers  and  sailors  from  a  merchantman,  the 
Catharine,  which  was  wrecked  last  autumn  near  Tadoussac,  and  could  not  be  got  off. 


M.  DE  DENONVILLE  TO  THE  MINISTER. 

ATTACK  ON  THE  SENECAS  ;  ERECTION  OF  KORT  NIAGARA. 
[  Paris  Doc.  III.  ] 

Ville  Marie,  25  August,  1687. 

The  first  thing  with  which  I  occupied  myself  on  my  arrival  [at  Irondequoit  BayJ  was  to  select  a 
post  easily  to  be  fortified  for  securing  our  batteaux  to  the  number  of  200  and  as  many  canoes.  We 
cut  2000  palisades  which  we  finished  planting  in  the  forenoon  of  the  12"'  of  July. 

I  had  brought  with  me  Sieur  d'Orvilliers  as  the  fittest  to  receive  the  whole  of  Canada  into  his 
hands ;  for  the  loss  of  this  post  would  be  the  assured  loss  of  the  whole  country  which  obliged  me  to 
leave  440  men  there. 

On  the  12th  I  departed  at  three  o'clock  in  the  evening  with  all  our  French  and  Indian  allies  and 
Christians  having  caused  them  to  take  15  days  provisions.  We  made  only  three  leagues  that  day 
across  the  woods  which  are  very  open. 

On  the  13th  about  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  having  passed  through  two  dangerous  denies,  we 
arrived  at  the  third  where  we  were  vigorously  attacked  by  800  Senecas,  200  of  whom  fired,  wishing 
to  attack  our  rear  whilst  the  remainder  of  their  force  woidd  attack  our  front,  but  the  resistance  they 
met  produced  such  a  great  consternation  that  they  soon  resolved  to  fly.  All  our  troops  were  so 
overpowered  by  the  extreme  heat  and  the  long  journey  we  had  made  that  we  were  obliged  to  bivouac 
on  the  field  until  the  morrow.  We  witnessed  the  painful  sight  of  the  usual  cruelties  of  the  savages 
who  cut  the  dead  into  quarters,  as  in  slaughter  houses,  in  order  to  put  them  into  the  pot ;  the  greater 
number  were  opened  wliile  still  warm  that  their  blood  might  be  drank.  Our  rascally  Otaous  distin- 
guished themselves  particularly  by  these  barbarities  and  by  their  poltroonery,  lor  they  withdrew 
from  the  combat ;  the  Hurons  of  Michilimaquina  did  very  well,  but  our  Christian  Indians  surpassed 
all  and  performed  deeds  of  valour,  especially  our  Iroquois  of  whom  we  durst  not  make  sure  having 
to  fight  against  their  relatives.  The  Illinois  performed  their  duty  well.  We  had  five  or  six  men 
killed  on  the  spot,  French  and  Indians,  and  about  twenty  wounded,  among  the  first  of  whom  was 
the  Rev  :  Fath  :  Angleran,  superintendent  of  the  Otaous  missions,  by  a  very  severe  gunshot.  It  is  a 
great  misfortune  to  us  that  this  wound  will  prevent  him  going  back  again,  for  he  is  a  man  of  capacity, 
of  great  influence  who  has  conducted  everything  at  Michilimaquina  well,  and  to  whom  the  country 


DENONVILLE's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


147 


owes  vast  obligations.  For  had  it  not  been  for  him  the  Iroquois  had  been  long  since  established  at 
Michilimaquina. 

We  learned  from  some  prisoners  who  had  escaped  from  the  Senecas  that  this  action  had  cost  them 
45  men  killed  on  the  field,  25  of  whom  we  had  seen  at  the  shambles ;  the  others  were  seen  buried 
by  this  deserter,  and  over  60  very  severely  wounded. 

On  the  next  day,  14th  July,  we  marched  to  one  of  the  large  villages  where  we  encamped.  We 
found  it  burned  and  a  fort  quite  nigh,  abandoned  ;  it  was  very  advantageously  situated  on  a  hill. 

I  deemed  it  our  best  policy  to  employ  ourselves  laying  waste  the  Indian  corn  which  was  in  vast 
abundance  in  the  fields,  rather  than  follow  a  flying  enemy  to  a  distance  and  excite  our  troops  to  catch 
only  some  straggling  fugitives. 

We  learned  from  deserters  that  the  Senecas  had  gone  to  the  English  where  they  will  not  be  allowed 
to  want  for  anything  necessary  to  make  war  on  us.  Since  that  time  I  have  had  no  news  of  the 
enemy. 

We  remained  at  the  four  Seneca  villages  until  the  24th  ;  the  two  larger  distant  4  leagues,  and  the 
others  two.  All  that  time  was  spent  in  destroying  the  corn  which  was  in  such  great  abundance  that 
the  loss,  including  old  corn  which  was  in  cache  which  we  burnt  and  that  which  was  standing,  was 
computed  according  to  the  estimate  afterwards  made,  at  400  thousand  minots  of  Indian  corn.1  These 
four  villages  must  exceed  14  to  15  thousand  souls.  There  was  a  vast  quantity  of  hogs  which  were 
killed  ;  a  great  many  both  of  our  Indians  and  French  were  attacked  with  a  general  rheum  which  put 
every  one  out  of  humor. 

'Tis  an  unfortunate  trade,  my  lord,  to  command  savages  who,  after  the  first  broken  head  ask  only 
to  return  home  carrying  with  them  the  scalp  which  they  lift  off  like  a  leather  cap.  You  cannot 
conceive  the  trouble  I  had  to  detain  them  until  the  corn  was  cut. 

During  the  whole  time  we  were  in  the  Senecas  country  we  did  not  see  a  single  enemy,  which 
caused  me  divers  alarms  lest  they  had  been  at  our  batteaux,  but  terror  and  consternation  deterred 
them  too  much  from  effecting  their  first  threats. 

Returning  to  our  batteaux  I  should  have  greatly  wished  to  have  been  able  to  visit  other  villages, 
but  the  sickness,  the  extreme  fatigue  among  all  and  the  uneasiness  of  the  savages  who  began  to  dis- 
band, determined  me  to  proceed  to  Niagara  to  erect  a  fort  there  in  their  presence,  and  point  out 
to  them  a  sure  asylum  to  encourage  them  to  come  this  winter  to  war  in  small  bodies. 

I  selected  the  angle  of  the  Lake  on  the  Seneca  side  of  the  river;  it  is  the  most  beautiful,  the  most 
pleasing  and  the  most  advantageous  site  that  is  on  the  whole  of  this  Lake,  the  Map  and  plan  of 
wliich  you  will  have  if  Sieur  de  Ville  marie  will  take  the  trouble,  for  I  tormented  him  considerably 
for  it ;  I  sent  him  expressly  to  Quebec  that  he  may  have  nothing  else  to  do. 

This  post  being  in  a  state  of  defence  I  left  a  hundred  men  there  under  the  command  of  Sieur  de 
Troyes  who  made  the  Northern  expedition  last  year.  He  is  a  worthy  fellow  who  ricldy  deserves 
some  share  in  the  honour  of  your  good  graces  and  protection.  He  can  be  very  useful  to  you  in 
many  things ;  he  is  prudent  and  intelligent,  very  willing,  and  has  well  served  on  land. 

This  post  has  caused  much  joy  to  all  our  farther  Indians,  who  having  no  place  of  retreat,  scarcely 
dared  to  approach  the  enemy.  They  have  made  me  great  promises— especially  our  Illinois— to 
harass  them  this  winter  by  a  number  of  small  parties. 

M.  de  Tonty  had  returned  with  them  designing  to  invite  them  to  come.  He  could  collect  only 
very  few  savages  because  an  alarm  had  been  spread  among  them  of  a  large  body  of  Senecas  having 
departed  last  fall  on  a  war  expedition  against  them,  which  fell  through  on  the  information  Mr.  Don- 
gan  gave  the  Senecas  that  I  was  about  to  attack  them ;  yet,  as  this  large  force  had  marched  six  days, 


1  A  ininot  is  equal  to  three  bushels. 


148 


DENONVILLe's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


it  was  the  cause  that  of  six  @  700  savages  on  whom  we  relied,  only  80  came,  which  was  the  reason 
of  their  having  been  obliged  to  come  to  the  fort  of  Detroit  to  join  Sieurs  du  L'hut  and  de  la  Duran- 
taye  not  being  able  to  take  the  Senecas  in  the  rear. 

On  quitting  Niagara  I  left  M.  de  Vaudreuil  there  for  a  few  days  with  the  troops  to  cut  fire  wood, 
after  having  done  what  was  necessary  for  lodgings.  The  inconvenience  of  this  post  is,  that  timber 
is  at  a  distance  from  it.  M.  de  Callieres  and  I  returned  without  delay  with  our  habitans  to  issue  the 
orders  necessary  for  the  interior  of  the  Colony. 

****####### 

I  have  not  yet  told  you,  my  lord,  that  the  habitans  who  left  the  lower  part  of  the  Colony,  will  on 
their  return  to  their  homes,  have  made  four  hundred  and  sixty  leagues  from  the  24  May  to  about  the 
17*  or  18th  of  August.  You  will  well  conceive  that,  what  with  the  two  forts  which  it  was  necessary 
to  build,  the  destruction  of  the  enemy's  corn  and  the  thirty  leagues  of  road  we  had,  going  and  coming, 
to  travel  by  land,  they  will  not  have  been  idle. 

It  was  impossible  for  us  to  do  any  more  than  we  accomplished,  for  provisions  would  have  failed 

us  had*  we  made  a  longer  delay.    It  is  full  30  years  that  I  have  had  the  honour  to  serve,  but  I  assure 

you,  my  lord,  that  I  have  seen  nothing  that  comes  near  this  in  labour  and  fatigue. 

*  #  ****#*#*« 

You  ordered  me  to  send  you  the  prisoners  we  took.  You  have  perceived,  my  lord,  it  was  impos- 
sible for  us  to  make  any  among  the  Senecas,  and  even  had  we  made  any,  we  should  have  distributed 
them  among  the  savages  our  allies  and  those  who  made  the  seizure  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Fort  Cata- 
racouy  who  are  themselves  native  Iroquois,  but  for  the  most  part  from  villages  north  of  Lake  Ontario 
where  there  had  been  some  fine  and  large  which  the  Iroquois  south  of  said  Lake  forced  to  join  them  ; 
this  began  to  swell  their  numbers  and  depopulate  the  northern  border.  It  would  be  for  our  interest 
to  repeople  these  villages  because  they  would  be  more  close  allies,  and  under  our  control. 

Among  the  prisoners  there  are  some  I  cannot  send  you,  being  near  relatives  of  our  Christian  In- 
dians. Besides  there  are  some  of  the  Onnontague  village  whom  we  must  manage  with  a  view  to 
detach  them  from  the  Senecas,  and  to  use  them  for  purposes  of  negotiation  if  necessary.  As  I  have 
not  yet  any  news  of  the  movements  of  the  Iroquois,  I  should  much  like  not  to  dispose  of  all  these 
prisoners.  Nevertheless,  my  lord,  as  you  desire  them,  I  shall  content  myself  by  retaining  those  only 
who  will  be  of  use  to  me  and  are  guiltless  of  all  the  disorders  of  others.  Yet,  my  lord,  be  so  good 
as  to  keep  them  in  a  place  from  which  they  can  be  withdrawn,  in  case  of  need  and  we  finally  come 
to  a  general  arrangement ;  I  believe  that  would  be  a  very  useful  tiling.  Regarding  their  women  and 
children,  I  had  them  distributed  through  all  our  missions  in  the  Colony.  All  the  men,  women  and 
children  had  themselves  baptised,  testifying  joy  on  that  occasion.  It  remains  to  be  seen  if  it  be  in 
good  faith. 

**#****#•*• 

The  copper  of  which  I  sent  a  sample  to  M.  Arnou  is  found  at  the  head  (au  fond)  of  Lake  Superior. 
The  body  of  the  mine  is  not  yet  discovered.  I  have  seen  one  of  our  voyageurs  who  assures  me  that 
he  saw,  15  months  ago,  a  lump  200  weight,  as  yellow  as  gold  in  a  river  which  falls  into  Lake  Supe- 
rior. When  heated,  it  is  cut  with  an  axe,  but  the  superstitious  Indians  regarding  this  piece  as  a  good 
Spirit  woidd  never  permit  him  to  take  any  of  it. 


DENONVILLe's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


149 


ACTE  OF  THE  TAKING  POSSESSION  OF  THE  COUNTRY  OF  THE  IROQUOIS,  CALLED 

SENECAS,  19  JULY  1687. 

[  Paris  Doc.  III.  ] 

On  the  nineteenth  of  July,  One  thousand  six  hundred  and  eighty  seven,  the  troops  commanded  by 
Messire  Jacques  Rene  de  Brisay  Chevalier  Seigneur  Marquis  de  Denonville  and  other  places,  Gover- 
nor and  Lieutenant  General  for  the  King  throughout  the  whole  of  Canada  and  country  of  New 
France,  in  presence  of  Hector,  Chevalier  de  Calliere,  Governor  of  Montreal  in  said  country,  Com- 
mandant of  the  camp  under  his  orders, and  of  Philip  de  Ri  gaud,  Chevalier  de  Vaudreuil,  Commandant 
of  the  King's  troops,  which  being  drawn  up  in  the  order  of  battle,  Charles  Aubert  Sieur  de  la  Che- 
nays  citizen  of  Quebec,  deputed  by  Messire  Jean  Bochart,  Chevalier,  Seigneur  de  Champigny,  Norvy, 
Verneuil  and  other  places,  Privy  Councilor  to  the  King,  Intendant  of  Justice,  Police  and  Finance,  in 
all  Northern  France,  presented  himself  at  the  head  of  the  army,  who  stated  and  declared  that  on  the 
requisition  of  the  said  Seigneur  de  Champigny,  he  took  possession  of  the  village  of  Totiakton,  as  he 
has  done  of  the  other  three  villages  of  Gannagaro,  Gannondata  and  Gannongarae,  and  of  a  Fort  half 
a  league  distant  from  the  said  village  of  Gannagaro,  together  with  all  the  lands  in  their  vicinity  as 
many  and  how  far  soever  they  may  extend,  conquered  in  His  Majesty's  name,  and  to  that  end  has 
planted  in  all  the  said  Villages  and  Forts  His  said  Majesty's  Arms  and  has  caused  to  be  proclaimed 
in  loud  voice,  Vive  le  i?o?',af'ter  the  said  troops  had  beaten  and  routed  eight  hundred  Iroquois  Senecas, 
and  laid  waste,  burnt  and  destroyed  their  provisions  and  cabins.  Whereof  and  of  what  precedes, 
the  said  Sieur  de  la  Chenays  Aubert  has  required  an  Acte ;  granted  to  him  by  me  Paul  Dupuy  Esq. 
Councilor  of  the  King  and  his  Attorney  at  the  Provost's  Court  of  Quebec :  Done  at  the  said  Village 
of  Totiakton,  the  largest  of  the  Seneca  Villages  in  presence  of  the  Revd  Father  Vaillant,  Jesuit,  and 
of  the  Officers  of  the  Troops  and  of  the  Militia  Witnesses  with  me,  the  said  King's  Attorney  under- 
signed, the  day  and  year  above  mentioned,  and  have  signed  the  Minute,  Charles  Aubert  de  la  Che- 
nays, J.  Rene  de  Brisay  Monsieur  de  Denonville,  Chevalier  de  Calliere,  Fleutelot  de  Romprey,  de 
Desmeloizes,  de  Ramezay;  Francois  Vaillant  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  de  Grandville,de  Longueil,  Saint 
Paul  and  Dupuy. 


TAKING  POSSESSION  OF  NIAGARA  BY  MONSIEUR  DE  DENONVILLE. 

[  Paris  Doc.  III.] 

Jacques  Rene  de  Rrissay  Chevalier  Seigneur  Marquis  de  Denonville  and  other  places,  Governor 
and  Lieutenant  General  for  the  King  in  the  whole  extent  of  Canada  and  Country  of  New  France. 

This  day,  the  last  of  July  of  the  year  One  Thousand  Six  hundred  and  Eighty  seven,  We  declare 
to  all  whom  it  may  concern,  in  presence  of  Hector,  Chevalier  de  Callieres,  Governor  of  Montreal  in 
the  said  Country  and  Commandant  of  the  Camp  under  our  orders,  and  of  Philippe  Derigaud,  Che- 
valier de  Vaudreuil,  Commanding  the  King's  troops,  being  encamped  with  all  the  army  at  the  post  of 
Niagara,  returning  from  our  expedition  against  the  Seneca  villages,  that  being  come  to  the  camp  of 
Niagara  situate  south  of  Lake  Ontario  west  of  the  Senecas,  twenty-five  leagues  above  them,  in 
the  angle  of  land  East  of  the  mouth  of  the  River  of  the  same  name^  which  is  the  outlet  of  Lake 


150  DENONVILLe's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 

Erie,  coming  from  Lakes  Huron,  Illinois,  the  Great  Lake  Superior  and  several  others  beyond  the 
said  Great  Lake,  to  reiterate  anew  for,  and  in  the  name  of  the  King,  the  taking  Possession  of  the 
said  Post  of  Niagara,  se\  eral  establishments  having  been  formerly  made  there  many  years  since  by 
the  King's  order,  and  especially  by  Sieur  De  la  Salle  having  spent  several  years  two  leagues  above 
the  Great  Fall  of  Niagara  where  he  had  a  Bark  built  which  navigated  several  years  Lakes  Erie, 
Huron  and  Illinois,  and  of  which  the  stocks  (les  chantiers)  are  still  to  be  seen.  Moreover  the  said 
Sieur  De  la  Salle  having  erected  quarters  (logemens)  with  settlers  at  the  said  Niagara  in  the  year  one 
thousand  six  hundred  and  Sixty  Eight  which  quarters  were  burned  Twelve  years  ago  by  the  Senecas, 
which  is  one  of  the  causes  of  discontent  that  with  many  others  have  obliged  us  to  wage  war  against 
them,  and  as  we  considered  that  the  houses  we  have  thought  fit  to  rebuild  could  not  remain  secure 
during  the  war,  did  we  not  provide  for  them,  We  have  Resolved  to  construct  a  Fort  there  in 
winch  we  have  placed  one  hundred  men  of  the  King's  troops  to  garrison  the  same  under  the  com- 
mand of  Sieur  de  Troyes,  one  of  the  Veteran  Captains  of  His  Majesty's  troops  with  a  necessary 
number  of  Officers  to  command  said  soldiers.  I 

This  Acte  has  been  executed  in  Our  presence  and  in  that  of  Monsieur  Gaillard,  Commissary  on 
behalf  of  the  King  attached  to  the  Army  and  subdelgate  of  Monsieur  de  Champigny,  Intendant  of 
Canada  :  which  Acte  We  have  signed  with  Our  hand  and  sealed  with  Our  Seal  at  Arms,  and  caused 
to  be  subscribed  by  Messrs  de  Callieres  and  Vaudreuil  and  by  Monsieur  Gaillard,  and  countersigned 
by  Our  Secretary.  And  they  sign :  J.  Rene  de  Brissay,  Marqvus  de  Denonville,  le  Chevalier  de 
Callieres,  Chevalier  de  Vaudreuil,  Gaillard ;  and  lower  down  by  Monseigneur  Tophlin. 


[  From  Council  Min.  V.  ] 

ffort  James  Tuesday  y  19^  July  1687.  (0.  S.) 
Mr  Brockholes  Informed  y"  Council  he  is  now  come  from  Albany  &  Schenectadae  with  Instructions 
ffrom  the  Govern'  to  bring  up  with  all  convenient  speed  a  Certain  Number  of  Men&  some  Provisions. 
The  Instructions  Read 

Ordred  that  sixty  men  be  raysed  out  of  ye  Citty  &  County  of  New  York  k  sixty  men  out  of  Queens 
County  that  Warrants  be  forthwith  made  out  to  Major  Willett  to  Raise  the  men  in  ye  Queens  County 
and  to  Coll.  Bayard  to  raise  ve  men  in  ye  Citty  &  County  of  New  York,  that  an  Expresse  be  Imedi- 
ately  sent  to  Major  Willett  with  ye  sd  Warrant  &  that  he  &  Coll.  Bayard  have  their  Complement  of 
Men  Well  armed  in  ffort  James  on  ye  22th  Inst. 


FROM  MR.  GRAHAM  TO  MR.  SPRAGG. 

[London  Doc.  V.] 

New  York,  16  July  1687. 

Sir — I  am  invited  by  your  favours  to  give  you  by  this  occasion  acknowledgements  and  also  to 
acquainte  you  that  Mr.  Swinton  departed  this  life  the  3d  currant,  after  that  he  had  been  violently 
seized  with  three  fitts  of  an  apoplexie.    In  the  interval  of  his  fitts  he  was  very  sencible  but  without 


s 


DENONVILLE's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA.  151 

apprehensions  of  death,  however  was  prevailed  with  [to  make  a  will,  by  which  has  constituted 
Mr.  Delaval  his  executor,  his  affairs  are  in  great  confusion  and  he  judged  to  be  indebted  £300. 
besides  what  his  engagements  may  be  to  you,  his  Excell:  being  at  Albany.  The  Council!  sealed  up 
the  office  in  which  state  it  now  remains  and  will  continue  until  His  Excell3  pleasure  be  knowen. 
Mr  Knight  in  the  mean  time  does  the  service  of  the  office.  Last  night  I  received  a  letter  from  his 
Excell :  in  which  aduiseth  that  the  French  had  assaulted  the  Senaquaes,  and  were  worsted,  report  by 
other  hands  saying  the  French  had  300  men  killed,  the  certainty  wants  confirmation,  however,  its 
consequence  is  like  to  be  very  injurious  to  us,  we  having  already  very  little  trade,  besides  are  likely 
to  be  ingaged  in  a  bloody  warr.  whose  events  is  uncertain,  we  are  strangely  surprised  with  the  french 
proceedings,  not  knowing  what  moves  them  to  invade  his  Maj1*8  dominions,  without  giving  notice, 
and  so  soon  after  the  publication  of  the  treaty  of  Commerce  betwixt  the  two  Crowns — P  the  next 
which  will  be  Jacob  Mauri ts  His  Excell :  will  give  you  a  full  account  of  his  resolves,  he  having  sent 

a  messenger  to  the  French  winch  is  not  yet  returned.    Five  days  agoe,  My  Lord  Effigham  

Sr  Robert  Parker  arryved  here  from  Virginia,  he  laments  the  Governours  absence  otherwise  wer 
satisfied  with  his  entertainments  :  all  your  friends  are  well,  my  wife  kisseth  your  hands  and  joins 
with  me  in  the  request  that  you  would  give  our  duty  to  our  Father,  our  service  to  Major  Baxter,  to 
whom  please  to  excuse  not  writing,  being  strained  with  time,  and  accept  of  the  assurance  that  I  am 

Sir 

Your  affectionate  friend  and  most  humble  servant 

Ja  Graham 


INFORMATION  GIVEN  BY  SEVERALL  INDIANS  TO  THE  GOVERNOR.  AT  ALBANY, 

6.  AUG.  1687. 

[Lond.  Doc.  V.] 

The  Gov1'  of  Canada  last  fall,  sent  word  to  the  Sachems  of  all  the  Five  Nations  to  come  and  speak 
with  him  at  Cadarachqui  this  spring,  which  wee  acquainted  His  Excellency  withall,  but  in  pursu- 
ance to  his  Excellcys  commands  wee  being  the  King  of  England  subjects,  thought  ourselfs  noways 
obliged  to  hearken  to  him,  and  therefore  refused  to  go,  and  shortly  after  we  heard  by  an  Onondage 
Indian  that  had  lived  long  at  Cadarachqui,  that  the  Govr  of  Canida  had  a  design  to  warr  upon  us,  for 
hee  had  seen  a  great  deal  of  amunicion  and  iron  Dubletts  brought  to  Cadarachqui,  and  that  a  French- 
man at  Cadarachqui  told  him,  that  they  would  warr  with  all  the  Five  Nations,  About  ten  days  after 
wee  gott  the  news,  that  the  Govr  of  Canida  with  his  army  was  seen  encampt  att  the  side  of  the  Lake 
with  many  Canoes  about  halfe  way  between  Onnondage  and  Cadarachqui :  upon  which  they  sent  a 
hundred  men  to  the  Lake  side  to  spy  ;  who  see  a  Barke  neer  Irondequat  the  landing  place  a  lyeing 
by  and  not  at  anker  they  sent  four  men  in  a  Canoe  to  haile  them,  their  orders  from  the  Sachems 
being  expressly  not  to  doe  the  French  any  harme,  and  when  they  hailed  them,  the  French  answered 
in  base  language  :  Enustoganhorrio,  squa,  which  is  as  much  in  their  language  as  the  Devil  take  you, 
whereupon  they  paddled  for  the  shore,  and  told  the  rest  of  their  companions,  what  answer  they  had, 
the  hundred  men  went  forthwith  to  the  Castles,  and  told  the  Sachems,  what  they  had  seen,  who 
forthwith  sent  twenty  men  to  spy  what  theire  designe  was,  and  they  see  another  Barke  come  to  the 
first,  and  while  they  were  theire  as  scouts  spied  a  great  many  of  the  Twichtwich  Indians  come  by 
land,  and  had  almost  environed  them  before  they  were  awarr  of  them :  the  twenty  men  seeing  this, 


152 


DENONVILLe's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


went  np  forthwith  to  the  Castles  and  had  much  adoe  to  gett  through,  and  the  Sachems  having  sent 
out  three  Spyes,  after  the  twenty,  to  see  what  the  French  would  have,  and  before  the  three  were 
come  to  the  Lake  side  (it  being  about  twenty  miles  from  their  Castles)  the  French  Army  out  of 
Barks  and  Cannoes  was  landed,  they  seeing  that,  called  to  them  and  asked  what  they  were  intended 
to  do,  A  Maquase  answered  out  of  the  Army.  You  Blockheads,  I'll  tell  you  what  I  am  come  to 
doe,  to  warr  upon  you,  and  to  morrow  I  will  march  up  with  my  army  to  your  Castles,  and  as  soone 
as  hee  had  spoke  they  fyred  upon  the  three  Indns  butt  they  runn  home  and  brought  the  news  to  the 
Sachems  about  the  twighlight,  The  Sachems  upon  this  news  concluded  to  convey  their  wives  and 
children,  and  old  men  away,  and  beeing  busy  thereabouts  all  next  day,  most  parte  retiring  to  Cajouge, 
and  the  rest  to  a  Lake  to  the  Southward  of  there  Castles  in  the  meantime  the  French  were  as  good 
as  there  words,  and  marched  up  halfe  way  between  the  landing  place  and  the  Castles  and  there 
encamped  that  night ;  As  soon  as  the  women  and  children  were  tied,  their  fired  their  own  Castles 
and  all  the  men  being  gon  to  convey  them  away  except  a  hundred  in  a  small  Fort  who  had  sent  out 
Spyes  and  received  information  that  the  French  were  upon  their  march  towards  them,  they  sent 
forthwith  messengers  to  them  that  were  conveying  the  Women  and  Children  and  desired  the  assist- 
ance of  as  many  of  their  young  men  as  could  conveniently  bee  spared  to  turn  back  and  face  the 
French  and  give  battle  :  whereupon  350  turned  back  and  joyned  with  the  hundred,  butt  being  all 
young  men,  were  so  eager  to  fall  on,  that  the  ofiicers  could  not  bring  them  in  a  posture  to  engage, 
they  went  out  about  halfe  a  league  from  the  Castle,  on  a  small  hill,  and  there  stayed  for  the  French 
army,  but  the  ofiicers  could  not  persuade  them  to  be  in  order  there  neither,  all  being  so  fiery  to 
engage,  and  having  scoutts  out,  brought  them  intelligence,  that  they  were  approaching  and  how  they 
marched,  viz1  the  Right  and  left  wing  being  Indians  and  the  Body  French,  and  when  they  came  in 
sight  of  the  Sennekes,  the  French  not  seeing  them  satt  down  to  rest  themselves  and  the  Indians 
likewise;  the  Sennekes  seeing  this  advance  upon  the  left  wing  being  Indians,  the  French  seeing 
them  stood  to  their  arms  and  gave  them  first  vally,  and  then  the  enemy  Indns  that  were  on  the  left 
wing  ;  whereupon  the  Sennekes  answered  them  with  another,  which  occasioned  soe  much  smoak 
that  they  could  scarce  see  one  another,  wherefore  they  immediately  runn  in  and  came  to  hardy 
blows  and  putt  the  left  wing  to  the  flight,  some  went  quite  away  and  some  fled  to  the  reare 
of  the  French,  and  when  that  wing  was  broake,  they  charged  and  fyred  upon  the  French  and 
the  other  Indians.  The  French  retired  about  150  paces  and  stood  still,  the  Sennekes  continued 
the  fight  with  their  Hatchets,  butt  perceiving  at  last  that  the  French  were  too  numerous  and  would 
ot  give  ground,  some  of  the  sennekes  begun  to  retreat,  whereupon  the  French  Indians  cryed  out, 
the  Sinnekes  run  and  the  rest  heareing  that  followed  the  first  party  that  gave  way  and  so  gott  off 
from  another  and  in  their  retreat  were  followed  about  half  an  English  mile,  and  if  the  Enemy  had 
followed  them  further,  the  Sinnekes  would  have  lost  abundance  of  people  because  they  carried  off 
there  wounded  men  and  were  resolved  to  stick  to  them,  and  not  leave  them. 

The  young  Indian  that  was  in  the  engagement  relates  that  after  the  engagement  was  over,  when 
the  Sinnekes  were  gott  upon  a  Hill,  they  sec  a  party  of  Fresh  French  come  up,  the  French  called  to 
them  and  bid  them  stand  and  fight,  but  the  Sinnekes  replyed,  come  out  four  hundred  to  our  four 
hundred  and  wee  have  butt  a  hundred  men  and  three  hundred  boyes,  and  wee  will  fight  you  hand 
to  fist,  The  said  Boy  being  asked,  whether  he  see  any  of  the  French  with  Gorges  about  their  necks, 
it  was  to  hott,  they  were  to  numerous,  » 

There  was  amongst  the  450  Sinnekes  five  women,  who  engaged  as  well  as  the  men,  and  were 
resolved  not  to  leave  their  husbands  but  five  and  dye  with  them 

A  true  copy  examined  p  me 

Rob1  Livingston  Cl 


DENONVILLE's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


153 


EXAMINATION  OF  INDIAN  PRISONERS. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  V.  ] 

31  August,  1687. 

A  few  days  after  the  French  came  and  gave  him  all  the  Indians  in  the  Christians  Castle,  each 
tlnrty  bullets  and  a  double  handfull  of  powder,  and  bad  them  appeare  att  a  French  Gents  house, 
neare  Mont  Royall :  the  Christian  Indians  being  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  or  thirty  strong,  in 
meane  time  the  French  and  other  Nations  of  Indians  all  appeared  at  Mont  Royall,  and  the  second 
day  after  that  the  Govr  himselfe ;  the  number  of  the  French  being  two  thousand  and  of  all  the 
Indians  one  thousand.  The  army  went  all  by  water  in  about  two  hundred  boates  in  each  Boate 
some  seaven  and  some  ten  menn,  the  rest  went  in  Canoes,  they  were  sometimes  forced  to  draw  the 
Boates  with  Cordes  against  the  Trenches,  the  Provisions  being  part  in  the  Boats  and  a  great  deal  sent 
upp  before  at  Kadraghke  :  they  were  going  up  from  Mont  Royall  to  Kadraghke  three  dayes,  make- 
ing  verry  short  journeys ;  att  Kadraghkie  they  rested  three  days  from  thence  they  went  and  lay  att 
night  upon  an  Island,  the  night  after  they  lay  at  Cadranganhie  next  morning  about  nine  the  clock 
they  saw  ten  Onnondages  att  Aranhage;  the  Gov  gave  orders  not  to  meddle  with  them,  upon  that 
the  Onnondages  gave  a  greate  shout  and  went  their  way,  and  the  army  went  along  the  shore-side  to 
a  passage  that  goes  to  the  Cayouges;  the  day  following  they  saw  a  Brigantine  att  anker,  and  all  the 
army  went  ashore  and  lay  there  that  night.  Some  of  the  French  went  aboard  the  Brigantine  where 
Arnout  was,  as  this  Examinant  has  heard ;  next  day  the  army  went  along  and  att  Jedandago,  the 
Gov1'  landed  fifty  men  to  discover  the  place  and  the  rest  went  on  to  Ierondokat  where  att  the  same 
time  they  mett  with  the  French  that  came  from  Twightwig  and  Dowaganha  with  their  Indians,  then 
the  Gov1  ordered  the  Xtian  Macpuasse  and  some  other  Indians  to  bee  putt  in  the  middle  of  the  army 
and  stayed  there  three  dayes  till  the  Fort  was  finished,  in  the  meane  time  four  or  five  Indians  came 
and  asked  what  the  matter  was,  and  why  the  French  came  so  strong  in  their  Country,  the  French 
answered  (by  a  Xtian  Maquasse)  wee  come  to  meet  you,  the  Sinnakes  asked  againe,  and  said,  why 
doe  you  make  a  Fort,  you  should  butt  come  on,  for  we  intend  to  kill  you  all  in  a  short  time.  The 
third  day  the  army  marched  in  the  afternoone  and  came  that  night  about  half  way  between  the  Lake 
and  Sinnakes  Castle :  next  morning  very  early  after  prayers  they  marched  on  all  the  Indians  being  putt 
on  the  right  side  somewhat  before  the  French,  and  we  marched  on  till  about  noone,  then  the  Indians 
would  boyle  their  potts,  butt  the  Govr  bid  them  march  on,  till  they  came  upon  a  greate  hill  from 
whence  the  Govr  sent  three  Dowaganhas  to  spye  towards  the  Sinnakes  Castle,  who  were  out  butt  a 
little  time,  and  returning  said  that  the  Sinnakes  were  neare  by  and  lay  in  the  passage,  upon  which 
the  GoV  gave  order  that  one  hundred  Indians  should  bee  chosen  out  and  sent  to  discover  the  Sin- 
nakes, who  went  but  not  farr  before  the  army  then  the  Gov  sent  out  againe  four  Dowaganhas  Indians 
and  one  Frenchman  to  discover,  who  went  out,  and  stood  in  the  path  till  the  army  came  to  them, 
and  a  little  time  after  fouer  hundrd  Sinnakes  appeared  att  the  right  side  of  the  army,  where  the 
French  Indians  were  and  with  greate  cry  or  shout,  fyred  upon  them  without  wounding  one  mann 
being  too  farr  off,  butt  the  Sinnakes  advancing  came  nearer  by,  and  fyred  againe,  then  the  French 
Indians  got  some  wounded,  who  fyred  also  upon  the  Sinnakes  and  wounded  some  of  them,  but  the 
Sinnakes  came  so  neare,  and  tooke  an  Indian  out  of  the  French  army,  and  cutt  off  his  hands,  the 
rest  firing  stoutly  upon  one  and  the  other,  till  the  Douwaganhas  and  other  French  Indians  fled  with- 
out returning  to  the  fight,  butt  the  Maquass  came  up  againe  and  stood  their  ground  till  the  whole 
body  of  the  French,  came  firing  all  att  once  upon  the  Sinnakes,  soe  that  the  Sinnakes  retreated, 
having  got  some  dead  and  wounded  in  that  firing ;  the  Gov  forbidd  following  of  them  having  gott 
seven  Frenchmen  killed  and  many  wounded  and  five  dead  Indians  and  several  wounded ;  of  the 

[Vol.  I.]  20 


154  DENONVILLE'S  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 

Sinnakes  were  killed  si xteene  and  some  wounded ;  forthwith  the  Govr  gave  orders  that  the  army 
should  fortify  themselves  at  the  same  place  where  the  Battle  was  and  so  stood  there  all  that  night. 
Next  morning  the  whole  army  marched  towards  the  Sinnakes  Castle  called  Kohoseraglu  .  I<  :.\  lug  their 
dead  Frenchmen  unhurried  hut  the  Indians  hurried  their  dead,  and  carried  all  the  wounded  French 
and  Indians  with  them  to  the  aforesaid  Castle,  where  one  of  the  wounded  men  died  at  said  Castle; 
they  found  itt  all  burned,  then  the  Gov  gave  orders  that  the  Christian  Indians  shoidd  cutt  downe 
and  destroy  the  Indians  corne,  whieh  they  refused :  soe  Frenchmen  were  sent  and  destroyed  all  that 
they  could  find.  Afterwards  the  Govr  sent  four  hundred  men  to  another  small  castle  neare  by,  to 
surround  the  same  till  the  whole  army  should  come,  thinking  the  Sinnakes  might  bee  there,  butt 
found  the  same  burned  also,  butt  found  a  great  deale  of  provisions  which  they  destroyed,  takeing 
only  some  beanes  along  with  them,  for  they  had  provisions  enough,  every  man  carried  some  and  the 
Boates  were  loaden  at  Jerondekott  with  corne  and  other  necessaries,  soe  the  army  went  to  every 
place  where  the  Castles  were  burnt  and  lay  att  every  Castle  one  night  destroying  all  the  corne  they 
could  finde  except  some  out  fields,  which  the  Xtian  Indians  would  not  show  them,  The  Sinnekes 
made  severall  times  small  allarms,  butt  never  attacked  the  French,  since  the  first  fight.  From  the 
last  Sinnekes  Castle,  called  Theodehacto,  the  army  went  back  againe,  by  another  way,  as  they  came 
to  Jerondekatt,  being  butt  one  night  by  the  way,  and  were  butt  two  dayes  still  there,  then  the  Govr 
gave  orders  that  the  whole  army  shoidd  goe  directly  to  Oneageragh  but  the  Xtian  Indians  refused 
itt  butt  would  returne  to  Kadaradkie,  and  soe  went  that  way,  the  Gov  forthwith  followed  them 
with  seven  Canoes,  each  seven  menu,  and  stopt  them  saying,  what  is  the  matter  that  you  leave  us, 
itt  is  better  that  wee  goe  and  returne  together ;  but  they  would  not,  till  one  Smiths  John  stood  up 
and  spoke  very  loud,  saying  to  the  rest  of  the  Xtian  Indians,  you  hear  what  the  Govr's  will  is,  that 
wee  should  goe  up  with  him,  if  wee  doe  not,  he  will  force  us  to  it ;  come,  you  are  lusty  men  let  us 
goe  with  him,  soe  they  were  persuaded,  and  returned  back  with  the  Gov,  severall  Canoes  endeavoured 
yett  to  escape,  butt  were  soe  watched  by  the  French,  that  they  coidd  not  except  two  or  three  Canoes 
that  stole  away  :  soe  were  forced  to  goe  with  the  French  along  the  shore  side  of  the  Lake  till  they 
come  to  Oneagorah  being  two  days  by  the  way,  where  the  French  made  a  Fort  and  putt  two  great 
gunns  and  several  Pattareras  in  it  with  four  hundred  men  to  bee  there  in  Garrison,  After  they  had 
been  there  five  dayes,  the  rest  of  the  army  returned  to  Cadarachque  and  slept  there  one  night,  and 
left  there  some  men,  from  whence  they  went  to  Mont  Royall  in  two  dayes,  there  this  deponent  left 
the  Gov  and  the  Christian  Indians  went  to  their  Castles. 


[  From  Council  Min.  V.  ] 

Councill  held  at  (fort  James 

Thurs  day  y  18">  of  Aug'.  1G87.  (0.  S.) 

Present  His  Excel0  >  the  Gover  &c. 

The  account  of  the  Expence  that  has  been  about  the  Seneckas  &  the  ffrench,  Read 
Resolved  that  it  be  taken  into  Consid'ation  that  the  Councill  Do  tomorrow  give  their  oppions  about 
a  Method  for  Raising  it, 

Councill  held  at  jfort  James 

ffriday  yc  19*  Aug"  1687 
The  Councill  give  their  opions  about  Raising  mony  to  Defray  ye  expence  about  y°  Indyans  &.  yc 
lfrench 


DENONVILLE's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


155 


Resolved  that  a  penny  in  ye  pound  besides  the  former  tax  of  a  halfepenny  in  ye  pound  be  raised 
out  of  ye  Estates  of  the  ffrehold'8  Inhabitants  of  Kings  County  queens  County  Dukes  County  Dutch- 
eses  County  Countys  of  Richmond  Orange  Suffolk  &  Westchester  &  one  halfepenny  in  ye  pound  out 
of  ye  Estates  of  yc  Inhabitants  &  freehold18  of  ye  Cittys  &  Countys  of  New  York  and  Albany  & 
County  of  Vlster  and  the  mony  be  brought  in  to  yc  Kings  Collector  at  ye  Custome  house  on  or  be- 
fore ye  first  day  of  May  next. 

Ordered  that  two  bills  be  Drawn  up  for  the  same  Accordingly 

Councill  held  at  ffort  James 

Saturday  August  ye  20'h  1687 
The  Bill  for  Raiseing  a  penny  in  ye  pound  out  of  ye  Estates  of  yc  ffreehold1'8  k  Inhabitants  of  ye 
Kings  Queens  Dukes  &  Dutcheses  Countys  the  Countys  of  Richmond  Orange  westchester  &  Suffolk, 
Read  and  approved  Passed  and  Signed  by  ye  Govern'  &  Councill 


MR.  SCHUYLER  TO  GOV.  DONGAN. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  V.  ] 

2  Sept.  1687. 

May  it  please  your  Excellency 

Last  night  An  thy  Lesjinard  &  Jean  Rosie  arrived  here  from  Canada,  have  been  twenty  days  upon 
the  way,  have  letters  from  [for  ?]  your  Excell :  have  therefore  dispatched  Anthoy  with  2  Indians 
down,  his  compagnion  being  sick,  could  not  goe — 

The  news  your  Excell :  will  hear  of  Anth0.  neverthelesse  have  thought  fitt  to  eAmine  his  com- 
pagnion, who  is  an  honest  man,  tells  us  these  following  news,  of  which  your  Excell :  may  discourse 
Anth0  about  at  large — 

1  That  he  heard  of  father  Valiant  that  the  French  will  not  release  our  people,  Except  that  your 
Excell :  will  promise  not  to  supply  the  Sinnokes  with  ammunition  or  any  other  assistance — 

2  That  Anth0  told  him  he  heard  one  of  the  Fathers  say,  if  the  Sinnekes  got  any  of  there  people 
prisoners  would  exchange  our  people  for  them,  man  for  man. 

3  That  they  had  now  a  great  advantage  of  your  Excell :  and  of  the  Indians  also,  having  so  many 
of  our  people  and  of  the  Indians  prisoners — 

4  He  heard  the  Jesuits  say  that  Cryn  and  the  rest  of  the  Christian  Indians,  were  no  ways  inclined 
to  engage  in  the  war  if  the  Maquas,  Oneydes  and  Onnondages  were  concern'd,  because  their  brethren 
sisters,  uncles  ants  ettc  were  there ;  and  therefore  all  means  was  used  to  engage  said  three  nations  to 
sit  still,  for  he  see  5  Onnondage  Christian  Indians  dispatched  with  belts  and  presents  to  the  Onnon- 
dages 26  days  agoe,  to  persuade  them  not  to  warr — 

5  The  French  were  not  minded  to  warr  with  any  of  the  Indians,  except  the  Sinnekes,  and  would 
make  a  peace  with  them  also  if  they  would  deliver  to  them  10  or  12  of  the  best  Sachims  children  for 
hostage  and  then  they  would  appoint  them  places  where  they  should  hunt :  and  so  gett  them  wholly 
to  their  disposition — 

6  The  Governour  of  Canida  sent  for  all  the  Bosslopers  that  were  at  Ottowawa  and  ordered  them 
to  come  only  with  their  arms  and  meet  him  at  Cadarachqua  which  they  did,  being  about  300  men 
under  the  command  of  three  French  Captns  and  left  their  Bevers  in  the  Jesuits  house  at  Dionondade, 
and  so  marched  with  the  Governour  of  Canida  to  the  Sinnekes,  in  the  mean  time  a  fortunate  fyer 


156 


DENONVILLF/S  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


takes  the  house  and  burns  them  all  to  the  number  of  20,000  Bevers,  when  the  news  came  to  Mon- 
Royal  the  Bosslopers  were  like  to  go  distracted — 

7  He  heard  by  beat  of  Drumm  proclaimed  throu  Mon  Royall  that  as  soon  as  the  peace  was  made 
with  the  Sinnekes  the  Ottowawa  trade  should  be  iarm'd  out,  which  displeased  the  Bosslopers  much 
and  said,  that  if  that  was  done  they  were  all  ruined — 

8  Many  of  the  Bosslopers  were  inclined  to  come  here  not  being  minded  to  fight  against  the  Sin- 
nekes, but  dare  not  come  for  fear  of  the  Indians  by  the  way — 

9  Itt  was  generally  beleev'd  that  the  Sinnekes  would  come  to  Canida  and  begg  for  peace,  because 
there  corn  was  destroyed,  and  if  they  were  supplyed  by  them  of  Albany  they  would  come  hither  in 
the  winter  and  plunder  this  place,  having  1 500  pare  of  snow  shoes  ready  made,  and  if  they  found 
that  we  gave  the  Sinnakes  any  the  least  assistance,  they  would  not  let  the  Childe  in  the  cradle  live — 

10  He  heard  further  of  a  Merchant  that  if  we  would  supply  the  Sinnekes  they  would  send  our 
people  away  all  severall  ways,  some  to  Spain,  some  to  Portugall  some  to  the  Islands,  and  it  was  no 
more  than  the  English  had  done  to  Monsr  Pere  whom  they  kept  18  months  in  close  prison  at  London. 

1 1  The  French  all  acknowledge  the  Sinnekes  fought  very  well,  and  if  there  number  had  been 
greater  it  would  have  gone  hard  with  the  French  for  the  new  men  were  not  used  to  the  Sinnekes 
hoop  and  hollow,  all  the  officers  falling  down  closse  upon  the  ground,  for  the  Officers  jeard  on  ano- 
ther about  it  att  Mont  Royall — 

This  is  what  Jean  Rosie  Anth°  Lespinard's  conipagnion  doth  relate  being  an  inhabitant  of  this 
lowne,  and  a  verry  honest  man,  although  a  frenchman,  they  were  kept  5  weeks  in  arrest  after  they 
came  to  Canida  upon  a  pretence  that  there  passe  was  lalse,  for  could  not  beleive  your  Excellc>-  was 
here  butt  gone  home  haveing  such  advice  from  the  French  ambassadour  he  prays  your  Excell :  would 
consider  the  pains  and  trouble  and  the  loss  of  time  that  has  been  att  waiting  for  an  answer  from  the 
French  Governour ;  we  have  put  down  these  articles  that  your  Excell :  may  examine  Anfh°  about 
them  (since  he  knows  nothing  of  this)  because  he  was  extream  familliar  with  the  Govern1,  and  all 
there  great  men  there  :  We  have  the  news  of  Keman  that  the  Indians  have  taken  8  men  1  woman 
and  8  crownes  or  scalpes,  and  kild  neer  upon  20  more  at  the  place  where  the  Barks  are,  the  particu- 
lars your  Excell :  will  have  in  R  Levingstone's  letter — We  find  that  the  selling  of  strong  Liquor  to 
the  Indians  is  a  great  hindrance  to  all  designs  they  take  in  hand,  lay  a  drinking  continually  at  Ski- 
nechtady,  if  your  Excell :  would  be  pleased  to  prohibit  itt  for  two  or  three  months  would  do  very 
well :  We  remain 

Your  Excellency 
most  humble  and  most 
obedient  servant 

Pr  Schuyler. 


COL.  D0NGAN  TO  THE  LORD  PRESIDENT. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  V.  ] 

Sept.  8  1687 

My  Lord — I  gave  your  Lodr  an  acc*  in  my  last  letter  that  I  had  Intelligence  the  French  were  come 
on  this  side  of  the  Lake,  to  make  war  with  the  Sennekes 

I  send  the  Bearer  Judge  Palmer  to  give  his  Mat*  an  account  of  their  Invading  his  territories  with- 
out any  manner  of  Provocation  if  your  Lodp  will  please  to  read  his  Instructions  you  will  find  a  true 
accompt  of  their  Proceedings 


DENONVILLe's  EXPEDITION    TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


157 


The  Senekas  desired  assistance  of  men  but  I  put  them  off  by  giving  them  Powder,  Lead,  Arms 
and  other  things,  fitting  &  necessary  for  them  @  also  by  making  such  Propositions  as  I  thought  would 
please  them  being  unwilling  actually  to  ingage.the  French  until  I  knew  his  Maty'*  pleasure 

I  must  needs  say  of  ye  French  without  being  Partiall  that  they  are  very  unjust,  to  enter  the  King's 
Territories  in  a  hostile  manner  after  the  offers  I  made  them 

I  know  their  Pretence  will  be,  that  our  Indians  have  wronged  them,  but  it  is  not  soe,  for  the 
Beaver  Trade  is  the  sole  end  of  their  Designs,  whatever  Colour  they  give  to  their  Actions  which  is 
only  hindred  by  the  Five  nations  of  Indians  on  this  side  of  the  Lake  who  have  submitted  themselves 
@  their  Lands  to  the  King's  subjection.  Those  Five  nations  are  very  brave  @  the  awe  @  Dread  of 
all  ye  Indyans  in  these  Parts  of  America,  and  are  a  better  defence  to  us,  than  if  they  were  so  many 
Christians. 

The  Claim  the  French  can  make,  to  the  father  Indians,  or  any  on  this  side  ye  Lake  is  no  other  than 
what  they  may  have  to  Japan  which  is  that  some  of  their  Priests  have  resided  amongst  them 

Peace  or  Warr,  it  will  be  very  necessary  to  send  over  men  @  to  build  those  Forts,  I  have  men- 
tioned in  my  Instructions  to  Judge  Palmer,  for  the  French  are  encroaching  as  fast  as  they  can,  and 
a  little  thing  can  prevent  now  what  will  cost  a  great  expence  of  Blood  @  Money  hereafter.  My  Lord 
there  are  people  enough  in  Ireland  who  had  pretences  to  Estates  there  @  are  of  no  advantage  to  the 
country  @  may  live  here  very  happy  I  do  not  doubt  if  his  Mat*  think  fitt  to  employ  my  Nephew 
he  will  bring  over  as  many  as  the  King  will  find  convenient  to  send  who  will  be  no  charge  to  his 
Maty  after  they  are  Landed,  Provided  all  Connecticut  @  East  @  West  Jersey  be  added  to  this  Gov- 
ernment @  to  add  anything  of  Connecticut  to  Boston  is  the  most  unproportionable  thing  in  the 
world  they  having  already  a  hundred  times  more  Land,  Riches  @  People  than  this  province  @  yet 
the  charge  of  this  Governm1  more  than  that 


GOVERNOR  DONGAN'S  INSTRUCTIONS  TO  CAPT.  PALMER. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  V.  ] 

8th  Sept.  1687. 

You  are  to  inform  his  Maty  that  in  May  last  I  had  letters  from  Albany  @  Informacons  of  Indians 
that  came  from  Canada,  That  the  Governor  of  Canada  went  from  Monte  Royall  with,  a  great  many 
French  and  Indyans  in  Boats  and  Canno's  towards  Cadaraque  with  an  Intention  to  come  on  this  side 
of  the  lake  @  war  against  the  Sennekes  upon  Receipt  of  which  I  called  the  Councill  @  the  letters  @ 
Information  were  read  upon  which  the  Councill  thought  convenient  to  give  what  assistance  possibly 
we  could  to  our  Indians,  and  to  that  intent  I,  Major  Brockhells  yourself  @  other  gentlemen  went  up 
to  Albany  where  there  was  from  time  to  time  such  orders  and  Instructions  sent  @  given  to  the  In- 
dyans as  was  thought  fitt  for  their  security 

The  French  Pretence  for  Coming  into  the  King's  Territories  @  warring  with  our  Indians  is  that 
they  war  with  the  further  nation  of  Indyans  who  lye  on  the  back  of  Maryland,  Virginia,  @  Carolina, 
which  is  only  a  feigned  pretence  for  that  I  have  sent  sev"  Letters  to  MonsrLa  Bar  who  was  Governor 
of  Canada  to  signify  that  if  our  Indians  had  done  them  any  injury  they  should  make  them  all  rea- 
sonable satisfaction,  but  that  would  not  satisfy,  for  he  came  to  Cayonhage  where  the  Indians  would 
have  me  build  a  Fort  @  there  made  a  Peace  with  the  Indians  so  that  what  the  Indians  had  done  be- 


158 


DENONVlLLE's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


fore  this  Govm1  came  was  concluded  and  agreed  thereby  tho  they  had  not  done  any  thing  to  the 
French  but  what  was  in  Pursuance  of  his  own  orders 

And  as  to  their  Warring  with  the  farther  Indyans  that  is  more  hurtfull  to  us  than  the  French  they 
being  inclined  to  trade  with  us  rather  than  them  which  by  their  Warring  is  bindred  @  in  my  opinion 
the  Christians  ought  not  to  meddle  with  the  Indians  warring  one  with  another  it  being  the  ruin  of 
themselves  And  as  lor  this  present  Governor  of  Canada  Monsr  de  Nonville  he  has  no  ground  for  what 
he  does,  for  I  have  from  time  to  time  olfered  to  do  him  Justice  for  any  ill  the  Indians  should  committ 
and  sent  a  messinger  this  Spring  to  him  for  that  purpose ;  to  take  away  all  pretence  whatsoever  (5, 
also  sent  him  word  that  those  five  Nations  on  our  side  of  the  Lake  had  delivered  themselves  (a,  their 
Lands  under  the  subjection  of  our  King  @  that  I  had  caused  the  Kings  arms  to  be  sett  upon  all  their 
Castles 

But  their  reason  for  this  Warr  is  that  the  Indyans  would  not  submitt  @  joyn  themselves  to  the 
French  who  have  used  all  other  meanes  to  effect  it  ©  those  failing  have  caused  this  attempt  so  that 
we  find  they  have  a  further  design  which  is  by  the  Ruin  of  those  Indians  to  engross  both  the  trade 
@  Country  wholly  to  themselves,  and  to  that  intent  the  French  King  has  sent  over  upwards  of  3000 
men  besides  what  came  this  last  spring  and  alsoe  has  built  a  Fort  at  a  place  called  Shamblee  and 
another  at  Monte  Royall  and  another  at  Trois  Riviers  one  at  Cataraque  at  the  other  side  of  the  Lake 
and  this  spring  an  other  on  our  side  of  the  Lake  at  a  place  called  Onyegra  where  I  had  thought  to 
have  built  one  it  being  the  place  where  all  our  Traders  k  Beaver  Hunters  must  pass. 

So  that  they  are  resolved  to  Ruin  all  those  Indians  @  if  they  compass  their  design  it  will  be  of  very 
ill  consequence  to  all  his  Matys  subjects  in  those  parts  of  America  for  they  are  a  better  Bullwark 
against  the  French  and  the  other  Indians  than  so  many  Christians,®  if  the  French  have  all  that  they 
pretend  to  have  discovered  of  these  Parts,  the  King  of  England  will  not  have  100  miles  from  the  sea 
any  where,  for  the  people  of  Canada  are  poor  @  live  only  on  the  Beaver  @  Peltry  and  the  Kings 
subjects  here  living  plentifully  have  not  regarded  making  discoveries  into  the  country  until  of  late 
being  encouraged  by  me  one  Roseboon  had  leave  in  the  year  1685  to  go  with  some  young  men  asfarr 
as  the  Ottawawe  k  Twiswicks,  where  they  were  very  well  recd  @  invited  to  come  every  year,  and 
they  desired  that  the  Sinnekas  being  their  enemies  would  open  a  path  for  them  that  they  might  come 
to  Albany. 

But  a  little  after  their  being  there  a  party  of  our  Indians  being  out  attacked  a  Castle  of  theirs,  took 
5  or  600  prisaners  and  brought  them  away  to  their  own  country,  which  when  I  heard  of  I  ordered 
the  Indians  to  deliver  to  Roseboom  @  to  one  Major  McGregory  a  Scots  gent"  (who  went  with  60  of 
the  young  men  of  Albany,  and  some  of  Albany  Indians  a  Beaver  trading  to  those  further  nations)  as 
many  of  those  prisoners  as  were  willing  to  return  home,  the  Govr  of  Canada  hearing  of  their  going 
that  way  sent  200  French  @  3  or  400  Indians  to  intercept  them,  has  taken  them  Prisoners  taken 
their  goods  from  them  Q<  what  they  further  design  to  do  with  them  is  not  yet  known. 

And  for  this  Government  which  is  too  poor  of  itself  to  help  our  Indians  without  adding  Connecticut 
@  East  @  West  Jersey  in  case  the  war  continues  without  the  assistance  of  our  Neighbours  (a  some 
men  out  of  Europe  will  be  wholly  impossible,  for  we  are  the  least  government  ©  the  poorest  @  yet 
are  at  the  greatest  charges  @  we  find  this  year  that  the  Revenue  is  very  much  diminished  for  in 
other  years  we  are  used  to  Ship  off  for  England  35  or  40,000  Beavers  besides  Peltry  @  this  year 
only  0000  and  some  hundreds  peltry  in  all. 

The  Council  to  show  their  readiness  to  serve  the  King  have  passed  two  acts  for  raising  1J  Pr  lb 
at  New  York,  Isopus  @  Albany,  these  three  places  being  the  only  support  of  the  Government  ©  l|d 
on  Long  Island  @  the  rest  of  the  Government  who  do  not  advance  the  Kings  Revenue  neither  by 
Kxcisc  nor  ( 'ustoms  1  5011'  P  ann  : 

To  secure  the  Beaver  k  Peltry  Trade  @  the  Kings  right  to  the  Country  :  It's  mine  and  the  Coun- 
cils opinion  (alsoe  to  have  an  awe  over  our  Indians  @  make  them  lirni  to  us)  to  build  a  Fort  at 


DENONVILLE's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


159 


Corlars  Lake ;  to  secure  us  that  way  from  the  Incursion  of  either  French,  or  Indians,  another  at 
Cayonhage  upon  the  great  Lake,  and  another  at  Onyegra  @  two  or  three  little  other  Forts  between 
Schonectade  @  the  Lake  to  secure  our  people  going  @  coming 

This  cannot  possibly  be  done  without  4  or  500  men  out  of  Europe,  @  in  case  Connecticut  @  the 
two  Jerseys  be  added  to  this  Government,  with  some  help  from  Pensylvania,  @  the  three  lower 
Countys  it  may  be  effected  without  any  charge  to  the  King,  and  will  be  a  great  security  to  all  these 
parts  of  America 

If  the  metes  @  bounds  could  be  adjusted  at  home  it  would  be  very  convenient,  provided  always 
that  the  Country  were  first  well  discovered  by  us  in  which  the  French  at  present  have  much  the 
advantage.  And  it  is  very  unreasonable  that  the  French  who  lye  so  much  to  the  Northward  of  us 
shd  extend  themselves  soe  far  to  the  Southward  @  Westward  on  the  Backside  of  his  Maty3  Planta- 
cons  when  they  have  so  vast  a  quantity  of  land  Lying  Directly  behind  ye  dominions  they  now  pos- 
sess, to  the  Northward  @  Northwest  as  far  as  the  South  sea 

Whether  Peace  or  War  it  is  necessary  that  the  Forts  should  be  built,  @  that  religious  men  live 
amongst  the  Indians. 

I  have  that  influence  over  our  Indians,  that  I  am  sure  they  will  not  war  on  any  Indians  living 
amongst  His  Maty3  subjects. 

The  monies  that  are  now  to  be  raised  is  for  defraying  the  charge  of  Arms,  Powder,  Lead  @  other 
presents  given  to  the  Indians  this  summer  as  also  to  make  some  preparations  against  the  Spring  in 
Case  of  Necessity. 

Whatsoever  is  his  Matys  pleasure  I  desire  that  My  Lord  Sunderland,  will  by  the  first  conveniency 
either  by  the  way  of  Maryland,  Virginia  or  Boston  let  me  know  and  send  me  orders,  how  I  shall  pro- 
ceed in  this  affair, 

You  are  so  well  acquainted  with  all  that  has  passed  in  this  Government,  concerning  this  affair 
with  the  French,  and  my  constant  Endeavors  to  preserve  a  good  correspondence  with  them,  that 
what  I  have  here  omitted  I  desire  you  will  take  care  to  inform  his  Maty 

Thos  Dongan 

Dated  the  8th 

September  1687 


M.  DE  DENONVILLE  TO  GOV.  DONGAN. 

[  Paris  Doe.  III. ;  Lond.  Doc.  V.  ] 

August  22,  1687. 

Sir — The  respect  I  entertain  for  the  King  your  Master  and  the  orders  I  have  from  the  King  to 
live  in  harmony  with  His  Britannic  Majesty's  Subjects  induce  me,  Sir,  to  address  you  this  letter  on 
the  present  state  of  affairs,  so  as  not  to  have  any  thing  to  reproach  myself  with. 

On  seeing,  Sir,  the  letter  you  were  at  the  trouble  to  write  me  on  my  arrival  in  this  government  I 
persuaded  myself  by  your  frank  discourse  that  we  should  live  in  the  greatest  harmony  and  best 
understanding  in  the  world,  but  the  event  has  well  proved  that  your  intentions  did  not  at  all 
accord  with  your  fine  words. 

You  recollect,  Sir,  that  you  positively  asked  me  in  that  same  letter  to  refer  the  difference  about 
boundaries  to  the  decision  of  our  Masters  ;  letters  more  recently  received  from  you  fully  convince 
me  that  you  received  that  which  I  wrote  you  in  reply  to  your  first  to  shew  you  that  I  willingly  left 


160 


DENONVILXE's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GEN'ESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


that  decision  to  our  Masters.  Nevertheless,  Sir,  whilst  you  were  expressing  these  civilities  to  me 
you  were  giving  orders  and  sending  passes  to  despatcli  canoes  to  trade  at  Missilimaquina  where  an 
Englishman  had  never  set  his  foot  and  where  we,  the  French,  are  established  more  than  60  years. 
I  shall  say  nothing  of  the  tricks  and  intrigues  resorted  to  by  your  people  and  by  your  orders  to 
induce  all  the  Savage  tribes  domiciled  with  the  French  to  revolt  against  us.  I  tell  you  nothing, 
either,  of  all  your  intrigues  to  engage  the  Iroquois  to  declare  war  against  us.  Your  Traders  at  Orange 
have  made  noise  enough  about  it,  and  your  presents  of  munitions  of  war  made,  with  this  view,  last 
year  and  this,  are  convictions  sufficiently  conclusive  not  to  entertain  a  doubt  of  it,  even  were  there 
not  proofs  at  hand  of  your  wicked  designs  against  the  subjects  of  the  King  whose  bread  you  have 
eaten  long  enough  and  by  whom  you  have  been  sufficiently  well  entertained  to  cause  you  to  have 
more  regard  for  His  Majesty,  though  you  had  not  all  the  orders  from  his  Brittanic  Majesty  that  you 
have  to  live  well  with  all  the  subjects  of  the  King,  his  antient  friend. 

What  have  you  not  done,  Sir,  to  prevent  the  Senecas  surrendering  to  me  the  Outaouas  and  Huron 
prisoners  of  Missillimaquina  whom  they  treacherously  captured  last  year,  and  how  many  goings  and 
comings  have  there  not  been  to  the  Senecas  on  your  part  and  that  of  your  traders  who  do  nothing 
but  by  your  orders,  to  prevent  the  restitution  of  the  said  prisoners  by  the  said  Senecas  who  were 
solicited  at  the  village  of  the  Onontagues  to  give  me  satisfaction. 

I  avow  to  you,  Sir,  that  I  should  never  have  expected  such  proceedings  on  your  part,  which  with- 
out doubt  will  not  please  the  King  your  Master,  who  will  never  approve  your  so  strenuously  opposing 
by  threats  of  chastisement  the  Iroquois  coming  to  me,  when  I  invited  them  to  visit  me  to  arrange 
with  them  the  causes  of  discontent  that  I  had  on  account  of  their  violences.  Three  years  ago,  Sir, 
you  made  use  of  them  to  wage  war  against  the  French  and  their  allies,  you  took  great  pains  to  give 
them,  for  that  purpose,  more  lead,  powder  and  arms  than  they  asked.  You  did  more,  Sir  ;  for  you 
promised  them  reinforcements  of  men  to  sustain  them  against  the  King's  subjects ;  quite  recently, 
Sir,  you  would  have  again  pushed  your  ill  will  further  by  sending  two  Parties,  commanded  by  men 
carrying  your  orders,  to  Missilimaquina  to  expel  us  from  there  and  put  you  into  possession,  contrary 
to  the  word  you  have  given  not  to  undertake  anything  before  the  arrangement  of  their  Majesties,  our 
Masters. 

You  have,  Sir,  still  surpassed  all  that ;  for  after  the  pains  you  had  taken  to  prevent  the  Iroquois 
assembling  at  Catarocouy  where  I  expected  to  meet  them  to  settle  all  our  differences  and  receive 
from  them  the  satisfaction  they  should  have  afforded  me,  as  well  in  regard  to  the  Huron  and  Outaouas 
prisoners  they  would  have  given  up  to  me  had  you  not  opposed  it,  as  for  the  pillagings  and  robberies 
that  they  have  committed  on  us,  and  all  the  insults  they  daily  offer  our  missionaries,  as  well  those 
they  may  have  actually  among  them  as  those  they  have  expelled  after  an  infinite  amount  of  ill  treat- 
ment during  20  years  they  lived  in  their  villages ;  after  you,  Sir,  having,  I  say,  so  little  regard  for  the 
interests  of  the  King's  subjects  and  the  good  of  Religion  whose  progress  you  thus  prevent,  you  have, 
Sir,  quite  recently  contravened  the  last  treaty  entered  into  between  our  masters,  a  copy  of  which  you 
have  received  with  orders  to  observe  it,  and  of  which  you  have  also  sent  me  copy.  Read  it  well, 
Sir,  if  you  please,  and  you  will  there  remark  how  strongly  their  Majesties  have  it  at  heart  to  preserve 
their  subjects  in  good  union  and  understanding,  so  that  their  Majesties  understand  that  the  enemies 
of  (me  are  the  enemies  of  the  other.  If  the  avarice  of  your  merchants  influenced  you  less  than  the 
desire  to  execute  the  orders  of  the  King  your  master,  doubtless,  Sir,  I  should  already  have  had  proofs 
of  your  good  disposition  to  execute  the  said  treaty,  according  to  which  you  ought  not  to  afford  either 
refuge  or  protection  to  the  savages,  enemies  of  the  French  Colony,  much  less  assist  them  with  ammu- 
nition to  wage  war  against  it.  Nevertheless,  I  assert  positively  that  you  have,  since  the  publication 
of  said  treaty  of  neutrality,  contravened  it  in  this  particular,  since  nothing  is  done  in  your  govern- 
ment save  by  your  orders. 


DENONVILLE's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


101 


After  that,  judge,  Sir,  what  just  grounds  I  have  tocomplain  of,  and  be  on  my  guard  against, 
you. 

On  my  return  from  the  campaign  which  I  just  made  against  the  Senecas,  I  received  the  letter  that 
you  took  the  trouble  to  write  me,  Sir,  on  the  11th  (20th)  June  of  this  year.  You  send  me  copy  of 
the  Treaty  of  Neutrality  entered  into  between  our  masters  of  which  I  also  transmitted  you  a  copy  as 
I  had  recd  it  from  the  King  and  it  was  published  in  this  country.  Nothing  more  is  required  therein, 
Sir,  than  to  have  it  fully  and  literally  executed  as  well  on  your  part  as  on  mine.  To  do  that  you 
must  discontinue  protecting  the  enemies  of  the  Colony  and  cease  to  receive  them  among  you,  and  to 
furnish  them  with  munitions  as  you  have  done.  You  must,  also,  observe  the  promise  you  gave  me 
at  the  time  of  my  arrival,  that  you  would  leave  the  decision  of  the  limits  to  our  masters.  You  must, 
likewise,  not  undertake  any  expedition  against  us  in  any  of  our  establishments,  the  greatest  portions 
of  which  were  before  Orange  (Albany)  was  what  it  is,  or  any  of  Manate  were  acquainted  with  the 
Iroquois  and  the  Ouatouas. 

When  you  arrived  at  your  present  government,  did  you  not  find,  Sir,  in  the  whole  of  the  five 
Iroquois  villages,  all  our  Missionaries  sent  by  the  King  almost  the  entire  of  whom  the  heretic  mer- 
chants have  caused  to  be  expelled  even  in  your  time,  which  is  not  honorable  to  your  government . 
It  is  only  three  years  since  the  greater  number  have  been  forced  to  leave  ;  the  fathers  Lambreville 
alone  bore  up  against  the  insults  and  ill  treatment  they  received  through  the  solicitations  of  your 
traders.  Is  it  not  true,  Sir,  that  you  panted  only  to  induce  them  to  abandon  their  mission  ?  You 
recollect,  Sir,  that  you  took  the  trouble  to  send  under  a  guise  of  duty  so  late  as  last  year  to  solicit 
them  by  urgent  discourses  to  retire  under  the  pretext  that  I  wished  to  declare  Avar  against  the  village 
of  the  Onnontagues.  What  certainty  had  you  of  it,  Sir,  if  it  were  not  your  charge  and  prohibi- 
tions you  had  given  them,  against  giving  me  up  the  prisoners  I  demanded  of  them,  and  they  surren- 
dered to  me  ]  You  foresaw  the  war  I  would  make  because  you  wished  me  to  make  it  against  them 
and  because  you  obliged  me  to  wage  that  against  the  Senecas.  In  this  way,  Sir,  it  is  very  easy  to 
foresee  what  occurs. 

I  admire,  Sir,  the  passage  of  your  last  letter  of  the  11th  June  of  this  year  in  which  you  state  that 
the  King  of  England  your  Master  has  juster  title  than  the  King  to  the  Posts  we  occupy,  and  the 
foundation  of  your  reasoning  is  that  they  are  situate  to  the  South  of  you,  just  on  the  border  of  one 
portion  of  your  dominion  (domination.)  In  refutation  of  your  sorry  reasonings,  Sir,  it  is  only  neces- 
sary to  tell  you  that  you  are  very  badly  acquainted  with  the  Map  of  the  country  and  know  less  the 
points  of  the  compass  where  those  Posts  are  relative  to  the  situation  of  Menade,  (New  York.)  It  is 
only  necessary  to  ask  you  again  what  length  of  time  we  occupy  those  Posts  and  who  discovered 
them — You  or  wel  Again,  who  is  in  possession  of  them  1  After  that,  read  the  5th  article  of  the 
treaty  of  Neutrality  and  you  will  see,  if  you  were  justified  in  giving  orders  to  establish  your  trade 
by  force  of  arms  at  Missilimaquina.  As  I  send  you  a  copy  of  your  letter  with  the  answer  to  each 
article,  I  need  not  repeat  here  what  is  embraced  in  that  answer.  Suffice  it  to  say  this  in  conclusion, 
that  I  retain  your  officer  Mr.  Gregory  here  and  all  your  orders  for  your  pretended  expedition,  who 
were  taken  within  the  Posts  occupied  by  the  King.  My  first  design  was  to  send  them  back  to  you 
but  as  I  know  that  you  entertain  and  give  aid  and  comfort  to  the  Iroquois  Savages  contrary  to  the 
Treaty  of  Neutrality  of  the  16th  Novr  1686  agreed  to  by  our  Masters,  causing  them  to  be  supplied 
with  all  munitions  necessary  to  wage  war  against  us,  I  have  determined,  in  spite  of  myself,  to  retain 
all  your  people  until  you  have  complied  with  the  Intentions  of  the  King  your  Master  and  executed 
said  Treaty,  being  obliged  to  regard  you  as  the  King's  enemy  whilst  you  entertain  his  enemies  and 
contravene  the  treaties  entered  into  between  the  King  of  England  and  the  King  my  Master. 

All  that  I  can  tell  you  for  certain,  Sir,  is,  that  your  conduct  will  be  the  rule  of  mine,  and  that  it 
will  remain  with  yourself  that  the  said  Treaty  be  thoroughly  executed.    I  must  obey  my  Master  and 

[Vol.  I.]  21 


162 


DENONVlLLE's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


I  have  much  respect  and  veneration  for  one  of  the  greatest  lungs  in  tlie  world,  the  protector  of  the 
Church.  You  pretend  that  the  Iroquois  are  under  your  dominion.  To  this  I  in  no  wise  agree,  but 
it  is  a  question  on  which  our  Masters  will  determine.  But  whether  they  be  or  be  not,  from  the 
moment  that  they  are  our  enemies  you  ought  to  be  opposed  to  them  and  be  their  enemies,  and  if 
you  comfort  them,  directly  or  indirectly,  I  must  regard  you  as  an  enemy  of  the  Colony  and  I  shall  be 
justified  in  subjecting  the  prisoners  I  have  belonging  to  your  government  to  the  same  treatment  that 
the  enemies  of  the  Colony  will  observe  towards  us. 

Hereupon,  Sir,  I  will  expect  news  from  you  as  well  as  the  fitting  assurances  you  will  please  give 
me  that  I  may  be  certain  you  do  not  employ  the  Iroquois  to  wage  wrar  on  us  by  giving  them  protec- 
tion. 

Rely  on  me  Sir.  Let  us  attach  ourselves  closely  to  the  execution  of  our  Masters'  intentions ;  let 
us  seek  after  their  example  to  promote  Religion  and  serve  it ;  let  us  live  in  good  understanding  ac- 
cording to  their  desires.  I  repeat  and  protest,  Sir,  it  remains  only  with  you.  But  do  not  imagine 
that  I  am  a  man  to  suffer  others  to  play  me  tricks. 

I  send  you  back  Antoine  Lespinard,  bearer  of  your  passport  and  letter.  I  shall  await  your  final 
resolution  on  the  restitution  of  your  prisoners  whom  I  wish  much  to  give  up  to  you,  on  condition 
that  you  execute  the  treaty  of  Neutrality  in  all  its  extent  and  that  you  furnish  me  with  proper  gua- 
rantees therefor. 

Your  very  humble  &  very  ob4  Serv1 

The  M.  de  Denonville. 


[  From  Council  Min.  V.  ] 

Council  held  at  ffort  James, 

Monday  the  ffifth  day  of  September  1687 

Present  His  Excelcy  the  Govenr  &c 

Proposed  that  Some  Course  may  be  taken  about  Major  McGregorie  &  his  Company  who  are  pri- 
soners in  Cannada. 

Resolved  that  a  lettr  be  sent  by  a  ffitt  person  to  ye  Governor  of  Cannada  about  that  and  the  othr 
injurys  he  has  done  his  Majties  subjects  of  this  Government 

Councill  held  at  ffort  James, 

Wednesday  ye  Seaventh  day  of  Septemb  1687. 

Present  His  Excels  the  Govern1,  &c. 

It  being  now  plaine  that  yc  ffrench  are  Resolved  to  Do  all  tlie  Prejudice  they  can  to  the  Kings 
Subjects  of  this  Government  It  is  for  ye  preventon  thereof 

Ordred  that  ye  people  of  )e  City  and  County  of  Albany  Do  Cutt  Pallasadoes  and  by  ye  five  and 
twentienth  day  of  March  next  Cart  them  to  yc  sd  Citty  and  yc  towne  of  Schanechtade  to  fortifye 
those  places  in  ye  Spring  That  in  ye  meanetime  they  Keep  a  careful  Watch  there  and  that  this  ordr 
be  sent  to  ye  Justices  of  ye  Peace  of  yc  sd  County  who  are  to  take  Care  that  it  Be  put  in  Execution. 

That  ye  Mayor  of  Albany  send  ordrs  to  ye  North  Indyans  to  Keep  thirty  or  forty  I  ml  vans  allways 
towards  Corlaers  lake.  That  the  sd  Mayor  if  he  be  in  Albany  send  a  belt  of  Wampum  to  Each  of 
the  five  Nations  with  6ldrl  that  ye  Christian  Indyans  who  Come  from  Caunada  to  them  be  sent  Hithr 


DENONVILLE'S  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIA«AIIA. 


163 


to  his  Exy  ye  Govern1,  and  to  encourage  ye  Indyans  to  look  out  Carefully  letting  them  Know  the  Go- 
vern1, will  be  up  early  there  yc  next  Spring 

Ordred  that  a  Proclamacon  be  Drawn  up  Prohibiting  ye  Bringing  any  Indyan  Corne  or  Pease  Out 
of  yc  Countys  of  Albany  and  Vlster  until  further  Ordrs 

Ordred  that  Peiter  Schuyler  take  examinacons  of  ye  antientest  traders  In  Albany  how  manyyeares 
Agon  they  or  any  others  first  traded  with  ye  Indyans  yl  had  the  Straws  or  Pipes  thio'  their  noses  and 
the  ft'arther  Indyans. 


GOV.  DONGAN  TO  M.  DE  DENONVILLE. 

[Par.  Doc.  III. ;  Lond.  Doc.  V.] 

8th  Sept.  1687. 

Sir — Yours  of  the  21st  of  August  last  I  have  received  and  am  sorry  that  Monsr  de  Nonville  has  so 
soon  forgot  the  orders  he  had  received  from  his  master  to  live  well  with  the  King  of  England's  sub- 
jects, but  I  find  the  air  of  Canada  has  strange  effects  on  all  the  Governour's  boddys,  for  I  no  sooner 
came  into  this  province  than  Monsr  de  la  Barr  desired  my  assistance  to  warr  against  the  Sinnekes, 
upon  which  I  went  to  Albany  and  sent  for  the  flue  nac6ns  to  come  to  me,  and  when  they  came  was 
very  angry  with  them  for  offering  to  doe  any  tiling  to  the  French  that  might  disturb  their  hunting, 
or  otherwise,  on  which  they  answered  me  that  they  had  not  don  anything  to  the  French,  but  what 
Monsr  de  la  Barr  ordered  them,  which  was  that  if  they  mett  with  any  French  hunting  without  his 
passe  to  take  what  they  had  from  them,  notwithstanding  if  any  of  their  people  which  were  abroad 
had  don  any  injury  they  knew  not  of,  they  assured  me  they  would  gi  e  satisfaction.  I  send  him 
word  of  all  this,  and  assured  him  satisffaction,  butt  notwithstanding,  he  comes  in  a  hostile  manner 
on  this  side  of  the  lake  to  a  place  called  Kayonhaga,and  there  by  the  means  of  the  Onnondages  made 
a  peace  with  the  Sinnekes,  so  if  they  have  committed  any  fault  before  that,  it  was  all  concluded  there, 
but  I  appeal  to  any  rational  man  whatever  whether  it  was  fitt  for  any  Govern1"  of  Canada  to  treate  or 
make  any  peace  with  his  Majesty's  subjects  without  the  advice  and  knowledge  of  the  Governour  of 
the  Provinc  they  lived  under,  butt  I  finde  the  designe  to  ruine  those  five  nations  (Since  you  cannot 
with  bribes  or  other  means  gain  them  to  be  of  your  party),  is  of  a  longer  date  than  three  of  foure 
yeares.  since  Monsr  Denonuille  follows  the  same  steps  his  predecessors  trod  in,  tho'  he  proposed  to 
himselfe  so  fair  a  beginning,  I  am  sure  he  will  not  make  so  good  an  end  for  no  sooner  was  Mons  De- 
nonuille in  possession  of  his  government  butt  he  began  to  build  a  great  many  boates  and  cannoes, 
and  putt  a  great  deal  of  provisions  and  stores  in  the  Cataraque  at  which  our  Indians  on  this  side  of 
the  lake  were  much  alarmed  and  came  to  me,  to  know  the  meaneing  of  itt.  upon  which  I  sent  to 
you  by  the  way  of  Monsr  Lamberville  to  know  what  you  intended  by  all  these  preparations,  your 
answer  was,  as  Monsr  Denonville  may  remember  that  the  winters  being  long,  and  you  resolving  to 
have  a  good  number  of  men  at  Cataraque,  you  accordingly  made  provision  for  them,  and  if  I  had 
not  really  believed  what  you  writt  to  be  true  I  might  have  bin  in  as  much  readynesse  to  have  gone 
on  the  other  side  of  the  lake  as  Monsr  de  Nonuille  was  to  come  on  this.  Now  sir,  I  will  not  answer 
your  hayty  way  of  expressions  in  your  own  stile  butt  will  plainly  let  you  know  the  matter  of  fact  as 
it  is ;  if.  Sr  you  [will]  please  to  peruse  those  letters  I  from  time  to  time  sent  you,  you  will  find  that  I 
still  couetted  nothing  more  than  to  preserue  that  friendshipp  which  is  between  our  masters,  and 
aught  to  be  between  their  subjects  here,  and  as  you  well  remarke,  is  according  to  their  commands, 


1G4  DENONVILLE'S  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 

and  pray,  Sir,  which  is  itt  of  us  both,  that  hatli  taken  the  way  to  unty  that  knott  of  friendshipp — 
Mobs' de  Nonuille  invadeing  the  King  of  England's  territorys,  in  a  hostill  manner,  (tho'  his  reception 
has  not  been  according  to  his  expectation)  is  Soe  plaine  a  matter  of  fact  that  it  is  undtuajiible  whe- 
ther you  did  it  designedly,  to  make  a  misunderstanding  or  noe,  I  cannot  tell,  if  you  did  I  hope  itt 
will  take  noe  eft'ect  butt  that  our  masters  at  home  notwithstanding  all  your  trained  souL1.'.  is  ::nd 
greate  officers  come  from  Europe  will  suffer  us  poor  planters  and  farmers,  his  Majesties  subjects  in 
these  parts  of  America,  to  do  ourselves  justice  on  you  for  the  injuryes  and  spoyle  you  have  commit- 
ted on  them,  and  I  assure  you  Sir  if  my  master  gives  leave  I  will  be  as  soon  [with  you]  at  Quebeck 
as  you  shall  be  att  Albany,  as  for  Major  McGregorie  and  those  others  you  took  prisoners  they  had 
no  passe  from  me  to  go  to  Missillimaquine  butt  a  pass  to  go  to  the  Ottowawas,  where  I  thought  it 
might  bee  as  free  for  us  to  trade  as  for  you,  and  as  for  giving  them  any  commission  or  instructions  to 
disturb  your  people  I  assure  you  do  me  wrong,  and  if  you  please  to  read  his  instructions  you  will 
find  there  I  give  express  orders  to  the  contrary  and  for  your  pretences  to  sixty  yeares  possession,  'tis 
impossible  for  they  and  the  Indians  who  wear  pipes  thro'  their  noses,  traded  with  Albany  long  before 
the  French  settled  att  Montreall,  butt  in  case  it  weare  as  you  alledge,  which  I  have  not  the  least 
reason  to  believe,  you  could  only  have  prohibited  their  trading  in  that  place  and  let  them  goe  to  some 
other  nation — 

It  is  verry  true  I  offeredjyou  to  leave  the  decision  to  our  masters  at  home,  in  case  of  any  difference, 
and  pray  Sir  lett  me  know  in  what  I  in  the  least  have  acted  to  the  contrary ;  you  tell  me  I  hindered 
the  five  nations  on  this  side  the  lake,  who  have  subjected  themselues,  their  countrys,  and  conquests 
under  the  King  of  England  to  go  to  you  at  Cattaraque  :  Itts  very  true  I  did  so  and  thought  itt  very 
unjust  in  you  to  desire  their  comeing  to  you — for  the  King  of  England  did  not  send  me  here  to  suffer 
you,  to  give  laws  to  his  subjects  of  this  Government — you  also  alleage  that  I  have  given  orders  to 
those  Indians  to  pillage  and  warr  upon  your  people — sure  Sir,  you  forgot  what  you  desired  of  me  ; 
if  you  will  please  to  reflect  on  one  of  your  owne  letters,  in  which  you  acquainted  me,  that  many  of 
your  people  run  away  into  this  Government,  and  desired  that  I  would  take  and  send  back  any  should 
be  found  upon  this  side  the  lake  without  your  passe,  upon  which  I  ordered  those  of  Albany  and  also 
the  Indians,  to  seize  and  secure  all  persons  whatever,  as  well  french  as  English,  they  should  finde  on 
this  side  of  the  lake  without  your  pass  or  mine — truly  Sir,  I  ought  severely  to  be  rebukt  for  this,  itt 
having  been  the  hindrance  of  many  thousands  of  beavers  comeing  to  Albany :  further  you  blame  me 
for  hindring  the  Sinakees  deliuering  up  the  Ottawawa  prisoners  to  you,  this  I  did  with  good  reason — 
for  what  pretence  could  you  have  to  make  your  applications  to  them  and  not  to  me,  neverthelesse  I 
ordered  Major  McGregory  to  carry  them  to  the  Ottawaways  and  if  your  claim  be  only  to  Missili- 
maquina  what  cause  had  you  to  hinder  Magregory  to  go  to  the  Ottawawas — 

What  you  alleage  concerning  my  assisting  the  Sinnakees  with  arms,  and  amunition  to  warr  against 
you,  was  neuer  giuen  by  mee  until  the  sixt  of  August  last,  when  understanding  of  your  unjust  pro- 
ceedings in  invaeding  the  King,  My  Masters  territorys,  in  a  hostill  manner,  I  then  gave  them  powder 
lead  and  armes ;  and  united  the  five  nations  together  to  defend  that  part  of  our  King's  dominions 
from  your  injurious  invasion.  And  as  for  offering  them  men  in,  that  you  doe  me  wrong,  our  men 
being  all  biusy  then  att  their  haruest,  and  I  leave  itt  to  your  judgement  whether  there  was  any  occa- 
sion when  only  ibure  hundred  of  them  engaged  with  your  whole  army. — You  tell  me  in  case  I  assist 
the  Indyans  you  will  esteme  me  an  ennemy  to  your  colony — Sir,  give  me  leave  to  lett  you  know,  you 
are  a  farr  greater  ennemy  to  your  Colony  than  I  am,  itt  haueing  always  been  my  endevour  to  keepe 
those  Indyans  from  warring  with  you,  who  in  your  protecting  their  enemys  that  have  killed  and 
Robbed  them  in  their  hunting  and  otherwise,  and  that  not  once  but  several  times  have  given  them 
great  provocations,  butt  you  have  taken  away  to  spill  a  great  deale  of  Christian  blood  without  gaining 
the  point  you  aiiu  att,  and  for  you  who  have  taken  the  King's  subjects  prisoners,  in  a  time  of  peace 


DENONVILLe's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


165 


and  taken  their  goods  from  them  without  any  just  grounds  for  so  doing,  how  can  I  expect  but  that 
you  will  use  them  as  you  threaten  ;  You  say  also  in  your  letter,  that  the  King  of  England  has  no 
right  to  the  five  nations  on  this  side  the  lake.  '  I  would  willingly  know  if  so,  whose  subjects  they  are 
in  your  opinion,  You  tell  me  of  your  haueing  had  Missionaryes  among  them,  itt  is  a  very  charitable 
act,  but  I  suppose  and  am  very  well  assured  that  giues  no  just  right  or  title  to  the  Government  of 
the  Country — Father  Bryare  writes  to  a  Gent :  there  that  the  King  of  China  never  goes  any  where 
without  two  Jessuits  with  him :  I  wonder  why  you  make  not  the  like  pretence  to  that  kingdome  : 
you  also  say  you  had  many  Missionaryes  among  them  att  my  comeing  to  this  Government,  in  that 
you  have  been  missinformed  for  I  never  heard  of  any,  butt  the  two  Lamberuills  who  were  at  Onon- 
dages,  and  were  protected  by  me  from  the  Insolencys  of  the  Indians,  as  they  desired  of  me,  and  as 
by  letters  in  wluch  they  gave  me  thanks  appears,  but  when  they  understood  your  intentions  they 
thought  fit  to  goe  without  takeing  leave  :  butt  their  sending  there  was  as  I  afterwards  found  for  some 
other  end  than  propagating  the  Christian  Religion  as  was  apparent  by  some  letters  of  theirs  directed 
to  Canada,  wluch  happened  to  come  to  my  hands — 

Now  you  have  mist  of  your  unjust  pretensions — you  are  willing  to  refer  all  things  to  our  Masters, 
I  will  endevor  to  protect  his  Majestys  subjects  here  from  your  unjust  inuasions  until  I  hear  from  the 
King  my  Master  who  is  the  greatest  and  most  glorious  monarch  that  ever  set  on  a  Throne  and  would 
do  as  much'to  propagate  the  Christain  faith  as  any  Prince  that  liues  and  is  as  tender  of  wronging  the 
subjects  of  any  Potentate  whatever,  as  he  is  of  suffering  his  owne  to  be  injured — 

Itt  is^very  true  that  I  have  eat  a  great  deale  of  the  bread  of  France  and  have  in  requittal  com- 
plyed  with  my  obligations  in  doing  what  I  ought  and  would  prefer  the  service  of  the  French  king 
before  any,  except  my  owne,  and  have  a  great  deal  of  respect  for  all  the  people  of  quality,  of  your 
nation  which  engages  me  to  aduise  Monsr  Denonuille  to  send  home  all  the  Christians  and  Indians 
prisoners  the  King  of  England's  subjects  you  unjustly  do  deteine,  this  I  thought  fitt  to  answer  to 
your  reflecting  and  provoking  letter. 

a  true  coppy. 


GOV.  DONGAN  TO  THE  LORD  PRESIDENT. 

[Lond.  Doc.  V.] 

New  York  Sept.  12.  1687. 

My  Lord — Since  writing  my  other  Letter  some  messages  have  come  to  my  hands  from  Albany  of 
their  apprehensions  of  the  French,  which  obliges  me  to  carry  up  thither  two  hundred  men,  besides 
the  Garrison  @  go  and  stay  there  this  Winter,  and  to  get  together  five  or  six  hundred  of  the  five 
nations  about  Albany  @  Schonectade  which  will  be  a  great  charge  but  I  see  no  remedy  for  it 

My  Lord  it  is  a  great  misfortune  for  this  Governm1  that  there  are  so  few  of  his  Maty8  natural  born 
subjects,  the  greater  part  being  Dutch,  who  if  occasion  were,  I  fear  would  not  be  very  fitt  for  service 

I  am  sending  to  the  further  Indians  to  try  if  I  can  make  a  Peace  between  them  @  the  Sennekes 
and  also  to  the  Christian  Indians  about  Canada  who  have  a  mind  to  come,  I  will  do  what  is  possible 
for  me  to  save  the  Government  against  the  French  til  I  have  further  orders  from  your  Lodp  Judge 
Palmer  has  more  papers  to  show  your  Lodp  that  came  from  Albany,  by  those  he  carries  with  him 
your  Lodp  may  perceive  the  grounds  I  have  for  my  proceedings 

I  am  your  Lodps  most  obed1 

and  Humble  Serv1 

Tho  Dongan 


166 


DENONVILLe's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


[Council  Min.  V.] 

Councill  Held  at  ffort  James  ; 

ffriday  the  Ninth  of  September  1687. 

Present  His  Excy  the  Govern1"  &c. 

Informacbn  being  given  to  his  Excy  and  some  of  the  Members  of  ye  Board  that  ye  firench  at 
Canada  are  providing  fifteen  hundred  pair  of  Snowshews, 

Ordered  that  ye  Mayor  and  Magistrates  of  Albany  send  ord"  to  the  five  Nations  to  bring  Down 
their  Wives  Children  and  old  men  least  ye  ftrench  come  uppon  them  in  the  Winter  and  none  to  stay 
in  the  Castles  but  ye  yong  men.  That  they  who  come  be  setled  some  at  Cats  Kill  Levingstons  land 
and  along  y°  River  where  they  can  find  Conveuiency  to  be  neer  us  to  assist  them  if  they  should 
want  and  that  they  send  Downe  with  them  all  ye  Indyan  Corne  that  can  be  spared  by  ye  Young  Men 
who  are  to  stay  in  ye  Castles. 

Councill  held  at  ffort  James  ; 

Sonday  the  11th  0f  Septemb',  1687. 

Present  his  Excr  the  Govern1  &c. 

Letters  from  Albany  giveing  account  that  the  people  there  are  in  great  Consternation  tliro  appre- 
hension that  ye  ffrench  will  come  down  uppon  them  this  Winter 

Resolved  that  Every  tenth  man  of  all  ye  Militia  troups  &  Companys  within  the  Province  Except 
those  that  were  out  ye  last  yeare  a  whaling  be  drawn  out  to  go  up  thither. 


M.  DE  DENONVILLE  TO  GOV.  DONGAN. 

[Par.  Doo.  III.;  Lond.  Doc.  V.] 

Kebec,  2  Octob.  1687. 

Sir — On  arriving  in  this  town  I  rec*1  a  letter  from  the  King  copy  of  which  I  send,  so  that  you 
may  see,  Sir,  how  much  His  Majesty  has  at  heart  that  we  should  live  on  good  terms.  This  has 
induced  me  to  await  your  reply  to  the  letters  I  had  the  honour  to  write  you  by  Antoine  Lespinard 
regarding  the  complaints  I  made  to  you  of  the  infraction  yourself  and  your  officers  at  Orange  have 
committed  and  continue  to  commit  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace  and  Union  entered  into  between  the 
Kings,  our  Masters. 

Though  I  have  quite  recently  again  cause  to  complain  of  you  and  your  officers  since  you  have  a 
short  time  since,  hired  a  party  of  sixty  Mohawks  to  come  and  make  a  foray  in  the  country  of  New 
France,  which  is  a  truth  so  well  known  that  it  cannot  be  doubted,  yet,  Sir,  in  conformity  with  my 
Master's  orders  and  in  response  to  the  intentions  of  His  Majesty  whose  will  I  follow,  directing  me 
to  do  all  in  my  power  to  contribute  to  the  union  that  our  Masters  desire  should  exist  between  us,  I 
have  determined  to  send  you  back  Mr.  Gregory  and  all  those  whom  you  despatched  under  his  orders, 
being  very  happy  to  evince  to  you  thereby  the  desire  I  have  to  live  well  with  you  and  to  avoid  every 
subject  of  quarrel,  which  will  be  very  easy  if  you  wish  to  remain  within  the  rules  prescribed  by  our 
Masters  

As  it  is  very  necessary  to  the  maintenance  of  good  correspondence  between  us  according  to  our 


DENONVILLE's  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


167 


Masters'  intentions,  that  I  be  informed  of  your  last  resolutions ;  in  order  to  afford  you  an  oppor- 
tunity to  communicate  with  me  I  retain  here  only  those  named  Captain  Loquerman,  the  son  of  Arian, 
Abraham  Squelar  (Schuyler)  and  Jean  Blaquer-  whom  I  shall  take  care  will  want  for  nothing  until  I 
have  replies  from  you  to  justify  me  in  not  doubting  that  we  shall  live  hereafter  in  union  and  good 
understanding. 


[  Council  Min.  V.] 

Councill  held  at  ffort  James; 

tuesday  the  13ln  day  of  March  168|. 

Present  the  Members  of  the  Council. 

Major  Baxter  now  come  ffrorn  Albany  Informing  that  he  is  Instructed  by  His  Excelcy  The  Gover- 
nour  to  propose  to  this  board  that  they  Consider  what  ye  amount  of  the  Extraordinary  Charge  of 
the  Expedicon  agl  ye  ffrench  will  be  this  year  and  what  will  be  ye  best  &  easyest  means  for  defray- 
ing It  in  pursuance  whereof  Computacon  being  made  the  Charge  of  the  new  Raised  forces  with  ye 
Incidentall  Charges  thereon  Is  Computed  to  bee  about  Eight  thousand  Pound  and  finding  ye  last 
tax  of  one  penny  halfe  penny  per  pound  will  not  amount  to  above  Twelve  hundred  pound  of  which 
many  of  the  Inhabitants  are  not  able  to  pay  their  own  proportion,  It  is  the  opinion  of  this  board  that 
this  Goverment  alone  is  no  way  able  to  bear  so  great  a  burthen,  Whereuppon  It  is  Resolved  that  a 
lettr  be  sent  to  his  Excelcy  proposeing  this  Board's  Opinion  that  It  will  be  Convenient  proposalls  be 
sent  to  the  Neighbouring  Collonyes  to  send  Commissiones  thither  to  treat  and  make  some  settlement 
for  defraying  the  Charges  of  the  said  Expedition  as  will  be  Esteemed  most  Easy  and  Convenient. 


Council  Held  at  ffort  James; 

Monday  the  thirty eth  day  of  Aprill  1688. 

Present  His  Excellcy  the  Govern1,  &c. 

Account  of  Disbursements  made  by  Robert  Levingston  at  Albany  by  His  Excelcy"  Ordrs  ffor  ye 
Maintenance  of  his  Majties  fforces  there  and  for  sundry  Guefts  &  prsents  made  to  ye  Indyans  and 
Releife  of  ye  ffrench  Prisoners,  ffrom  ye  lltn  August  1687  to  ye  first  day  of  June  1688  amounting  to 
Two  thousand  sixty  seaven  pound  six  shillings  and  four  pence  read. 

Council  held  at  ffort  James 

Monday  yc  third  day  of  May  1688. 

Present  His  Excelcy  the  Govern1"  &c. 

Resolved  uppon  Debate  had  thereof  that  the  taxes  lately  made  will  not  Raise  mony  sufficient  to 
bear  ye  p'sent  necessary  Charge  of  the  Govern1  and  that  a  new  Levy  of  £2556.  4s.  be  made  to  be 
Paid  by  all  the  Inhabitants  and  ffreeholders  in  y«  Province  in  mony  to  his  Majties  Collector  at  ye 
Custome  house  in  New  York  before  ye  first  day  of  Novembr  next  in  manner  following  viz' 

s  d 

The  Citty  &  County  of  New  Yorke  to  pay  £434  :  10  :  00 

County  of  Westchester  185  :  15  :  00 

Citty  and  County  of  Albany   240  :  00  :  00 

County  of  Richmond  185  : 15  :  00 


168 


DENONVILLE?S  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


£ 

408 


County  of  Ulster  

Kings  County  308 

Queens  County       .       .       .       .   308 

County  of  Suffolk  434 

Dukes  County  040 

County  of  Orange  .010 

Ordered  that  ye  Attorney  Generall  Draw  upp  an  Act  for  ye  sd  tax  accordingly. 

An  establisliment  to  be  Allowed  to  the  Officers  and  Soldiers  who  hath  been  att  Albany  upon  the 
present  Expedicon  viz1 

The  Major  ten  Shillings  Curr"  Money  of  this  Province 


00 
:  08 
08 
10 
00 
00 


d 

00 
00 
00 
00 
00 
00 


Per  Diem 

Per  Diem 

The  Captn  of  horse 

.  £0.10.0 

The  Cap1  off  ffoott 

£0.8.0 

The  Liev*  d° 

0.  7.0 

The  Liev*  . 

0.4.0 

The  Cornett 

0.  6.0 

The  Ensigne 

0.3.0 

The  Quartermaster 

0.  5.0 

The  Sergeant 

0.1 .6 

The  Corporall 

0.  2.0 

The  Corporall 

0.1.0 

The  Trurapiter  . 

0.  2.0 

The  Drumbeater  . 

0.1.0 

The  Troopers 

0.  1.6 

The  rest  of  the  private  men 

d.0.8 

[Lontl.  Doc.  IX.] 

In  the  year  1687  when  the  French  at  Canada  were  making  preparations  to  attack  the  Five  Nations 
of  Indians  belonging  to  New  York,  Coll.  Dongan  then  Govr  there  sent  some  of  the  forces  of  the 
Countrey  to  Albany,  k  went  himselfe  to  sustain  the  Indians  against  the  French,  towards  the  charges 
of  wch  Expedition  a  Countrey  Rate  and  other  taxes  were  laid  by  the  Govr  and  Councill  in  New  York 
amounting  to  £3813  .6.4  whereof  Peter  (Livingston)  alledges  £1129 . 3  .  6  to  remain  yet  unpaid  in 
the  severall  Countyes. — Statement  of  Mr.  Livingston's  Case,  $c.  Sept.  1695. 


CONDITION  IN  WHICH  FORT  NIAGARA  WAS  LEFT  IN  1688. 

[  Paris  Doc.  IV.  ] 

On  the  fifteenth  day  of  September  of  the  Year  One  thousand,  Six  hundred  and  Eighty  and^ Eight, 
in  the  forenoon,  Sieur  Desbergeres  Captain  of  one  of  the  companies  of  the  Detachment  of  the 
Marine,  Commandant  of  Fort  Niagara  having  assembled  all  the  officers,  the  Rev :  Fathr  Millet  of 
the  Society  of  Jesus  Missionary,  and  others,  to  communicate  to  them  the  orders  he  received  from  the 
Marquis  de  Dei^nY-ill*1'  Governor  and  Lieutenant  General  for  the  King  in  the  whole  extent  of  New 
France  and  Country  of  Canada,  dated  the  6U>  of  July  of  the  present  year,  wherein  he  is  ordered  to 
demolish  the  fortification  of  the  said  Fort,  with  the  exception  of  the  cabins  and  quarters,  which  will 
be  found  standing  [en  nature)  ;  We,  Chevalier  de  La  Motthe,  Lieutenant  of  a  detached  company  of 
the  Marine,  and  Major  of  said  Fort,  have  made  a  Proces  Verbal,  by  order  of  said  Commandant,  con- 
taining a  Memorandum  of  the  condition  in  which  we  leave  said  quarters  which  will  remain  entire, 
to  maintain  the  possession  His  Majesty  and  the  French  have  lor  a  long  time  had  in  this  Niagara 
district. 


169 


DENONVILLE'S  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


Firstly  : — 

We  leave  in  the  centre  of  the  Square  a  large,  framed,  wooden  Cross,  eighteen  feet  in  height,  on 
the  arms  of  which  are  inscribed  in  large  letters,  these  words  : — 


which  was  erected  on  last  Good  Friday  by  all  the  officers  and  solemnly  blessed  by  the  Rev.  Fatlr 


Item,  a  Cabin  in  which  the  Commandant  lodged,  containing  a  good  chimney,  a  door  and  two 
windows  furnished  with  their  hinges,  fastenings  and  locks,  which  cabin  is  covered  with  forty-four 
deal  boards  and  about  six  other  boards  arranged  inside  into  a  sort  of  bedstead. 

Item,  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  said  Cabin  is  another  cabin  with  two  rooms  having  each  its 
chimney ;  ceiled  (lanibrises)  with  boards  and  in  each  a  little  window  and  three  bedsteads,  the  door 
furnished  with  its  hinges  and  fastenings  ;  the  said  Cabin  is  covered  with  fifty  deal  boards  and  there 
are  sixty  like  boards  on  each  side. 

Item,  right  in  front  is  the  Rev.  Fathr  Millet's  Cabin  furnished  with  its  chimney,  windows  and 
sashes ;  with  shelves,  a  bedstead  and  four  boards  arranged  inside,  with  a  door  furnished  with  its 
fastenings  and  hinges,  the  which  is  of  twenty-four  boards. 

Item,  another  Cabin,  opposite  the  Cross,  in  which  there  is  a  chimney,  board  ceiling  and  three 
bedsteads,  covered  with  forty-two  boards,  with  three  like  boards  on  one  side  of  said  cabin,  there  is 
a  window  with  its  sash  and  a  door  furnished  with  its  hinges  and  fastenings. 

Item,  another  Cabin  with  a  chimney,  and  a  small  window  with  its  sash  and  a  door ;  covered  with 
thirty  deal  boards ;  there  are  three  bedsteads  inside. 

Item,  a  bake  house  furnished  with  its  oven  and  chimney,  partly  covered  with  boards  and  the 
remainder  with  hurdles  and  clay ;  also  an  apartment  at  the  end  of  said  Bakery  containing  two  chim- 
neys :  There  are  in  said  Bakery  a  window  and  door  furnished  with  its  hinges  and  lastenings. 

Item,  another  large  and  extensive  framed  building  having  a  double  door  furnished  with  nails, 
hinges  and  fastenings,  with  three  small  windows:  the  said  apartment  is  without  a  chimney;  'tis 
floored  with  twelve  plank  {madriers)  and  about  twelve  boards  are  arranged  inside ;  without,  'tis 
clapboarded  with  eighty-two  plank.1 

Item,  a  large  storehouse  covered  with  one  hundred  and  thirty  boards,  surrounded  by  pillars,  eight 
feet  high,  in  which  there  are  many  pieces  of  wood  serving  as  small  joists,  and  partly  floored  with 
several  unequal  plank.    There  is  a  window  and  a  sliding  sash. 

Item,  above  the  scarp  of  the  ditch  a  Well  with  its  cover. 

All  which  apartments  are  in  the  same  condition  in  which  they  were  last  winter,  and  consequently 
inhabitable.  Which  all  the  Witnesses,  namely,  the  Rev.  Fathr  Millet  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  Mis- 
sionary ;  Sieur  Desbergeres,  Captain  and  Commander ;  Sieurs  Le  la  Motthe,  La  Rabelle,  Demuratre, 
de  Clerin  and  Sieurs  de  Gemerais,  Chevalier  de  Tregay  all  lieutenants  and  officers,  and  Mahuet  Pilot 
of  the  Bark  the  General,  now  in  the  Roadsted,  certify  to  have  seen  and  visited  all  the  said  apart- 
ments and  have  therefore  signed  the  Minute  and  Original  of  these  presents  : — Pierre  Millet  of  the 
Socy  of  Jesus,  Desbergeres,  le  Chevalier  De  La  Motthe,  De  La  Rabelle,  Murat,  De  Clezin,  de  la 
Gemesais,  Commander  de  Tsegimo,  and  Mahuet. 


Millet. 


[Vol.  I.]] 


1  This  most  probably  was  the  Chapel. 

22 


VIII. 

NAMES 


or  THE 


Male  inhabitants  of  Ulster  (Hanntg, 


1G89. 


A  R001  OF  THE  NAMES  AND  SURNAMES 


OF  THEM  THAT  HAUE  TAKIN  THE  OATH  OF  ALLEGIANCE  IN  Ye  COUNTY  OF  VEST',  BY  ORDr  OF  HIS 
EXCELY  :  Ye  GOUERNOR;  Ye  F FIRST  DAY  OF  SEPTEMB1   ANNO  Qe:  DOMINI  1689  


Capn :  Hennery  Beekman 

John  Haesbrock 

Cap11  Matthis  Matthison 

Cornelis  Sweitts 

Left:  Abraham  Haesbrock 

Burgar  Mindrson 

Lowies  Bouier 

Hendrick  Albertsa 

John  Hendricks 

Abraham  ffranckford 

Albart  Johnson  V:  Steenwicke 

William:  Danswick 

Marten  Hoffeman 

Moses  Depuis 

William  Van  ffredingborch 

William  Hoogtilin 

Lowranc.  Van  der  Bush 

Gerritt  Wincoop 

Wessell  Tenbrock 

Symon  Cool 

John  Boorehanc 

Isack  Dibois 

John  Willianson  Hogetilen 

Benja:  Provorist 

Gerritt  Arsin 

Jesely  Valleij 

Tunis  Elison 

Andries  Laffever 

John  ffocken 

Pettr:  Dovo 

William  DeMyrs: 

Abraham  Deboijs 

Johanas  Schencke 

Moses  Laconta 

William  De  Lamontanij 

Petter  Hellibrandts 

John  Johnson  Van  Osterenhoudt 

Symon  Laffever 

Jochijam  Hendricks 

Sander  Roesinkranc 

Harrama  Hendricks 

Cornelis  Cool 

Pettr:  Johnson 

Arrie  ffrance 

Claes  Claes  Sluitf 

John  Osternhoudt  Juno1' 

Powlas  Powlas 

Hendrick  Traphager 

Thomas  Quick 

Jacob  Decker 

Nicolas  Anthony 

Rolloff  Hendricks 

Johanas  Wincop 

Cornelis  VerNoij 

Jost  Jansin 

Hendrick  Van  Wien 

Jacob  Arsin 

Hiuge  ffreri  Senior 

Matthies  Slecht 

Hiuge  ffreri  Junior 

John  Middag 

Pettr:  Cornelis 

Hendrick  Cornells  Bogard 

Gerritt  Johnson 

Gisbort  Albortsa 

Anthony  Criupill 

Gerrit  Van  ffleitt 

Abraham  Carrmar 

Cornells  Slecht 

Pett«:  Winniy 

174 


INHABITANTS  OF  ULSTER  COUNTY. 


Jacob  Cool 

Abraham  Button 

Abl  Westfalin 

Abraham  Lamiater 

Petfr :  Jacobs 

Isack  Van  ffredingborch 

Gerrit  Cornells 

Jacob  Lamiater 

Arrian  Tunis 

Claes  Westfalin 

Jolm  Cottin 

Johanas  Westfalin 

Thomas  Johnson 

Hendrick  Johnson  Van  Bush 

Andries  Fetters 

Gerritt  Jansa  Decker 

Lendart  Cool 

Cornells  ffinehoudt 

Tunis  Jacobs 

Jacob  Schutt 

Leury  Jacobs 

John  Elting 

Rollof  Swartwout 

Dirrick  Westbrock 

Agbert  Hendricks 

Sam1:  Berrey 

Lambert  Heybertsin 

Hendrick  Claes 

Brown  Hendricks 

Harrama  Pier 

John  David 

John  Blanchard 

Cornelis  Gerritts 

John  Smedis 

Barrant  Cuinst 

Hellebrandt  Lazer 

Johanas  Bush 

Pietter  Lhommedien 

August  Jay 

John  Rulland 

William  Traphager  Junor 

Jochyarn  Van  Ama 

Aimi  canchi 

Jacob  Besteyansa 

Abraham  Larew 

Matthis  Blanzan  Junior 

John  Lazier 


John  Pettrson 
John  Josten 

Wallraven  DeMont  Junior 

Johanas  Traphager 

Hendrick  in  the  ffeelt 

Petter  Criupill 

Gerrit  Gisborts 

Hendrick  Hendricks 

John  Gerrittsa  of  new  Church 

Hendrick  Arreyn 

John  Van  ffleitt 

Claes  Tunis 

Andries  Dewitt 

Jacob  Van  Etta 

John  Schutt 

John  Dewitt 

Hendrick  Johnson 

Thomas  Swardtwout 

John  Van  Etta 

Anthony  Swartwoudt 

John  Jacosa  Stoll 

Heybert  Lambertsa 

William  Jacobs 

David  Deboyes 

Sallomon  Deboyes 

Evert  Wincoope 

Johanas  Westbrock 

John  Peteet 

Rutt  Jores 

Heibort  Sealand 

Jury  Tunies 

John  Broerson  Decker 

Roulof  Johnson 

John  Matthies 

Heymon  Roos 

John  Roos 

Arrie  Roos 

Petter  Pettersin 

Gerritt  Agbortsin 

Claes  Roosinflelt 

Jn°:  Evedin 

Cornelis  Lambertsin 

Thomas  Harramansa 

Johanas  Dehogos 

Moses  Cantine 

Isack  Deboyes 

Cornelis  Mastin 


INHABITANTS  OF  ULSTER  COUNTY. 


175 


James  Bonamiz 

Dirrick  Hendricks 

John  Gerrittsa 

James  Cordaback 

Powlas  Powlason  Junor 

John  Williamson  ye  Duitcher 

William  Schutt 

Cornelis  Tacke 

John  Johnson  Poast 

Petter  Demarr 

Privie  go  Doon 

Lowies  Deboyes  Senior 

Jacob  Deboyes 
These  flowing  persons  were  present  when  ye  Oath 

Antony  Tilba 

Thomas  Van  der  Marrick 
These  ftbllowing  persons  Did  nott  appeare  Viz1 

John  Archer 

Livie  Larrow 

Maghell  DeMott 

Euert  Pelce 

Symon  Pelce 

Terrick  Claes  Dewitt 

Wallraven  Demont  Senior 

Dirrick  Schepmous 

Matthis  Tennick 

Claes  Tunis 

Gisbert  Crum 

Arre  Gerritt  Van  ffleitt 

Dirrick  Van  ffleitt 

Jn° :  Lodtman 

Jury  Lodtman 


John  Euertsa 
Coinradt  Elvendorop 
Cornelis  Petterson 
Barrant  Jacobs 
Marinos  Van  Acar 
Claes  Lazier 
Barrant  Coll 
Symon  Westfallin 
Arrent  Jacobs 
Artt  martenson  Doorn 
Cornelis  Bogardos 
Arrent  Van  Dick 

was  A  givin.  but  Did  Refleues  to  taike  it  Viz1 
Joseph  ffocker 
Jacob  Horne 

Hellebrandt  Lodtman 

Jacob  Brown  Alis  ye  Noorman 

Warnar  Hornebeak 

John  Lowrance 

Symon  Larow 

Cornelis  Hogoboom 

Cornelis  ye  Duitcher 

Gombart  Powlasir 

Jn°:  Meueson.    Alis  Jn  De  pape 

William  Wallaffish 

Jn°  Pollin 

Antony  Bussalin 

Gerritt  Aylberts 

Dirrick  Keizer 

Thomas  Chambers. 


IX. 

PAPERS 

RELATING  TO  THE 


Jnuasum  uf  Ncto-jjJovk  curt  Burning  of  Scljmecta&n 


THE  FRENCH 


LVol.  I.]  23 


PROJECT  OF  THE  CHEVALIER  DE  CALLIERES, 


GOVERNOR    OF    MONTREAL    AND    COMMANDING    BY    COMMISSION    THE    TROOPS    AND    MILITIA    OF  CANADA, 
REGARDING  THE  PRESENT  STATE  OF  AFFAIRS  OF  THAT  COUNTRY.     JANUARY,  1689. 

[  Paris  Doc.  IV.  ] 

To  Monseigneur,  the  Marquis  of  Seignelay. 

As  the  recent  Revolution  in  England  will  change  the  face  of  American  affairs  it  becomes  necessary 
to  adopt  entirely  new  measures  to  secure  Canada  against  the  great  dangers  with  which  it  is  threatened. 

Chevalier  Andros,  now  Governor  General  of  New  England  and  New  York,  having  already  declared 
in  his  letters  to  M.  de  Denonville  that  he  took  all  the  Iroquois  under  his  protection  as  subjects  of 
the  Crown  of  England  and  having  prevented  them  returning  to  M.  de  Denonville  to  make  peace 
with  us,  there  is  no  longer  reason  to  hope  for  its  conclusion  through  the  English  nor  for  the  alienation 
of  the  Iroquois  from  the  close  union  which  exists  with  those  in  consequence  of  the  great  advantages 
they  derive  from  thence,  the  like  to  which  we  cannot  offer  for  divers  reasons. 

Chevalier  Andros  is  a  protestant  as  well  as  the  whole  English  Colony  so  that  there  is  no  reason  to 
hope  that  he  will  remain  faithful  to  the  King  of  England  [James  II.]  and  we  must  expect  that  he 
will  not  only  urge  the  Iroquois  to  continue  the  war  against  us  but  that  he  will  even  add  Englishmen 
to  them  to  lead  them  and  seize  the  posts  of  Niagara,  Michilimakinak  and  others  proper  to  render 
him  master  of  all  the  Indians  our  allies,  according  to  the  project  they  have  long  since  formed,  and 
which  they  began  to  execute  when  we  declared  war  against  the  Iroquois  and  when  we  captured  70 
Englishmen  who  were  going  to  take  possession  of  Michilimakinak,  one  of  the  most  important  posts 
of  Canada ;  our  entrepot  for  the  Fur  Trade  and  the  residence  of  the  Superior  of  the  Rev  :  Jesuit 
Fathers,  Missionaries  among  our  Savages,  and  which  belongs,  incontestably  to  us. 

It  is  to  be  expected,  then,  that  they  are  about  to  endeavour  to  invest  all  Canada  and  raise  all  the 
Savages  against  us,  in  order  to  deprive  us  wholly  of  every  sort  of  Trade  and  draw  it  all  to  themselves 
by  means  of  the  cheap  bargains  of  merchandize  they  can  give  them,  nearly  a  half  less  than  our 
Frenchmen  can  afford  theirs,  for  reasons  which  will  be,  elsewhere,  explained,  and  thus  become 
masters  of  all  the  peltries ;  a  trade  which  sustains  Canada  and  constitutes  one  of  the  chief  benefits 
that  France  derives  from  that  Colony. 

No  sooner  will  the  English  have  ruined  our  Trade  with  the  Savages  than  uniting  with  them  they 
will  be  in  a  position  to  fall  on  us,  burn  and  sack  our  settlements,  scattered  along  the  River  St. 
Lawrence  to  Quebec,  without  our  being  able  to  prevent  them,  having  no  fortress  capable  of  arresting 
them. 

Things  being  thus  disposed,  the  only  means  to  avoid  this  misfortune  is  to  anticipate  it  by  the  expe- 
dition which  will  be  hereafter  explained  and  which  I  offer  to  execute  forthwith,  if  it  please  His 
Majesty  to  confide  its  direction  to  me  on  account  of  the  particular  knowledge  I  have  acquired  of  the 
affairs  of  that  country  during  five  years  that  I  had  the  honour  to  serve  His  Majesty  and  to  command 
his  troops  and  military  there,  after  twenty  years  service  in  the  army. 


180 


INVASION  OF  NEW-YORK  AND  BURNING  OF  SCHF.NECTADY. 


The  plan  is,  to  go  straight  to  Orange  (Albany)  the  most  advanced  town  of  New  York,  one  hundred 
leagues  from  Montreal,  which  I  would  undertake  to  carry,  and  to  proceed  thence  to  seize  Manathc, 
the  capital  of  that  Colony  situated  on  the  seaside;  on  condition  of  being  furnished  with  supplies 
necessary  for  the  success  of  the  expedition. 

I  demand  for  that  only  the  troops  at  present  maintained  by  His  Majesty  in  Canada  if  it  h"  plea- 
sing to  him  to  fill  them  up  by  a  reinforcement  of  soldiers  which  they  require  in  consequence  of 
sickness  that  has  produced  the  deaths  of  many  among  them. 

These  troops  number  35  companies  which  at  50  men  each  ought  to  give  1750.  Yet  at  the  review 
made  when  I  left,  there  Avere  found  only  about  1300,  so  that  450  soldiers  are  still  required  to  com- 
plete them  ;  thus  it  would  be  necessary  that  His  Majesty  should  please  to  order  the  levy  of  at  least 
400  men,  and  to  have  them  enlisted  as  quick  as  possible  in  order  that  they  may  be  embarked  in  the 
first  vessels. 

The  use  I  propose  to  make  of  these  1700  men  is  to  take  "  the  pick"  (Petite)  of  them  to  the  num- 
ber of  1400  and  to  adjoin  to  them  the  elite  of  the  Militia  to  the  number  of  COO,  so  as  to  carry  these 
2000  men  necessary  on  this  expedition  ;  leaving  the  300  remaining  soldiers  to  guard  the  principal 
outposts  at  the  head  of  our  Colony  in  order  to  prevent  the  Iroquois  seizing  and  burning  them  whilst 
we  should  be  in  the  field. 

I  propose  embarking  these  2000  men,  with  the  supplies  necessary  for  their  subsistence  in  a  sufficient 
number  of  canoes  and  flat  Eatteaux  which  we  already  employed  in  the  two  last  Campaigns  against 
the  Iroquois. 

My  design  is,  to  lead  them  by  the  Richelieu  River  into  Lake  Champlain  as  far  as  a  Carrying  Place 
which  is  within  three  leagues  of  the  Albany  River  that  runs  to  Orange.1  I  shall  conceal  this  ex- 
pedition, which  must  be  kept  very  secret,  by  saying  that  the  King  has  commanded  me  to  proceed 
at  the  head  of  His  troops  and  Militia  to  the  Iroquois  Country  to  dictate  Peace  to  them  on  the  con- 
ditions it  has  pleased  His  Majesty  to  grant  them  without  the  interference  of  the  English,  inasmuch 
as  the  Iroquois  are  his  true  subjects;  without  letting  any  one  know  our  intention  of  attacking  the 
English  until  we  have  arrived  at  the  point  whence  I  shall  send  to  tell  the  Iroquois,  by  some  of  their 
Nation,  that  I  am  not  come  to  wage  war  against  them  but  only  to  reduce  the  English,  who  have 
caused  our  division,  and  to  re-establish  the  good  friendship  that  formerly  existed  between  us; 
therefore  they  had  better  avoid  coming  to  their  aid  if  they  wish  not  to  be  treated  with  the  greatest 
rigor,  the  said  English  being  unable  to  protect  them  from  the  force  I  lead  against  them,  and  that  I 
shall  turn  against  the  said  Iroquois,  if  they  dare  assist  them. 

As  the  Eatteaux  cannot  proceed  further  than  the  Carrying  Place,  my  intention  is  to  erect  there 
a  small  log  fort  (un  petit  fort  de  pieux  terrassh)  which  I  shall  have  built  in  three  days,  and  to  leave 
200  men  in  it  to  guard  the  Batteaux ;  thence  march  direct  to  Orange,  embarking  our  supplies  on 
the  River  in  canoes  which  we  shall  bring  and  which  can  be  convoyed  by  land,  we  marching  with  the 
troops  along  the  river  as  an  escort. 

I  calculate  to  seize  in  passing  some  English  Villages  and  Settlements  where  I  shall  find  provisions 
and  other  conveniences  for  attacking  the  town  of  Orange. 

That  town  is  about  as  large  as  Montreal,  surrounded  by  picquets  at  one  end  of  which  is  an  Earthen 
Fort  defended  by  palisades  and  consisting  of  four  small  bastions.  There  is  a  garrison  of  150  men 
of  three  companies  in  the  fort  and  some  pieces  of  Cannon.  Said  town  of  Orange  may  contain  about 
150  houses  and  300  inhabitants  capable  of  bearing  arms,  the  majority  of  whom  are  Dutch  and  some 
French  Refugees  witli  some  English. 

After  having  invested  the  Town  and  summoned  it  to  surrender  with  promise  not  to  pillage  if  it 
capitulate,  I  propose  in  case  of  resistance  to  cut  or  burn  the  palisades,  in  order  to  afford  an  opening, 

1  This  "Carrying  Flaco"  or  portage  Is  now  trnversail  by  Hint  section  of  the  Champlain  Canal  extending  from  Fort  Anno 
to  Sanity  Hill. 


INVASION  OF  NEW-YORK  AND  BURNING  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


181 


and  enter  there  sword  in  hand  and  seize  the  fort.  These  being  only  about  14  feet  high  can  be  easily 
escaladed  by  means  of  the  conveniences  we  shall  find,  when  Masters  of  the  town,  or  by  blowing  in 
the  gate  with  a  few  petards  or  two  small  field  pieces  which  may  be  of  use  to  me  and  I  shall  find 
means  of  conveying  there,  if  his  Ma'y  will  please  to  have  them  furnished  at  La  Rochelle  to  take 
with  me,  and  some  grenades  and  other  munitions,  a  list  of  which  I  shall  hand  in  separately,  and 
which  will  be  deducted  from  the  funds  His  Majesty  destines  for  Canada  so  as  not  to  increase  the 
expenditure  of  preceding  years. 

After  I  shall  have  become  Master  of  the  town  and  fort  of  Orange,  which  I  expect  to  achieve 
before  the  English  can  afford  it  any  succor,  my  intention  is  to  leave  a  garrison  of  200  men  in  the 
fort  with  sufficient  supplies  which  I  shall  find  in  the  City,  and  to  disarm  all  the  Inhabitants,  grant- 
ing at  His  Majesty's  pleasure  pardon  to  the  French  deserters  and  inhabitants  I  shall  find  there,  so 
as  to  oblige  them  to  follow  me. 

I  shall  seize  all  the  barks,  batteaux  and  canoes  that  are  at  Orange,  to  embark  my  force  on  the 
river  which  is  navigable  down  to  Manathe,  and  I  shall  embark  with  the  troops  the  necessary  pro- 
visions and  ammunition,  and  some  pieces  of  Cannon,  to  be  taken  from  Fort  Orange  to  serve  in  the 
attack  on  Manathe,  [New  York.] 

This  place  consists  of  a  town  composed  of  about  200  houses  and  can  put  about  400  inhabitants 
under  arms.  They  are  divided  into  four  Companies  of  Infantry  of  50  men  each,  and  three  Com- 
panies of  Cavalry  of  the  same  number,  the  horses  being  very  common  in  that  country.  This  town 
is  not  enclosed,  being  situated  on  a  Peninsula  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  that  falls  into  a  Bay  forming 
a  fine  harbour.  It  is  defended  by  a  Fort  faced  with  stone  having  four  Bastions  with  several  pieces 
of  cannon,  commanding  the  Port  on  one  side  and  the  town  on  the  other. 

I  contemplate  first  carrying  the  town  by  assault,  it  being  all  open,  and  making  use  of  the  houses 
nearest  the  Fort  to  approach  the  latter ;  forming  a  battery  of  the  Cannon  I  shall  have  brought  from 
Orange  and  of  that  I  may  find  in  the  stores  of  the  town,  where  the  vessels  arm  and  disarm. 

It  is  necessary  for  the  success  of  this  Expedition  that  H.  M.  give  orders  to  two  of  the  ships  of 
War  destined  this  year  to  escort  the  merchantmen  who  go  to  Canada  and  Acadie  or  the  fishermen 
who  go  for  Cod  to  the  Great  Bank,  to  come  after  having  convoyed  the  merchants,  towards  the  end 
of  August,  into  the  Gulf  of  Manathe  and  cruize  there  during  the  month  of  September,  as  well  to 
prevent  succor  from  Europe  which  may  arrive  from  England  or  Boston,  as  to  enter  the  port  when  I 
on  my  arrival  shall  give  the  signal  agreed  upon,  so  as  to  aid  us  in  capturing  the  Fort  which  they  may 
cannonade  from  aboard  their  ships  whilst  I  attack  it  on  land.  They  can  in  case  of  necessity  even 
land  some  marines  (to  replace  the  400  men  I  shall  have  left  on  the  road  guarding  Orange  and  the 
Batteaux);  also  some  pieces  of  Cannon  if  we  require  them.  They  might  reimbark  and  return  to 
France  in  the  month  of  October  after  the  capture  of  the  Fort  and  carry  the  intelligence  thereof. 

After  we  should  have  become  masters  of  the  town  and  fort  of  Manathe  I  shall  cause  the  Inhabi- 
tants to  be  disarmed  and  send  my  Canadians  back  by  the  Albany  river  to  Orange  on  their  way  to 
their  batteaux  and  on  their  return  home.  I  should  winter  at  Manathe  with  all  the  troops  I  woidd 
have  brought  witli  me  except  the  200  soldiers  left  to  guard  Orange ;  and  as  I  shall  have  nothing  to 
fear  from  the  land  side,  being  master  of  the  rivers,  I  would  work  through  the  winter  to  strengthen 
myself  against  attacks  of  the  English  whilst  waiting  until  H.  M.  should  be  pleased  to  send  what 
may  be  necessary  to  secure  this  important  conquest. 

It  would  render  H.  M.  absolute  Master  of  the  whole  of  Iroquois  who  derive  from  this  Colony 
all  the  arms  and  ammunition  with  which  they  make  war  on  us.  This  will  afford  the  means  to 
disarm  them  whenever  considered  necessary,  and  thereby  impose  on  them  such  laws  as  H.  M. 
may  please;  the  town  of  Boston,  the  capital  of  New  England  being  too  far  from  them  to  afford 
any  aid. 


182 


INVASION  OF  NEW-YORK  AND  BURNING  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


Having  mastered  the  Iroquois  we  shall  have  equal  control  of  all  the  other  Savages  who  will 
come  without  hesitation  and  bring  us  all  their  peltries.  This  will  cause  the  trade  of  our  Colony 
to  flourish ;  will  considerably  augment  H.  M.'s  revenues  and  eventually  diminish  the  expences 
he  is  obliged  to  incur  for  the  preservation  of  Canada. 

It  will  firmly  establish  the  Christian  Religion  as  well  among  the  Iroquois  as  among  the  other 
Savages  to  whom  we  shall  be  able  to  speak  as  Masters  when  they  are  encircled  on  the  side  of  Canada 
as  well  as  of  New  York.  It  will  secure  and  facilitate  the  Cod  fishery  which  is  carried  on  along  our 
Coasts  of  la  Cadie  and  on  the  Great  Bank.  It  will  give  H.  M.  one  of  the  finest  harbours  in  America 
which  can  be  entered  during  almost  all  seasons  of  the  year  in  less  than  one  month  of  very  easy 
navigation ;  whilst  that  from  France  to  Quebec  cannot  be  prosecuted  except  in  summer  on  account 
of  the  Ice  which  closes  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  itself  long  and  perilous. 

It  may  be  objected  to  this  plan,  that  the  Colony  of  Orange  and  Manathe  may  remain  faithful  to 
the  King  of  England,  and  in  this  case  it  would  not  be  apropos  to  attack  it  and  draw  down  an  open 
war  with  that  English  Colony  to  the  prejudice  of  the  Treaty  of  Neutrality  concluded  between  the 
two  nations. 

It  may  be  answered  to  this,  that  the  colony  of  Manathe  and  Orange,  being  the  same  as  that  for- 
merly called  New  Netherland  which  the  English  took  from  the  Dutch,  and  the  greater  part  of  which 
is  still  of  this  latter  nation  and  all  Protestants,  it  is  not  to  be  doubted  but  that  they  would  receive  the 
orders  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  and  even  force  their  Governor,  did  he  not  consent,  to  acknowledge 
him,  and  therefore  we  must  look  on  as  certain  a  war  between  that  Colony  and  us,  and  not  give  it 
the  time  to  push  its  intrigues  with  the  Savages  to  ruin  us  by  means  of  them,  if  we  do  not  anticipate 
them.  And  in  case  that,  contrary  to  all  appearances,  they  remain  faithful  to  the  King  of  England 
during  the  general  rebellion  of  the  English,  we  might,  if  H.  M.  thought  proper,  being  on  terms  witli 
that  King,  confide  to  him  the  secret  of  this  expedition,  draw  from  him  an  order  to  the  Commandant 
of  Orange  and  of  Manathe  to  surrender  these  places  into  H.  M.'s  hands,  who  would  keep  them  for 
him  and  prevent  the  Rebels  becoming  masters  of  them,  so  as  to  have  an  opportunity  to  treat  them 
as  rebels  did  they  not  obey  that  order,  being  besides  this,  in  a  position  to  force  them  to  it,  on  con- 
dition of  negotiating  eventually  with  the  King  for  that  Colony,  which  is  the  only  means  of  securing 
Canada,  firmly  establishing  Religion,  Trade  and  the  Kings  authority  throughout  all  North  America. 
If  the  favourable  opportunity  which  presents  of  becoming  master  of  that  Colony  be  neglected,  it  may 
surely  be  calculated  that,  through  its  intrigues  with  the  Iroquois  and  other  Savages,  it  will  destroy 
Canada  in  a  little  time ;  whose  ruin  will  entail  that  of  the  establishment  at  Hudson's  bay,  the  beaver 
and  other  peltry  trade ;  that  of  Acadia,  the  local  fishery,  and  that  of  Newfoundland ;  and  if  we  be 
forced  to  abandon  Canada,  it  will,  hereafter,  in  consequence  of  the  frequent  chasing  of  our  fishermen 
by  English  vessels,  render  very  difficult  and  dangerous  for  H.  M.'s  subjects  the  Codfishery  on  the 
Great  Bank,  winch  produces  several  millions  to  France,  and  is  one  of  the  most  profitable  invest- 
ments that  we  have. 


INVASION  OF  NEW-YORK  AND  BURNING  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


188 


MEMOIR  OF  INSTRUCTIONS  TO  COUNT  DE  FRONTENAC 

RESPECTING  THE  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  NEW-YORK.      7TH   JUNE,  1689. 

[  Paris  Doc.  IV.  ] 

The  King,  having  examined  the  proposition  made  him  by  Sieur  Chevalier  de  Callieres  Bonnevue 
of  Montreal  to  attack  New- York  with  his  Majesty's  troops  in  Canada  and  a  number  of  the  militia  of 
that  country,  has  the  more  willingly  assented  to  it  as  he  knows  that  the  English  inhabiting  that 
quarter  have  resolved  since  the  last  year  to  excite  the  Iroquois  Nation,  His  Majesty's  subjects,  and 
force  them  to  wage  war  against  the  French,  having  furnished  them  for  that  purpose  with  arms  and 
ammunition,  and  endeavoured  in  every  way,  even  to  the  prejudice  of  the  King  of  England's  orders 
and  the  faith  of  Treaties,  to  usurp  the  trade  of  the  French  in  the  country  in  possession  of  which 
they  have  been  from  all  time. 

To  accomplish  this  project  His  Majesty  has  given  orders  to  Sieur  Begon  to  prepare  the  munitions 
necessary  for  the  expedition  and  has  caused  two  of  his  ships  of  war  to  be  equipped  in  the  port  of 
Rochefort  under  the  command  of  Sieur  de  la  Caffiniere  whom  lie  has  ordered  to  follow  exactly  the 
directions  which  said  Sieur  de  Frontenac  will  give  him  regarding  this  expedition. 

He  will  set  out  with  all  diligence  to  embark  at  Rochelle  in  on  of  the  ships  and  sail  without  loss  of 
time  for  the  entrance  of  the  gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  and  Campseaux  bay,  where  he  will  embark  in  the 
best  of  the  merchantmen  that  will  follow  and  repair  to  Quebec.         *  *  *  * 

Therefore  on  his  arrival  at  Quebec  he  will  take  advantage  of  the  state  in  which  he  will  find  things, 
to  complete  the  suitable  arrangements  for  departing  with  batteaux,  canoes  and  all  the  equipage  neces- 
sary for  this  expedition  with  the  Chevalier  de  Callieres  who  will  command  the  troops  under  his 
orders. 

'  He  will  despatch  by  land  or  water  as  he  shall  deem  most  certain,  orders  and  instructions  to  Sieur 
de  la.  Caffiniere,  to  the  place  he  will  have  designated,  as  to  what  he  shall  have  to  do,  in  order  to 
repair  to  Manathe,  he  making  use  of  the  cypher  which  shall  have  been  furnished  him. 

He  will  order  him  to  sail  directly  and  without  undertaking  any  thing  along  his  course,  follow  the  coast 
of  Acadie  (where  he  will  leave  in  passing  what  he  shall  have  for  the  said  coast  of  Acadie)  down  to 
Manathe,  and  order  him  to  anchor  as  safely  as  possible  and  to  observe  well  the  quarter  where  he 
will  make  his  landing  when  said  Sieur  de  Frontenac  shall  have  arrived  there. 

He  will  give  orders  to  the  Sieur  de  la  Caffiniere  to  seize  the  vessels  lie  will  find  in  the  bay  of  the 
said  Manathe,  without  exposing  himself  to  any  accident  that  may  render  him  unable  to  cooperate  in 
that  enterprise. 

As  it  is  impossible  to  fix  on  a  certain  rendezvous  for  the  arrival  of  said  vessels  at  Manathe  at  the 
same  time  that  the  Sieur  de  Frontenac  will  arrive  there  with  the  troops,  without  alarming  those  at  that 
place,  the  two  vessels  of  war  must  go  right  into  the  bay,  more  especially  as  the  attack  on  the  frontier 
post  of  New  York  will  give  warning  to  those  of  Manathe  ;  and  the  vessels  thus  arriving  before  the 
land  forces,  will  cause  a  diversion. 

*###**#*##* 

The  said  Sieur  de  Frontenac  having  informed  himself  of  the  route  he  is  to  take,  of  which  he  will 
make  more  particular  enquiries  on  the  spot,  as  regard  the  convenience,  security  and  expedition  of 
the  troops,  His  Majesty  will  not  enter  into  further  detail  on  this  subject,  nor  on  the  attack  on  Orange 
and  Manatte  nor  on  anything  that  relates  thereto.  He  will  solely  recommend  liim  to  act  as  much  as 
possible,  in  such  a  manner  as  that  those  of  Orange  may  not  be  advised  of  his  march,  so  that  he  may 
surprise  tlus  first  post  and  cut  in  below  Orange  to  secure  the  number  of  vessels  he  may  require  to 

12a 


184 


INVASION  OF  NEW-YORK  AND  BURNING  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


descend  on  Manathe,  and  to  place  tilings  in  such  order  as  not  to  be  uneasy  when  he  shall  depart  for 
and  be  established  at,  the  said  Manathe.  For  this  purpose  he  ought  to  leave  a  confidential  officer  at 
Orange  with  such  detachment  as  he  will  find  necessary  to  be  left  there,  with  orders  to  be  on  his 
guard  and  to  fortify  himself,  and  obtain  all  information  possible  for  the  success  of  the  expedition 
against  Manathe.  He  will  also  cause  all  the  inhabitants  to  be  disarmed  and  their  effects  to  be  seized, 
giving  them  to  hope  every  good  treatment  with  which  they  can  flatter  themselves  until  he  entertains 
no  further  apprehensions ;  then  His  Majesty  desires  that  wiiat  is  hereinafter  prescribed  to  him,  may 
be  executed. 

He  wishes  particular  care  to  be  taken  to  prevent  any  plunder  of  provisions,  merchandize,  ammu- 
nition, property,  cattle,  utensils  and  principal  household  furniture  ;  and  as  his  object  must  be  to  place 
Forts  Orange  and  Manathe  in  a  state  of  defence,  and  to  support  the  Frenclnnen  who  will  have 
remained  there,  he  must  not  only  victual  the  forts  for  the  longest  time  possible  but  collect  there  all 
he  can  of  provisions,  and  in  default  of  a  sufficient  quantity  of  magazines  in  said  forts,  he  will  lock 
them  up  in  the  towns,  taking  care  not  to  touch  those  which  he  should  deposit  in  said  forts  except 
when  obliged. 

His  Majesty  does  not  wish  any  suspected  inhabitants  be  left  in  that  Colony.  His  intention  also  is 
that  an  exact  Inventory  be  made  in  the  settlements  and  plantations  by  Commissary  Gaillard  (whom 
His  Majesty  wishes  him  to  take  with  him,)  of  all  cattle,  grain,  merchandize,  furniture,  effects  and 
utensils  he  may  find  in  each  of  the  said  settlements  ;  that  he  select  from  among  the  inhabitants  of 
Canada  and  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  troops  those  who  will  be  found  qualified  to  maintain  and 
improve  them,  and  that  he  furnish  these  with  farms  in  His  Majesty's  name  leaving  them  of  the  pro- 
visions that  will  be  found  there,  as  much  as  shall  be  necessary  to  support  them  until  they  have  produced 
some  ;  and  he  will  examine  one  with  another,  those  to  whom  he  will  think  proper  to  grant  said  farms, 
so  as  to  distribute  the  greater  number  in  proportion  to  their  skill  and  strength,  observing  to  associate 
several  in  the  same  settlement  when  he  shall  deem  such  necessary.  He  will  inform  his  Majesty  of 
all  he  shall  have  done  in  this  regard  by  sending  him  the  enumeration  of  all  that  he  shall  have  left  in 
each  such  settlement,  and  furnish  his  opinion  of  the  Quit  rents  which  they  will  be  in  a  condition  to 
pay  him.  After  having  settled  on  what  he  shall  judge  absolutely  necessary  to  leave  to  those  to  whom 
he  will  have  given  these  farms,  he  will  place  in  store  all  the  surplus,  such  as  grain,  whale  oil  and  all 
sorts  of  merchandize  and  other  principal  effects  of  winch  also  inventories  shall  be  made  to  be  equally 
sent  to  his  Majesty. 

He  will  examine  into  the  means  of  distributing  said  property  so  that  from  what  he  will  acquire 
there  his  Majesty  may  order,  on  his  advice,  the  gratuities  he  shall  judge  fitting  to  bestow  on  said 
militia,  the  army  and  navy  officers,  soldiers  and  sailors  who  shall  have  distinguished  themselves  and 
given  individual  marks  of  that  satisfaction  which  he  expects  from  their  zeal  and  industry  on  this 
occasion. 

If  he  find  among  the  inhabitants  of  New  York,  whether  English  or  Dutch,  any  Catholics  on  whose 
fidelity  he  can  rely,  he  may  leave  them  in  their  habitations  after  making  them  take  the  oath  of 
allegiance  to  His  Majesty,  provided  there  be  not  too  many  of  them  and  they  do  not  excite  any  sus- 
picion, having  regard,  in  that,  only  to  what  will  best  promote  the  preservation  and  advantage  of  the 
Colony  and  its  security  at  the  same  time  as  well  as  that  of  the  French. 

He  may  likewise  retain,  if  he  think  proper,  mechanics  and  other  working  people  necessary  to 
cultivate  the  land  and  work  at  fortifications  in  the  capacity  of  prisoners,  distributing  them  among 
the  French  inhabitants  who  may  require  them,  until  matters  being  in  a  state  of  entire  security,  they 
may  be  restored  to  liberty. 

The  officers  and  principal  inhabitants,  from  whom  ransom  can  be  exacted,  must  be  detained  in 
prison. 


INVASION  OK  NEW- YORK  AND  BURNING  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


185 


Respecting  all  other  foreigners,  men,  women  and  children,  His  Majesty  deems  it  proper  that  they 
should  be  put  out  of  the  Colony  and  sent  to  New  England,  Pennsylvania  and  to  such  other  quarters 
as  shall  be  considered  expedient,  either  by  land  or  sea,  together  or  in  divisions — all  according  as 
he  shall  find  will  best  secure  their  dispersion  and  prevent  them,  by  reunion,  affording  enemies  an 
opportunity  to  get  up  expeditions  against  the  Colony. 

He  will  send  to  France  the  French  Refugees  whom  he  will  find  there,  particularly  those  of  the 
pretended  Reformed  religion.  When  he  will  have  captured  the  fort  and  conquered  that  Colony  he 
must  think  particularly  of  his  return  to  Canada  to  convey  thither  the  Militia  and  Soldiers  he  shall 
deem  necessary  for  the  King's  service,  according  to  the  disposition  in  which  he  shall  find  things  both 
as  regards  the  Iroquois  as  well  on  the  side  of  Canada  as  on  that  of  New  York,  and  in  proportion  to 
what  troops  he  will  calculate  necessary  to  be  left  to  guard  the  forts  and  country. 

And  as  nothing  appears  more  important,  after  his  expedition,  than  to  take  advantage  of  the  sea- 
son to  return  to  Canada,  he  must,  in  case  he  cannot  execute  all  that  is  above  contained,  confide  its 
execution  to  Sieur  Chevalier  de  Callieres,  giving  him  orders  conformable  and  according  to  what  he 
shall  consider  most  fitting  the  King's  service  ;  His  Majesty  having  determined  to  confer  on  the  said 
Chevalier  de  Callieres  the  Government  of  New  York,  and  of  the  town  and  fort  of  Manathe  in  par- 
ticular, under  the  authority  of  His  Majesty's  Lieutenant  General  in  New  France. 

He  wall  select,  before  leaving,  the  officers  and  soldiers  he  will  deem  proper  to  leave  at  New  York 
and  put  over  the  posts  those  officers  best  qualified  to  maintain  and  fortify  them. 

In  case  he  find,  after  having  provided  sufficient  troops  for  New  York  and  concluded  on  the  num- 
ber of  soldiers  necessary  for  His  Majesty's  service  in  Canada,  that  he  has  a  superabundance,  he  can 
send  some  to  France  in  the  King's  Ships,  and  retain  thirty-five  to  forty  men  to  be  sent  eventually  to 
Acadia. 

His  Majesty  is  very  glad  to  observe  to  him  on  this  head,  that  he  must  regulate  himself,  as  regards 
the  number  of  men  he  will  leave  in  New  York,  by  the  means  of  subsistence  there  and  the  necessity 
of  guarding  the  country ;  and  he  will  also  consider  that  his  return  to  Canada  will  be  more  convenient 
tor  those  he  will  have  to  convey  back  there,  when  they  will  not  be  more  numerous. 

In  case,  contrary  to  all  appearance,  the  season  be  too  far  advanced  to  admit  his  return  to  Canada 
during  the  remainder  of  the  Fall,  he  will  give  advice  of  his  expedition  and  sojourn  there  until  the 
Spring,  and  he  will  employ  himself  during  winter  in  securing  his  conquest  and  wraging  war  on  the 
enemy. 

However  that  be,  he  ought  if  he  be  obliged  to  remain,  either  personally  or  through  Chevalier  de 
Callieres,  if  that  be  convenient,  profit  by  circumstances  to  conclude  a  solid  and  advantageous  peace 
with  the  Iroquois,  whom  he  will,  doubtless  find  disposed  to  sue  for  it,  being  deprived  of  aid  from 
and  communication  with  the  English. 

In  order  to  deprive  the  English  of  the  facility  of  undertaking  land  expeditions  against  New  York 
from  New  England,  His  Majesty  desires  that  the  English  Settements  adjoining  Manathe  and  further 
off  if  necessary,  be  destroyed ;  and  that  the  more  distant  be  put  under  contribution. 

He  will  send  an  exact  report  of  all  the  observations  he  will  be  able  to  make  regarding  the  trade  of 
the  new  inhabitants  of  New- York,  the  security  of  the  navigation  thence  to  France,  the  communica- 
tion with  Canada,  so  that  His  Majesty  may  give  him  on  those  points  the  necessary  orders  to  derive 
from  that  conquest  all  the  advantages  to  be  expected  from  it.  But  should  this  expedition  contrary 
to  all  appearances,  and  for  reasons  wrhich  His  Majesty  cannot  foresee,  not  be  executed,  he  will  con- 
vey his  orders  to  the  said  Sieur  de  la  Caffiniere  to  make  war  against  the  English,  and  to  range  along 
the  Coasts  of  New  England  and  New  York  to  capture  there  as  many  prizes  as  possible,  and  to  remain 
there  until  he  have  no  more  provisions  than  are  necessary  for  his  return  to  France. 


[Vol.  I.] 


24 


186 


INVASION  OF  NEW-YORK  AND  BURNING  ON  SCHENECTADY. 


AN  ACCOUNT 


OF  THE  MOST  REMARKABLE  OCCURRENCES  IN  CANADA  FROM  THE  DEPARTURE  OF  THE  VESSELS,  FROM  THE 
MONTH  OF  NOVEMBER  1C89  TO  THE  MONTH  OF  NOVEMBER  1690.  BY  MONS.  DE  MONSEIGNAT,  COMP- 
TROLLER GENERAL  OF  THE  MARINE  IN  CANADA. 

[  Paris  Doc.  IV.  ] 

[Extract.  ]  The  orders  received  by  M.  le  Comte  (de  Frontenac)  to  commence  hostilities  against 
New  England  and  New  York,  whicli  had  declared  for  the  Prince  of  Orange,  aiforded  hira  consider- 
able pleasure,  and  were  very  necessary  for  the  country.  He  allowed  no  more  time  to  elapse  before 
carrying  them  into  execution  than  was  required  to  send  off  some  despatches  to  France — immedi- 
ately after  which  he  determined  to  organize  three  different  detachments,  to  attack  those  rebels  at 
all  points  at  the  same  moment,  and  to  punish  them  at  various  places  for  having  afforded  protection 
to  our  enemies,  the  Mohawks.  The  first  party  was  to  rendezvous  at  Montreal,  and  proceed  towards 
Orange  ;  the  second  at  Three  Rivers,  and  to  make  a  descent  on  New  York,  at  some  place  between 
Boston  and  Orange;1  and  the  third  was  to  depart  from  Quebec,  and  gain  the  seaboard  between 
Boston  and  Pentagouet,  verging  towards  Acadia.  They  all  succeeded  perfectly  wrell,  and  I  shall 
communicate  to  you  the  details.  *  *  *  #  #  # 

Tiie  detachment  which  formed  at  Montreal,  may  have  been  composed  of  about  two  hundred  and 
ten  men,  namely  :  eighty  savages  from  the  Sau/t  and  from  La  Montague;  sixteen  Algonquins;  and 
the  remainder  Frenchmen — all  under  the  command  of  the  Sieur  Le  Moyne  de  Sainte  Helenc,  and 
Lieutenant  Daillebout  de  Mantet,  both  of  whom  are  Canadians.  The  Sieurs  le  Moyne  d'Iberville 
and  Kepentigny  de  Montesson  commanded  under  these.  The  best  qualified  Frenchmen  were,  the 
Sieurs  de  Bonrepos  and  de  La  Brosse,  Calvinist  officers,  the  Sieur  la  Moyne  de  Blainville,  Le  Bert  du 
Chene,  and  la  Marque  de  Montigny,  who  all  served  as  volunteers.  They  took  their  departure  from 
Montreal  at  the  commencement  of  February. 

Alter  having  marched  for  the  course  of  five  or  six  days,  they  called  a  council  to  determine  the 
route  they  should  follow,  and  the  point  they  should  attack. 

The  Indians  demanded  of  the  French  what  was  their  intention.  Messieurs  de  Sainte  Helene  and 
Mantet  replied  that  they  had  left  in  the  hope  of  attacking  Orange,  if  possible,  as  it  is  the  Capital  of 
New  York  and  a  place  of  considerable  importance,  though  they  had  no  orders  to  that  effect,  but 
generally  to  act  according  as  they  should  judge  on  the  spot  of  their  chances  of  success,  without 
gunning  too  much  risk.  This  appeared  to  the  savages  somewhat  rash.  They  represented  the  diffi- 
culties and  the  weakness  of  the  party  lor  so  bold  an  undertaking.  There  was  even  one  among  them 
who,  his  mind  filled  with  the  recollections  of  the  disasters  which  he  had  witnessed  last  year,  enquired 
of  our  Frenchmen,  "since  when  had  they  become  so  desperate  {"  In  reply  to  their  raillery,  'twas 
answered  that  it  was  our  intention,  now,  to  regain  the  honor  of  which  our  misfortunes  had  deprived 
us,  and  the  sole  means  to  accomplish  that  was  to  carry  Orange,  or  to  perish  in  so  glorious  an  enter- 
prise. 

As  the  Indians,  who  had  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  localities,  and  more  experience  than 
the  French,  could  not  be  brought  to  agree  with  the  latter,  it  was  determined  to  postpone  coming  to 
a  conclusion  until  the  party  should  arrive  at  the  spot  where  the  two  routes  separate — the  one  leading 
to  Orange,  and  the  other  to  Corlear  (Schenectady).  In  the  course  of  the  journey,  which  occupied 
eight  days,  the  Frenchmen  judged  proper  to  diverge  towards  Corlear,  according  to  the  advice  of  the 

1  This  detachment  entered  New  Hampshire,  where  they  burned  a  place  called  Salmon  Falls. 


INVASION  OF  NEW-YORK  AND  BURNING  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


187 


Indians;  and  this  road  was  taken  without  calling  a  new  council.  Nine  days  more  elapsed  before 
they  arrived,  having  experienced  inconceivable  difficulties,  and  having  been  obliged  to  march  up  to 
their  knees  in  water,  and  to  break  the  ice  with 'their  feet  in  order  to  find  a  solid  footing. 

They  arrived  within  two  leagues  of  Corlear  about  four  o'clock  in  the  evening,  and  were  harangued 
by  the  great  Mohawk  chief  of  the  Iroquois  from  the  Sault.  He  urged  on  all  to  perform  their  duty, 
and  to  lose  all  recollections  of  their  fatigue,  in  the  hope  of  taking  ample  revenge  for  the  injuries  they 
had  received  from  the  Iroquois  at  the  solicitation  of  the  English,  and  of  washing  them  out  in  the 
blood  of  the  traitors.  This  savage  was  without  contradiction  the  most  considerable  of  his  tribe — an 
honest  man — as  full  of  spirit,  prudence  and  generosity  as  it  was  possible,  and  capable  at  the  same 
time  of  the  grandest  undertakings.  Shortly  after  four  Squaws  were  discovered  in  a  wigwam  who 
gave  every  information  necessary  for  the  attack  on  the  town.  The  fire  found  in  their  hut  served  to 
warm  those  who  were  benumbed,  and  they  continued  their  route,  having  previously  detached 
Giguieres,  a  Canadian,  with  nine  Indians,  on  the  look  out.  They  discovered  no  one,  and  returned 
to  join  the  main  body  within  one  league  of  Corlear. 

At  eleven  of  the  clock  that  night,  they  came  within  sight  of  the  town,  resolved  to  defer  the 
assault  until  two  o'clock  of  the  morning.    But  the  excessive  cold  admitted  of  no  further  delay. 

The  town  of  Corlear  forms  a  sort  of  oblong  with  only  two  gates — one  opposite  the  road  we  had 
taken  ;  the  other  leading  to  Orange,  which  is  only  six  leagues  distant.  Messieurs  de  Sainte  Helene 
and  de  Mantet  were  to  enter  at  the  first  which  the  squaws  pointed  out,  and  which  in  fact  was  found 
wide  open.  Messieurs  d'Iberville  and  de  Montesson  took  the  left  with  another  detachment,  in  order 
to  make  themselves  masters  of  that  leading  to  Orange.  But  they  could  not  discover  it,  and  returned 
to  join  the  remainder  of  the  party.  A  profound  silence  was  every  where  observed,  until  the  two 
commanders,  who  separated,  at  their  entrance  into  the  town  for  the  purpose  of  encircling  it,  had  met 
at  the  other  extremity. 

The  signal  of  attack  was  given  Indian  fashion,  and  the  entire  force  rushed  on  simultaneously. 
M.  de  Mantet  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  a  detachment,  and  reached  i  small  fort  where  the  garri- 
son was  under  arms.  The  gate  was  burst  in  after  a  good  deal  of  difficulty,  the  whole  set  on  fire, 
and  all  who  defended  the  place  slaughtered. 

The  sack  of  the  town  began  a  moment  before  the  attack  on  the  fort.  Few  houses  made  any 
resistance.  M.  de  Montigny  discovered  some  which  he  attempted  to  carry  sword  in  hand,  having 
tried  the  musket  in  vain.  He  received  two  thrusts  of  a  spear — one  in  the  body  and  the  other  in  the 
arm.  But  M.  de  Sainte  Helene  having  come  to  his  aid,  effected  an  entrance,  and  put  every  one  who 
defended  the  place  to  the  sword.  The  Massacre  lasted  two  hours.  The  remainder  of  the  night  was 
spent  in  placing  sentinels,  and  in  taking  some  repose. 

The  house  belonging  to  the  Minister  was  ordered  to  be  saved,  so  as  to  take  him  alive  to  obtain 
information  from  him ;  but  as  it  was  not  known  it  was  not  spared  any  more  than  the  others.  He 
was  slain  and  his  papers  burnt  before  he  could  be  recognized. 

At  daybreak  some  men  were  sent  to  the  dwelling  of  Mr.  Coudre  [Sander],  who  was  Major  of  the 
place,  and  who  lived  at  the  other  side  of  the  river.  He  was  not  willing  to  surrender,  and  began  to 
put  himself  on  the  defensive  with  his  servants  and  some  Indians  ;  but  as  it  was  resolved  not  to  do 
him  any  harm,  in  consequence  of  the  good  treatment  that  the  French  had  formerly  experienced  at 
his  hands,  M.  d'Iberville  and  the  great  Mohawk  proceeded  thither  alone,  promised  him  quarter  li  r 
himself,  his  people,  and  his  property,  whereupon  he  laid  down  his  arms,  on  parole,  entertaining  them 
in  his  fort,  and  returned  with  them  to  see  the  commandants  of  the  town. 

In  order  to  occupy  the  savages,  who  would  otherwise  have  taken  to  drink  and  thus  rendered  them- 
selves unable  for  defence,  the  houses  had  already  been  set  on  fire.  None  were  spared  in  the  town 
but  one  house  belonging  to  Coudre,  and  that  of  a  widow  who  had  six  children,  whither  M.  de  Mon- 


188  INVASION  OF  NEW-YORK  AND  BURNING  OF  SCHENECTADY. 

tigny  hud  been  carried  when  wounded.  All  the  rest  were  consumed.  The  lives  of  between  fifty 
and  sixty  persons,  old  men,  women  and  children,  were  spared,  they  having  escaped  the  first  fury  of 
the  attack.  Some  twenty  Mohawks  were  also  spared,  in  order  to  show  them  that  it  was  the  English 
and  not  they  against  whom  the  grudge  was  entertained.  The  loss  on  this  occasion  in  houses,  cattle 
and  grain,  amounts  to  more  than  four  hundred  thousand  livres.  There  were  upwards  of  eighty  well 
built  and  well  furnished  houses  in  the  town. 

The  return  march  commenced  with  thirty  prisoners.  The  wounded,  who  were  to  be  carried,  and 
the  plunder,  with  which  all  the  Indians  and  some  Frenchmen  were  loaded,  caused  considerable  in- 
convenience. Fifty  good  horses  were  brought  away.  Sixteen  only  of  these  reached  Montreal.  The 
remainder  were  killed  for  food  on  the  road. 

Sixty  leagues  from  Corlear  the  Indians  began  to  hunt,  and  the  French  not  being  able  to  wait  for 
them,  being  short  of  provisions,  continued  their  route,  having  detached  Messieurs  d'Ibervile  and  Du 
Chesne  with  two  savages  before  them  to  Montreal.  On  the  same  day,  some  Frenchmen,  who  doubt- 
less were  very  much  fatigued,  lost  their  way.  Fearful  that  they  should  be  obliged  to  keep  up  with 
the  main  body,  and  believiug  themselves  in  safety  having  eighty  Indians  in  their  rear,  they  were 
found  missing  from  the  camp.  They  were  waited  for  next  day  until  eleven  o'clock,  but  in  vain,  and 
no  account  has  since  been  received  of  them. 

Two  hours  after,  forty  men  more  left  the  main  body  without  acquainting  the  commander,  continued 
their  route  by  themselves,  and  arrived  within  two  leagues  of  Montreal  one  day  ahead,  so  that  there 
were  not  more  than  fifty  or  sixty  men  together.  The  evening  on  which  they  should  arrive  at  Mon- 
treal, being  extremely  fatigued  from  fasting  and  bad  roads,  the  rear  fell  away  from  M.  de  Sainte  He- 
lene,  who  was  in  front  with  an  Indian  guide,  and  who  could  not  find  a  place  suitable  for  camping 
nearer  than  three  or  four  leagues  of  the  spot  where  he  expected  to  halt.  He  was  not  rejoined  by  M. 
de  Mantet  and  the  others  until  far  advanced  in  the  night.  Seven  have  not  been  found.  Next  day 
on  parade,  about  ten  o'clock  in  the  forenoon,  a  soldier  arrived  who  announced  that  they  had  been 
attacked  by  fourteen  or  fifteen  savages,  and  that  six  had  been  killed.  The  party  proceeded  some- 
what afflicted  at  this  accident,  and  arrived  at  Montreal  at  3  o'clock,  p.  m. 

Such,  Madame,  is  the  account  of  what  passed  at  the  taking  of  Corlear.  The  French  lost  but 
twenty-one  men,  namely  four  Indians  and  seventeen  Frenchmen.  Only  one  Indian  and  one  French- 
man were  killed  at  the  capture  of  the  town.    The  others  were  lost  on  the  road. 


[  From  Mortgage  Book  B,  in  County  Clk"s  Office,  Albany.  ] 

Jllbany  ye  91  h  day  of  February  16|g 
Dm  Sabbathi. 

This  morning  about  5  o'clock  ye  alarm  was  brought  here  by  Symon  Schermerhoorn  who  was  shott 
threw  his  Thigh  yl  y«  french  and  Indians  had  murthered  ye  People  of  Skinnechtady ;  haveing  got 
into  yc  Towne  about  11  or  12  a  Clock  there  being  no  Watch  Kept  (ye  Inhabitants  being  so  negligent 
L  Refractory)  and  y*  he  had  much  adoe  to  Escape  they  being  very  numerous.  They  fyred  severall 
times  at  him  at  last  throw  his  Thigh  and  wounded  his  horse  and  was  come  over  Cauatagioue1  to 
bring  y*  news. 

The  allarm  being  given  all  People  Repared  to  there  Post  y°  fort  fyred  severall  gunns  to  give  ye 
alarm  to  ye  farmers  but  few  heard  there  being  such  an  Ext  ream  Snow  above  Knee  Deep  Severall  yc 


I  Now  Niskayuna. 


INVASION  OF  NEW- YORK  AND  BURNING  OF  SCHENECTADY.  189 

People  haveing  Escaped  ye  Cruelty  of  ye  french  and  there  Indians  came  Running  here  k  told  us  ye 
Village  was  a  fyre  and  yl  they  had  much  adoe  to  Escape  for  all  ye  streets  were  full  of  french  and 
Indians,  k  y4  many  People  were  murthered  and  yl  y°  enemy  were  marching  hither  which  news  was 
Continually  Confirmed  till  afternoon  Letters  were  sent  forthwith  to  Sopus  for  ye  assistance  of  a 
hundred  men  an  Expresse  sent  to  Skachkook  but  by  reason  of  ye  highwater — deep  snow  k  yse  could 
not  Proceed,  notice  was  given  to  all  ye  farmers  of  Kinderhook  Claverak  &ca  of  ye  sad  news,  Some 
horse  men  sent  out  to  Discover  ye  Enemies  force  and  there  march  but  were  forced  to  Return  yesnow 
being  so  Deep  yet  some  were  sent  out  again  who  got  thither,  Laurence  ye  Indian  with  ye  Maquase 
y1  were  in  Town  were  sent  out  also  to  Skinnechtady  to  Dispatch  posts  to  ye  Maquase  Castles  for  all 
ye  Indians  to  come  doune,  but  unhappily  sad  Indians  comeing  to  Skinnechtady  were  soe  much  amazed 
to  see  so  many  People  murthered  and  Destroyed  that  they  omitted  ye  sending  up  to  ye  Maquase  Cas- 
tles according  to  there  Engagement,  While  ye  Enemy  was  at  N.  Scotia  a  man  came  to  Ensign  Joh  : 
Sander  Glen  and  said  he  would  goe  to  ye  Maquase  Castles  and  warn  ye  Maquase  to  come  doune  who 
was  ordered  to  goe  in  all  haste  but  comeing  to  ye  Upper  Plantations  went  for  fear  along  with  some 
of  ye  oyr  Inhabitants  into  ye  Woods  and  never  went  to  yc  Maquase  Castles,  this  night  we  gott  a  letter 
from  Skinnechtady  Informing  us  y*  the  Enemy  y*  had  done  y1  Mischieffe  there  were  about  one  -hun- 
dred and  fifty  or  200  men  but  that  there  were  1400  men  in  all ;  One  army  for  Albany  k  anoyr  for 
Sopus  which  hindred  much  ye  marching  of  any  force  out  of  ye  Citty  fearing  yl  ye  enemy  might  watch 
such  an  opportunity. 

The  10th  day  of  February. 

Present.  Schuyler  May  D.  Wessels  Recr,  J.  Bleecker,  C.  Bull,  Capt  Staets,  Aid.  Shaick,  Aid 
Ryckman,  Joh.  Cuyler,  Ens.  Bennett. 

Resolved  y1  Capt  Jonathan  Bull  be  sent  wth  5  men  out  of  each  Comp^  to  Skinnechtady  to  bury 
ye  dead  there  &  if  yc  Indians  be  come  doune  to  joyn  with  them  &  Pursue  yc  Enemy. 

Instructions  for  Capt  Jonathan  Bull. 

You  are  to  goe  wth  all  Convanient  speed  with  -  -  -  -  -  men  to  Skinnechtady  k  there 
Bury  ye  dead  which  are  Killed  by  ye  Enemy  and  give  such  succor  and  Reliefte  to  ye  Poor  People 
left  alive  at  Skinnechtady  as  y11  can,  and  if  there  be  any  considerable  number  of  friendly  Indians  at 
Skinnechtady  yu  are  wth  all  speed  to  Pursue  k  follow  after  the  french  and  Indian  Enemy  &  them 
Spoyle  and  Destroy  what  in  yu  Lyes  and  use  all  means  Imaginable  to  Rescue  ye  Prisoners  which  they 
have  Carried  along  with  them. 

You  are  to  take  Especial  Care  to  have  always  Spyes  and  Skouts  out  on  both  sides  of  ye  Path  where 
yu  March  y  Men  and  to  be  as  Carefull  as  Possible  for  ambushes  of  ye  Enemy  and  to  keep  yr  men  in 
good  order  and  Discipline 


190 


INVASION  OF  NEW-YORK  AND  BURNING  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


LIST  OF  YE  PEOPLE  KILD  AND  DESTROYED 

BY   Ye  FRENCH  OF  CANIDA  AND  THERE  INDIANS  AT  SKINNECHTADY  TWENTY  MILES  TO  Y#  WESTWARD  OF 
ALBANY  BETWEEN  SATURDAY  AND  SUNDAY  Ye  9th   DAY  OF  FEBRUARY   16f  J. 


Myndert  Wemp  killd  -         -         -         -  -1 

Jan  van  Eps  and  his  Sonne  &  2  of  his  Children  kild     ------  4 

a  negro  of  dito  Van  Eps       .........  \ 

Self  Church  of  Cap' Bull's  Compy       --------  1 

Barent  Jansse  Killd  and  Burnd  his  Sonne  Kild  ------  2 

And3  Arentse  Bratt  shott  and  Burnt  &  also  his  child"  -----  2 

Mary  Viele  wife  of  Dowe  Aukes  &  her  2  children  killd       -----  3 

and  his  Negro  Woman  Francyn  --------1 

Mary  Alolff  Wife  of  Cornelis  Viele  Junr  Shott  ------  1 

Swear  Teunise  Shott  &"  burnt  his  wife  kild  &  burnt    -  -  -  )       all  2 

Antje  Janz  doughter  of  Jan  Spoor  kild  &  burnt  (        in  1 

Item  4  Negroes  of  ye  said  Sweer  Teunise  ye  same  death  V       one  4 

Enos  Talmidge  Leift  of  Capt  Bull  kild  &  burnt  -  -  -  )     house  1 

Hend  Meese  Vrooman  &  Bartholomeus  Vrooman  kild  &  burnt  -  -  -  -  2 

Item  2  Negroes  of  Hend  Meese  yc  same  death  ------  2 

Gerrit  Marcelhs  and  his  Wife  k  childe  kiled  -------3 

Rob*  Alexander  souldr  of  Capt  Bulls  Shott     -  -  .  -  -  -  -  1 

Rob1  hesseling  shott  ----------1 

Sander  ye  Sonne  of  gysbert  gerritse  kild  &  burnt        ------  l 

Jan  Roeloffse  de  goyer  burnt  in  ye  house  -         -         -  1 

Ralph  grant  a  souldier  in  yc  fort  shott  -         -  -  -         -         -  1 

David  Christoffelse  &  his  wife  wth  4  Children  all  burnt  in  there  house  -  -  -6 

Joris  Aertse  shott  and  burnt  Wm  Pieterse  kild  ------  2 

Joh :  Potman  kild  his  wife  kild  &  her  scalp  taken  off         -----  2 

Domc  Petrus  Tassemaker  ye  Minister  kild  k  burnt  in  his  house  ...  1 

Frans  harmense  kild  ----------1 

Engel  the  wife  of  Adam  Vroman  shot  k  burnt  her  cliilde  the  brains  dashed  out  against  ye  wall  2 


Reynier  Schaets  and  his  Sonne  kild 
Daniel  Andries  k  George  2  souldiers  of  Capt  Bull 
a  frcnch  girl  Prisoner  among  ye  Mohogs  kild  - 
A  Maquase  Indian  kild  ... 
Johannes  yc  sonne  of  Symon  Skermerhoorn 
3  Negroes  of  Symon  Skermerhoorn 


In  all 


60 


INVASION  OF  NEW-YORK  AND  BURNING  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


101 


LYST  OF  Ye  PERSONES  WHICH  Ye  FRENCH  AND  THERE   INDIANS   HAVE    TAKEN  PRISONERS  ATT  SKINNECH- 
TADY  AND  CARIED  TO  CANIDA  Ye  9th  DAY  OF  FEBRUARY  16 f£. 


Johannes  Teller  and  his  negroe          ------  2 

John  Wemp  sonne  of  Mynd1  Wemp  &  2  negroes        -          -  3 

Symon,  Abraham,  Phillip,  Dyrck  &  Claes  Groot  all  5  sonnes  of  Symon  Groot  5 

Jan  Baptist  sonne  of  Jan  Van  Epps     -          -          -  -  1 

Albert  &  Johannes  Vedder  sonnes  of  harrae  Vedder    -  -  2 

Isaak  Cornelise  Switts  &  his  Eldest  Sonne      -  2 


a  negroe  of  Barent  Janse        -------  1 

Arnout  yc  sonne  of  Arnout  Corn :  Viele  ye  Interpr     -                   -  1 

Stephen  ye  sonne  of  Gysbert  Gerritse                             -         -  1 

Lawrence  sonne  of  Claes  Lawrence  Purruurent          -          -  1 

Arnout  sonne  of  Paulyn  Janse          -          -                    -          -  1 

Barent  ye  sonne  of  Adam  Vroman  &  ye  neger         -                    -          -  2 

Claes  sonne  of  Franse  Harmense        ------  1 

Stephen  adopted  sonne  of  Geertje  Bouts        -                                        -  1 

John  Webb  a  souldier  Belonging  to  Capt  Bull          -  1 

David  Burt  belonging  to  ye  same  Compe        -  -  1 

Joseph  Marks  of  yc  same  Compe        -  -  1 

In  all         -         -  -         -  27 


THE  WAY  HOW  Ye  BLOODY  FRENCH  AND  INDIANS  COMMITTED  THIS  TRAGEDY  WAS  THUS. 

After  they  were  gott  into  ye  Toune  without  being  discovered  (no  watch  i  fer  guard  being  kept,  notwith- 
standing several  gent"  of  Albany  no  longer  than  three  days  before  were  up  there  to  Perswade  ym  to 
it)  The  french  and  ye  Indians  besett  each  house  and  after  they  had  murthered  ye  People  they  burnt 
all  ye  houses  and  barns  Cattle  &ca  Except  5  @  6  :  which  were  saved  by  Cap1  Sander  to  whom  they 
were  kinde  as  they  had  particular  orders  so  to  be  by  reason  of  ye  many  kindnesse  shewne  by  his 
wife  to  ye  french  Prisoners. 

Albany  yc  22  day  of  fcbruary  16||. 

Symon  Van  Ness  and  Andries  Barents  who  went  out  ye  first  wth  ye  Maquaese  returning  told ; 
they  had  Pursued  ye  Enemy  to  y«  great  Lake  k  would  have  overtaken  them  had  they  not  been  spyed 
by  some  of  ye  Enemy  Indians  that  went  out  to  looke  for  2  Negroe  boys,  y*  were  Runn  away  from 
them,  &  yl  ye  Indians  &  Christians  were  all  Tyred  when  they  came  to  ye  Croune  Point  neer  ye  Lake  ; 
some  went  further  till  they  came  to  where  yc  Ise  was  Smoth ;  where  the  french  had  with  horses  that 
they  carried  from  Skinnechtady  &  Skeets  and  Yse  Spurs,  made  all  the  way  they  could  over  ye  Lake 
in  so  much  that  our  People  could  gain  nothing  upon  them ;  whereas  at  first  they  went  2  of  there 
days  journeys  in  one;  neverthelesse  Laurence  ye  Maquase  and  about  140  Mohoggs  &  River  Indians 
are  gone  in  Pursuite  of  them,  &  will  follow  them  quite  to  Canida. 


192 


INVASION  OF  NEW- YORK  AND  BURNING  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


JACOB  LEISLER  TO  MARYLAND. 

[  From  Vol.  in  See's  Office,  endorsed,  "  Duke  of  York's  Charter,  Laws,  Papers  &c.  in  Leisler's  time.    I."  ] 

March  4,  1689  [O.  S.]  In  fort  William. 

To  our  great  griefe  I  must  acquaint  you  of  the  sad  and  deplorable  massacre  which  happened  at 
skenectady  near  Albany  by  the  french  and  their  Indians  the  ]  9l»  of  ffebruary  last  betwixt  Saturnday 
&  Sunday  at  eleaven  of  the  clock  in  the  night  200  men  fell  upon  them  &  most  barbarously  murdered 
sixty  two  men  women  &  children  &  burnt  the  place  left  but  5  or  6  houses  unburned  carried  away 
captive  27  the  rest  escaped  many  of  which  being  about  25  persons  much  damnified  by  the  french 
women  with  chyld  ript  up,  children  alive  thrown  into  the  flames,  some  their  heads  dashed  agl  the 
doors  &  windows  all  occasioned  by  their  neglect  of  their  not  watching,  deryving  to  obey  under  the 
command  of  the  Commission  of  Sir  Edmond,  the  sd  commander  being  onley  spared  withall  which 
belongs  to  him  a  safeguard  being  sett  in  his  house  &  he  himselfe  to  release  the  prisoners  he  desired 
last  Nov'ber  a  certaine  number  of  rebellious  people  at  Albany  calling  themselves  the  convention  & 
ruling  by  the  arbitrary  Comission  of  Sir  Edmond  k  encouraged  &  supported  by  some  of  the  wicked 
creatures  of  Sir  Edmond,  desired  from  me  assistance  of  men  gunes  ammunition  &  money  being 
afraied  of  the  french  to  whom  we  have  sent  52  men  50lbs  match  950lbs  pouder,  boulits  etc  wch  arry- 
ving  there  ag*  their  expectatione  would  not  receive  them,  &  were  left  there  by  the  Inhabitants  desire, 
the  sd  rebells  with  their  fort  keept  the  Inhabitants  under  a  faire.  I  have  sent  up  this  Winter  & 
commissioned  one  Capt"  with  25  men  to  Joine  with  our  confederate  Indians  to  warre  agl  the  french 
at  Canada,  who  were  hindred  by  the  s*1  rebells,  who  proclaimed  upon  paine  of  being  punished  for 
rebells  if  they  mett  above  four  men  soe  they  were  prevented  to  goe,  we  would  else  have  discovered 
the  enemy  &  prevented  that  disaster 


fort  William  March  4th  16S9 

Honorable  Sir  Governor  of  Boston  : 

Yours  of  the  8th  instant  by  Mr  Pembroke  I  received  &  I  returne  yow  many  thanks  for  the  care  I 
perceive  yow  have  had  lor  our  packet,  Since  your  last  wee  have  received  the  sad  &  miserable  newes 
from  Skenectcdy  neere  Albany  whereof  wee  understand  is  laid  to  your  woeful  account  it  is  such 
newes  as  wee  feared  long  since,  Alace  what  could  there  be  expected  of  a  certaine  number  of  rebel- 
lious people  that  remained  railing  under  that  arbitrary  Commissions  of  sir  Edmund  at  Albany  within 
this  province,  and  encouraged  and  supported  by  Conuecticoatt  by  ordering  their  forces  sent  thither  to 
observe  the  directions  of  the  sJ  rebells  named  a  Conventione,  being  well  assured  the  same  is  sup- 
ported more  especially  by  that  waylerous  John  Allan  the  Secretary  of  that  Collony. 


INVASION  OF  NEW-YORK  AND  BURNING  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


193 


THE  SAME  TO  THE  BISHOP  OF  SALISBURY,  31  March  1690. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  VH.  ] 

May  it  please  your  Lordship — The  foregoing  beiDg  sent  via  Boston  pr  the  agents  for  New  England 
which  we  hope  are  safely  arrived  ere  this  date,  we  take  leave  to  add,  that  [to]  a  certain  village  named 
Schanectede  24  miles  to  the  northward  of  Albany  on  Saturday  the  9^  of  Febr.  last  about  11a  clock 
at  night,  came  200  French  and  Indians  near  100  each  and  attacqued  the  same  while  it  snowed  thick, 
barbarously  destroying  the  Inhabitants  all  being  dutch ;  they  murthered  60  persons,  and  bore  away 
with  them  27  prisoners,  wounding  some  others  so  that  there  remain  but  about  one  sixth  part  of  them 
having  their  cattel,  goods  and  provisions  destroyed  and  arrested  from  them,  the  remnant  sheltering 
themselves  at  Albany,  where  there  is  provision  made  for  them  from  New  Yorke.  Being  alarmed  by 
the  daily  expectations  of  the  French  and  Indians  advancing  towards  us  with  a  considerable  number 
of  2500  french  besides  their  Indians  at  Mont-Real,  endevouring  to  obtaine  upon  the  allyed  Indians 
with  us,  viz*  The  Macquaes,  Oneydauns,  Onnonclades,  Cayougaes,  Sinnekaes,  and  Mehekanders  who 
have  espoused  our  cause,  we  have  appointed  persons  to  meet  them  at  Albany  in  few  dayes  to  con- 
sult our  best  way  to  intercept  the  Ennemies  march  ;  The  Macquaes  having  given  us  a  proofe  of  their 
fidelity  and  courage  by  pursuing  those  who  destroyed  Schenechtede  even  near  their  own  home,  taking 
and  slaying  twenty  five  of  them  who  lagged  in  the  reare,  and  promise  to  raise  more  than  1000  men 
of  theirs  to  joyne  with  400  of  ours  which  we  have  near  raysed  for  that  intent,  keeping  the  passe  upon 
the  lake  with  a  Company  of  Indians  and  Christians  in  number  about  50.  that  upon  the  enemyes 
approach,  we  may  be  timely  notice,  lying  about  150  miles  northward  of  Albany  which  we  have  forti- 
fied, to  the  best  of  our  power  and  capacytyes,  the  fort  having  13  canon,  10  Barrells  of  powder  and 
60  men  in  garrison  with  other  habiliments  ;  the  towne  palasadoes  round  and  making  breast  works 
within,  but  want  canon. 


R0BT  LIVINGSTON  TO  SIR  EDMUND  ANDR0S. 

Hartford,  14  April  1690. 

May  it  Please  yr  Excelly — I  was  in  hopes  Yor  Excel :  should  have  heard  ye  newes  of  ye  destroying 
Skinnechtady  by  ye  French  and  Indians  before  your  departure  y1  your  Excel,  might  ye  more  hastned 
their  motion  at  Whitehall  for  ouir  Settlement.  On  ye  9th  of  Feby  last  a  Comp?  of  250  French  and 
Indians  came  upon  y1  place  when  they  were  all  asleep  about  11a  Clock  at  night,  and  killd  and  de- 
stroyed 60  men  women  and  children,  carryed  27  men  and  boys  prisoners  and  burnt  ye  towne  except 
6  or  7  houses  wThich  are  saved  by  Capt.  Sander,  whom  they  did  not  touch, having  expresse  command 
to  meddle  wth  none  of  his  relations  for  his  wife's  sake,  who  had  always  been  kinde  to  ye  French  pri- 
soners. The  people  of  that  Towne  were  so  bygotted  to  Leysler  that  they  would  not  obey  any  of  y° 
Magistrates  neither  woidd  they  entertain  ye  souldiers  sent  thither  by  y*  Convention  of  all ;  nothing 
but  men  sent  from  Leysler  would  do  theire  turn. 

Thus  had  Leysler  perperted  y*  poor  people  by  his  seditious  letters  now  founde  all  bloody  upon 
Skinnechtady  streets,  with  the  notions  of  a  free  trade,  boalting  &c.  and  thus  they  are  destroyed ;  they 
would  not  watch,  and  where  Capt.  Sander  commanded,  there  they  threatened  to  burn  him  upon  ye 
fire,  if  he  came  upon  the  garde.    We  were  much  alarmd  at  Albany;  we  sent  ye  Maquase  y*  were  at 

[Vol.  I.]  25 


194  INVASION  OF  NEW-YORK  AND  BURNING  OF  SCHENECTADY. 

hand  out,  and  to  ye  Maquase  Castles ;  but  ye  Messenger  being  so  timorous  did  not  proceed ;  so  yl  it 
was  3  days  before  we  could  get  ye  Maquase  downe  to  pursue  them,  who  being  joyned  with  our  men, 
follow'd  them  to  the  Great  Lake,  where  ye  Yse  being  good  and  ye  French  haveing  robb'd  sundrey 
horses,  put  tlier  plunder  upon  sleds  and  so  over  ye  Lake;  however  ye  Indians  pursued  and  gott  10, 
and  afterwards  5,  and  killed  3.  Who  being  examined  relate,  yl  ye  French  design  to  attacke  Albany 
early  in  ye  Spring,  haveing  120  batoes  100  birch  canoes  and  12  light  morterpeeces  and  severall  other 

engines  ready,  and  are  to  come  with  1500  men.  Poor  Sharpe  is 

lame  being  wounded  with  a  great  gunn  y*  split  when  ye  alarm  came  [to  Albany]  of  Skinnechtady. 


JACOB  LEISLER  TO  THE  GOVERNOUR  OF  BARBADOES. 

[From  Vol.  endorsed,  Letters  in  Leislers  time  &.C.] 

Ao  1690 :  17  May  in  fort  William. 

Honorable  Sir — The  French  of  Cannada  with  their  Indianes  committed  six  bloody  masacres  in 
this  province  three,  &  in  New  England  three,  they  have  destroyed  Skanectady  a  vilage  20  millesfrom 
Albany,  murdered  sixty  three  men  women  and  children,  carried  captive  27  :  k  have  committed  the 
greatest  tyranny  imaginable,  rypt  up  women  with  chyld  throwed  children  alive  into  the  flame,  dasht 
others  agl  door  post  till  their  brains  stuck  to  it,  another  murder  of  eleaven  people,  and  one  or  two 
committed  since  last  fall,  we  send  fifty  men  up  to  guard  that  place,  but  a  certaine  number  of  people 
there  maintaining  the  comissions  from  Sir  Edmond  Andross  k  Coll.  Dongan  deryving  from  the  au- 
thority of  the  late  King  James  would  not  accept  them  there,  but  keept  the  fort  by  virtue  of  the  sd 
Commission  k  would  not  suffer  any  of  them  to  goe  k  guard  sd  Village  being  the  frontier  but  send  of 
their  people  there,  by  which  mcanes  from  treachery  cowardice  and  carelesnes  that  too  unfortunate 
and  to  be  lamented  accident  lies  hapened  there,  the  river  being  frozen  that  noe  forces  could  be  sent 
up  the  winter,  the  well  meaned  people,  lodged  our  souldiers  who  kept  guard  in  the  City  whereof  the 
french  k  Indian  (in  number  of  200  men)  had  advise  the  Indianes  would  not  goe  there  &  so  altered 
the  designe,  and  that  place  was  by  that  meanes  spared  our  Indians  pursued  them  kild  k  took  25 
frenchmen  who  gave  us  an  account  of  severall  troops  out  in  a  designe  in  the  Spring  with  2500  french 
besides  their  Indianes. 


MR.  VAN  CORTLANDT  TO  SR  ED.  ANDROSS. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  VII.  ] 

19  May,  1690. 

May  it  please  your  Excellency, 

*  *  #       The  French  and  Indians  have  againe,  since  your  Excellcrs  departure,  de- 

stroyed some  people  to  the  Eastward  of  Boston,  have  also  burned  Schcneghtade  killed  00  people  and 
tooke  28  young  men  and  boys  prisoners :  About  1 50  Indians  and  50  young  men  off  Albany  followed 
the  French  overtooke  them  upon  the  lake  killed  some  and  tooke  15  Frenchmen,  which  the  Indians 
have  killed  in  their  castles;  the  french  Indians  have  killed  eight  or  ten  people  att  Conestagione,  which 


INVASION  OF  NEW- YORK  AND  BURNING  OF  SCHENECTADY.  195 

has  made  the  whole  country  in  an  alarm,  and  the  people  leave  their  plantations.  Most  of  the  Albany 
Wood  men  are  att  New-Yorke.  Arent  Schuyler  went  with  eight  Indians  to  Chambly,  killed  2  and 
tooke  1  Frenchman  prisoner. 


MR.  LIVINGSTON  TO  [CAPT.  NICHOLSON.] 

[  Lond.  Doc.  VII.  ] 

7th  June.  1690. 

Honble  Sir, — We  of  Albany  stood  out  the  longest  till  were  deserted  by  all  New-England,  and  while 
I  was  sent  by  the  Convention  of  Albany  to  procure  assistance  from  the  neighbouring  colonies,  Leis- 
ler  sends  up  one  Jacob  Milborne,  formerly  a  servant  to  a  man  in  Hartford,  but  now  a  fitt  tool  for  his 
turn  with  160  men,  who  gott  the  fort  surrendered  to  him,  after  I  had  maintained  the  garrison,  and 
all  publick  charge  to  the  12th  of  March,  turn'd  out  all  the  Souldiers  but  12  or  13,  which  they  tooke 
in  again,  and  so  kept  there  for  some  weeks.  This  Jacob  Millborne,  John  de  Bruine  and  Johannes 
Provoost,  under  the  dominion  of  New- York  commiss1'3  spending  their  time  with  drinking  and  quaff- 
ing, while  the  French  Indians  comes  and  cutts  off  the  people  at  Canastagione  and  above  Synectady, 
and  never  one  of  them  catcht.  We  have  all  Leisler's  seditious  letters  secured  which  was  the  occa- 
sion of  the  destruction  of  Synechtady,  miraculously  found  in  the  streets,  all  embrued  wth  blood  the 
morning  after  massacre  was  committed,  so  that  we  want  nothing  but  a  Govern1  to  call  him  to  account. 


CIVIL  LIST 

OF  THE 

xonxntt  of  N c 0 r I 


1G93. 


A  LIST  OF  ALL  THE  OFFICERS 


EMPLOYED    IN  CIVILL  OFFICES  IN  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORKE  IN  AMERICA  THE  20th  OF  APRIL  1G93, 

AND  OF  THEIR  SALLARIES. 

[Lond.  Doc.  IX.] 


Patent  Officers. 

His  Excellency  Benjamin  Fletcher  Esqr  Cap1  Gen"  and  Governonr  in  Chiefe  of  the 
Province  of  New-York  and  Territories  depending  thereon  in  America  and  Vice- 
Admirall  of  the  same  £600  sterling  att  30  pr  cent  advance  is 
Matthew  Clarkson  Esqr  Sec"  allowed  him  for  Paper  pen  and  ink  pr  annum 
Chidley  Brook  Esqr  Collr  and  Receiver  Gen"  pr  ann.  £200 — £30  Sterl  pr  cent  advance 


Sallarys. 

780  00  00 

30  00  00 
260  00  00 


Members  of  Council. 


Tho*  Willett 
Will™  Pinhorne 
Peter  Schuyler 
John  Lawrence 
John  Youngs 
Caleb  Heathcote 


•Esqr 


Fred.  Philips 
Steph  Courtlandt 
Nich  Bayard 

Will.  Smith  )>Esqrs. 
Gab  :  Monveille 
Chid.  Brook 
Wm  Nicolls 
James  Grayham,  Esqr  Attorney  Gen11 

David  Jamison  Clerk  of  the  Councill,  allowed  per  annum  .... 

Dan.  Honan  Accomptant-Gen11  pr  ann  :  ...... 

Jarvis  Marshall  Doorkeeper  and  Messenger  of  ye  Councill  .... 

Justices  of  the  Supream  Court  of  Judicature  haveing  the  power  of  Kings 
Bench,  Combn  Pleas  and  Exchequer 

Allowed  for  {  William  Smith  Esq  Chiefe  Justice  per  annum  .... 

circmt.'  "  (  William  Pinhorne,  Esq.  2d  Justice  per  annum,  .... 

Steph  Courtlandt 

Chid  Brooke         EsqrS  Justices 

John  Lawrence 

The  Secretary  is  the  Clerk  of  this  Court. 

Custome  House  Officers. 

Rob4  Livingston  Sub  Collector  att  Albany  per  annum  .... 
Wm  Shaw,  Gauger  att  Albany  pr  anh 

Thos  Munsey  Surveyor  att  New- York  pr  ann  ..... 


50  00  00 
60  00  00 
30  00  00 


130  00  00 
100  00  00 


£50  00  00 
8  00  00 
40  00  00 


200 


CIVIL  LIST  OF  NEW-YORK. 


James  Evetts  Waiter  .  .  .  .  .  .  :  30  00  00 

Emmanuel  Young  waiter        .  .  .  .  .  .  .  30  00  00 

The  Guager  at  New  York  paid  by  yc  cask 

Allowed  to  Godfredus  Dellius  for  teaching  and  converting  the  Indians  pr  ann  .        60  00  00 

To  the  Interpretess  Helene  to  interprete  lor  ye  Five  Nations  pr  annum         .  .        20  00  00 

Allowed  for  their  Maties  Barge  one  Coxwain  pr  ann  :  and  eight  oars  att  50s  each,  £20         30  00  00 
Allowed  to  a  printer  pr  ann    .  .  .  .  .  .  .  40  00  00 

Clerk  of  the  Assembly  allowed  12s  pr  diem  dureing  ye  Sessions 
Door  Keeper  and  Messenger  4s  pr  diem  dureing  yc  Sessions 

Allowed  the  Honble  N.  Blaithwayte  5  pr  cent  out  the  Revenue  as  Auditor  Generall 


£1738  00  00 


In  the  Citty  of  New  Yorke 
Abraham  Depeyster  Esq.  Mayor  and  Clerk  of  the  Mercate 
James  Graham  Esqr  Recorder 
Standley  Handcock  Esqr  High  Sheriff 
William  Sharpas  Towne  Clerke 
The  Aldermen,  Collectors,  Assessors  and  Constables  are  elective. 

In  the  Citty  of  Albany 

Peter  Schuyler  Esq  Mayor 

Dirck  Wessels  Esq  Recorder 

Rob4  Livingston  Esq    Town  Clerk 

John  Apell  Esqr  Sherriffe 
The  Aldermen,  Collectors,  Assessors  and  Constables  elective. 
The  Mayors  Court  hath  the  Power  of  the  Comon  Pleas. 

In  each  County  there  is  a  Court  of  Comon  Pleas  whereof  the  first  in  the  Commission  of  the  Peace 
is  Judge,  and  is  to  be  assisted  with  any  two  of  the  three  next  in  the  commission  of  the  Peace. 

The  Mayor  and  Aldermen  are  Justices  of  the  Peace  and  have  power  to  hold  Quarter  Sessions  in 
the  Cittys  of  N.  York  L  Albany. 


Justices  of  the  Peace 

In  the  County  of  Albany  to  joyne  the  May°r  Record1-  and  Aldermen  in  the  Quarter  Sessions. 
Eghbert  Theunisse  }  Nicholas  Rispe  ) 

Kilian  Van  Ranslaer        r  Sanders  Glenn  (, 

Martin  Gerritse  >Esqrs  peter  yosbrough  ^ 

Dirck  Theunisse  J  Gerryt  Theunisse  * 


Justices  in  Westchester  County 

Caleb  Heathcote  Esqr  Judge  of  the  Common  Pleas. 
Joseph  Theale  }  James  Mott 

William  Barnes  £  Esq"  John  Hunt 


Daniel  Strange  )  Wm  Chadderton  ( 

Thomas  Pinkney 

Benjamin  Collier  Esqr  Sherriffe. 
Joseph  Lee  Clerk  of  the  County 
Collectors  Assessors  and  Constables  elective 


CIVIL  LIST  OF  NEW- YORK. 


201 


Justices  in  the  County  of  Richmond 
Ellis  Duxbury  Esqr  Judge  of  the  Comon  Pleas 
Abraham  Cannor 
Abraham  Lakeman 
Dennis  Theunisse 
John  Shadwell 
John  Stilwell  Esq*  Sheriff 


Esq1' 


Justices  in  the  County  of  Ulster 
Thomas  Garton  Esqr  Judge  of  the  Comon  Pleas 
Henry  Beeckman  ^ 
Dirck  Shepmers  / 
Wessell  Tenbrook  (  Es(1' 

Abraham  Haasbrough  ' 
Nicholas  Antonio  Esqr  Sherriffe 

Justices  in  Suffolk  County 
Isaac  Arnold  Esqr  Judge  of  ye  Comon  Pleas. 
John  Howell 
Samuell  Mulford 
Rich*  Smith 

William  Barker  >Esqr 
Matthew  Howell 
Ebenetus  Piatt 
Thomas  Mapes 
Josiah  Hobbart  Esqr  Sheriffe 

Justices  in  Queers  County 
Thomas  Hix  Esqr  Judge  of  the  Common  Pleas 
Richard  Cornwall 
Ellias  Doughty 

Dan.  Whitehead  ^Esq" 
John  Smith 
Tho.  Stevensant 
John  Harrison  Esqr  Sherriffe 
Andrew  Gibb  Clerke 

Justices  in  the  Kings  County 
Stephen  Courtlandt  Judge  of  ye  Common  Pleas 
Roeloffe  Martinse        >.  Dirk  Huyle  ^ 

Nicholas  Stillwell        f  John  Theunisse  f 


Es1rS  Peter  Cortiliau  C 

Henry  Eilkin  J  Stoffell  Probasco  J 

Gerryt  Strycker  Esqr  Sherriff. 
Dukes  County  consisting  of  Nantuckett  and  Martins  Vineyard  claimed  by  Sr  William  Phipps,  the 
case  of  Martins  Vineyard  laid  before  their  Ma'ties. 

Orange  County  not  above  twenty  families,  for  the  present  under  the  care  of  New  York 
Dutchess  County  haveing  very  few  inhabitants  committed  to  the  care  of  the  county  of  Ulster 
[Vol.  I.]  26 


202  MILITIA  OF  NEW-YORK. 

Surveyors  of  Highways,  Collectors,  Assessors  and  Constables,  are  elective  throughout  the  whole 
Province 

An  Account  of  all  Eslablishm"  of  Jurisdictions  within  this  Province. 
Single  Justice — Every  Justice  of  the  Peace  hath  power  to  determine  any  suite  or  controversy  to  the 
value  of  forty  shillings 

Quarter  Sessions — The  Justices  of  the  Peace  in  Quarter  Sessions  have  all  such  powers  and  authorities 

as  are  granted  in  a  Commission  of  ye  Peace  in  England 
County  Court — The  County  Court  or  Common  Pleas  hath  cognizance  of  civil  Accons  to  any  value, 

excepting  what  concerns  title  of  land,  and  noe  Accon  can  be  removed  from  this  court  if  the 

damage  be  under  twenty  pounds. 
Mayor  and  Aldermen — The  Court  of  Mayor  and  Aldermen  hath  the  same  power  with  the  County 

Courts. 

Supreme  Court — The  Supreme  Court  hath  the  powers  of  Kings  Bench,  Common  Pleas  &  Exchequer 
in  England,  &  noe  accon  can  be  removed  from  this  court  if  under  XI 00. 

Chancery. — The  Governour  and  Councill  are  a  court  of  Chancery  and  have  the  powers  of  the  Chan- 
cery in  Englaud,  from  wdiose  sentence  or  decree  nothing  can  be  removed  under  £300 

Prerogative  Court. — The  Governour  discharges  the  place  of  Ordinary  in  granting  Administracdns  and 
proveing  Wills  &c.  The  Secretary  is  Register.  The  Govern1  is  about  to  appoint  Delegates  in 
the  remoter  parts  of  the  Government,  with  Supervisors  for  looking  after  intestates  estates  &  pro- 
videing  for  orphans 

Court  Marshall — The  Govern'  hath  established  a  Court  Martiall  att  Albany  whereof  Major  Richd  In- 
goldesby  is  President  &  Robert  Livingston  Judge  Advocate  who  with  the  other  comissionated 
Captains  att  Albany  have  power  to  exercise  Martiall  Law,  being  a  frontear  Garrison  and  in 
actuall  warr. 

Admiralty — Their  Majesties  reserve  the  appointment  of  a  Judge,  Register,  and  Marshall 

M.  Clarkson,  Secry. 


A  STATE  OF  THE  MILLITIA 

IN  THEIR  MAJESTIES  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK  IN  AMERICA,  AT-RIL  1003. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  IX.  ] 


Men. 


The  Millitia  of  the  Citly  and  County  of  New  Yorke  &  Orange,  commanded  by  Coll:  Abra- 
ham Lepeystcr,  being  Eight  Companys  of  loot,  and  one  Troop  of  Horse,  consisting  of  177 

The  Millitia  of  Queens  County  in  ye  Island  of  Nassaw,  commanded  by  Coll.  Thomas  Wil- 
lett  being  nine  Companys  Foot,  and  one  Troop  of  Horse  consisting  of        ...  &8Q 

The  Millitia  of  Sutl'olke  County  in  the  Island  of  Nassaw  commanded  by  Coll:  John  Young 
being  nine  companys  of  Foot,  consisting  of--------       -  533 

The  Millitia  of  Kings  County  in  yc  Island  of  Nassaw,  commanded  by  Coll:  Stephanos  Van 
Cortland,  being  six  Companys  of  Foot  and  one  Troop  of  Horse,  consisting  of  -  319 

The  Millitia  of  the  county  of  Albany  oom&nded  by  Major  Peter  Schuyler  being  five  com- 
panys of  Foot  and  one  Troop  of  Horse,  now  formed  into  Dragoons  by  the  Governr,  consist- 
ing of    -  359 


MILITIA  OF  NEW-YORK. 


203 


The  Millitia  of  Ulster  and  Dutchess  Countys  comanded  by  Lieut  Coll.  Beeckman  being  four 
Conipanys  of  Foot  and  one  Troop  of  Horse  now  made  Dragoons,  consisting  of  277 

The  Millitia  of  the  County  of  Westchester,  comanded  by  Coll.  Caleb  Heathcott,  being  six 
Companys  of  Foot,  consisting  of------  --  -  283 

The  Millitia  of  the  County  of  Richmond  commanded  by  Capt  Andrew  Cannon  being  two 
Companys  of  Foot,  consisting  of-------  -  104 

In  all  2932 


Ben.  Fletcher 


XI. 

PAPEES 

RELATING  TO 


Count  ire  Jroutcuac'a  (Bxjjtiritiou 


AGAINST 


THE  ONOND AGOES. 


FRONTENAC'S  EXPEDITION,  1G9G. 


[  Council  Min.  VII.  ] 

At  a  Council  held  at  his  Ma*'«  ffort  in  New  Yorke  the  9'h  of  July  169G. 
Present  His  Excellency  Benjamin  Fletcher  &c 

fired  Phillips         )  Gab  Monvielle 

Steph.  Cortlandt     >  Esqrs  Peter  Schuyler      ^  Esq18 

Nicli:  Bayard       )  John  Lawrence 

His  Excell :  did  communicate  intelligence  from  Albany  with  the  examination  of  a  ffrench  prisoner 
wherein  appears  there  is  great  preparacon  in  Canida  and  a  resolution  of  the  Govern1'  of  Canida  to 
reduce  the  five  Nations  this  summer  that  all  the  men  between  fifteen  &  fifty  in  Canida  are  ordered 
to  be  in  readiness  and  that  all  the  ffrench  Indians  &  Ottawawaes  are  together  &  that  they  are  to 
joyn  the  Dawaganhaes 

His  Excell.  offered  his  opinion  to  march  up  400  men  to  the  Castle  of  Onondage  to  encourage  and 
confirme  the  Indians. 

The  Council  do  approve  thereof,  but  affirm  the  impossibility  for  want  of  money  which  is  not  to 
be  had  our  neighbours  having  denyed  assistance  the  Revenue  lessened  much  by  the  decay  of  trade 
and  great  backwardness  in  bringing  in  the  taxes 

At  a  Council  held  at  his  Ma^s  ffort  in  New  Yorke  the  27«»  of  July  1606. 

Present  His  Excellency  Benjamin  Fletcher  &c. 

ffred  Phillips  '       )  John  Lawrence      >  ^ 

Steph :  Cortlandt     >  Esqrs  Caleb  Heathcote    5  ^ 

Gab  Monvielle  ) 

His  Excell :  did  communicate  a  letter  from  Mr.  Allyn  of  Connecticut  giving  account  of  two 
ffrench  men  taken  prisoners  neere  the  heads  of  their  rivers  and  that  they  report  there  is  1000  ffrench 
&  2000  Indians  marched  against  the  five  Nations. 

Also  a  letter  from  Coll.  Ingoldesby  with  a  belt  from  Onondage  bringing  intelligence  of  a  great 
body  of  ffrench  &  Indians  on  this  side  Mount  Reall  on  their  march  towards  them  12  dayes  aggo. 

His  Excell :  desired  the  advice  of  the  Council  what  is  to  be  done  offering  his  ready nesse  to  march 
immediately  to  the  frontiers  in  person  and  his  opinion  it  were  convenient  to  march  up  men  for  the 
frontiers  that  a  body  may  be  spared  to  go  to  Onondage  to  cover  them  and  show  our  zeal  for  their 
preservacon  which  will  give  them  encouragement. 

It  is  the  opinion  of  the  Council  that  there  being  no  assistance  of  men  from  the  neighbouring  Colo- 
nies and  a  small  summe  of  money  sent  from  Virginia  and  Maryland  to  assist  in  the  many  great 
charges  this  Province  is  put  to  upon  the  alarms  of  the  enemy  it  being  harvest  time  and  many  of  the 
South  of  the  Province  already  listed  to  recruit  the  Companyes  it  will  be  very  grievous  to  take  the 
people  from  their  labour  and  hardly  possible  there  is  likewise  no  money  to  answer  the  charge  thereof 


208  COUNT  FRONTENAc's   EXPEDITION  AGAINST  THE  ONONDAGAS. 

Do  therefore  advise  that  a  letter  be  wrote  to  the  Indians  to  give  them  encouragement  and  to  acquaint 
them  the  King  of  England  has  sent  them  some  presents  &  desire  them  to  be  watchful!. 

At  a  Council  held  at  his  Ma**  ffort  in  New  Yorke  the  31«t  day  of  July  1696. 
Present  his  Excell :  Benjamin  Fletcher  etc 
ffred  Philips  ) 

Steph :  Cortlandt    >  Esq"  Gab  Monvielle 

Nich  Bayard         )  Caleb  Heathcote 

His  Excell :  did  communicate  to  the  Council  intelligence  from  the  frontiers  that  the  enemy  are 
upon  their  march  that  the  Indians  of  the  five  Nations  have  sent  to  call  for  assistance  of  Christian 
rce  and  did  expresse  his  readynesse  to  go  to  Albany 

His  Excell :  did  desire  their  opinion  what  is  to  be  done  being  there's  no  money  in  the  Coffers 

It  is  the  opinion  of  the  Council  that  there  may  be  men  found  upon  the  frontiers  that  upon 

encouragement  will  march  to  the  Indian  Country  if  there  were  a  fund  to  answer  the  charge  thereof 
His  Excell.  did  declare  his  readynesse  to  go  provided  they  will  finde  money  to  answer  the  necessary 

charge  thereof 

Coll  Cortlandt  proferred  his  personal!  credit  for  ,£200  towards  the  expedicon 
Coll  Bayard  offers  the  same  ffred  Phillips  offers  the  same  L1  Coll.  Monvielle  the  same  Coll  Heath- 
cote the  same 

His  Excell :  did  recommend  to  them  to  procure  the  credit  each  for  £200  forthwith. 


FRONTENAC'S  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  THE  ONONDAGA  INDIANS.  1696. 

[  Paris  Doc.  V.  ] 

The  Count  is  already  advised,  by  despatches  at  the  departure  of  last  year's  ships,  of  the  prepara- 
tions for  a  considerable  expedition  against  the  Iroquois  and  principally  against  the  Onnontagues 
which  is  the  chief  nation,  where  the  councils  of  the  other  five  are  held,  the  most  devoted  to  the 
English,  and  the  most  strenuously  opposed  to  the  negociations  for  peace  of  preceding  years.  It 
became  of  importance  to  crush  them,  and  it  appeared  to  many  more  advantageous  to  do  so  during 
winter  inasmuch  as  it  was  certain,  said  they,  to  find  in  the  Village  at  least  all  the  women  and  children 
who  being  destroyed  or  captured  would  draw  down  ruin  on  the  warriors  or  oblige  them  to  surrender 
to  us. 

The  necessary  preparations  for  this  expedition  were  begun  last  autumn,  but  the  large  amount  of 
snow  produced  a  change  of  design,  the  rather  as  it  was  impossible  to  transport  the  Militia  (habitans) 
from  the  south  shore  and  the  Island  of  Orleans  to  the  government  of  Quebec,  the  river  having  been 
absolutely  impassible  from  the  sailing  of  the  vessels  to  the  commencement  of  this  year. 

This  it  was  that  caused  the  adoption  of  the  resolution  to  proceed  by  the  Mohawk  country  with 
whatever  troops  could  be  collected  capable  of  travelling  on  the  snow  with  the  militia  of  Three 
Rivers  and  Montreal  and  Indians,  which  had  always  been  the  plan  of  Monsieur  the  Count  de 
Frontcnac  who  foresaw  the  ditlicultv  of  executing  the  other  project  during  winter.  But  this  design 
also  aborted,  because  we  were  informed  that  a  Mohawk  prisoner  who  escaped  from  us,  had  commu- 
nicated our  intention,  and  that  this  Nation,  united  with  the  English  of  Orange,  awaited  us  with  reso- 
lute determination,  which,  however,  would  not  have  prevented  us  going  in  quest  of  them  had  the 


COUNT   FRONTENAc's  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  THE  ONONDAGAS. 


209 


continuance  of  the  season  permitted  a  large  body  to  make  so  long  a  march  and  to  carry  munitions 

and  the  supplies  necessary  for  subsisting  there.. 

•  *  #*<#*»  #### 

The  intelligence  which  we  stated  that  M.  le  Comte  de  Frontenac  received  from  the  Ottawas  obliged 
us  to  interrupt  what  we  had  commenced  of  the  preparations  for  the  Onnontague  voyage.  Every 
thing  was  put  in  order  during  his  short  stay  at  Montreal.  He  departed  for  la  Chine  where  the  army 
arrived  on  the  4th  July ;  ten  Ottawa  savages  arrived  there  the  same  day,  and  coining  from  the 
vicinity  of  the  Onnontagues  they  roved  a  long  time  around  the  village  without  having  been  able  to 
make  any  prisoners,  and  finding  themselves  pursued  by  a  considerable  party,  took  refuge  in  fort 
Frontenac.  They  thanked  Monsieur  le  Comte  for  not  having  deceived  them,  and  for  having  saved 
their  lives  by  furnishing  them  at  that  fort  with  something  to  eat  and,  particularly,  to  smoke. 

On  the  information  given  them  by  Sieur  Dejordis,  a  Calvinist  Captain,  who  commanded  that  fort, 
of  the  march  of  M.  le  Comte,  they  said  they  were  going  to  meet  him,  and  that  they  expected  to 
accompany  him. 

Provisions  having  been  furnished  to  the  Indians,  the  whole  army  proceeded  to  encamp  on  the  6th 
at  Isle  Perrot.  Next  day  it  was  ranged  in  the  order  of  battle,  which  it  was  intended  should  be 
observed  during  the  entire  march. 

The  savages,  to  the  number  of  500,  were  so  divided  that  the  greater  portion  were  always  in  the 
van  which  was  composed  of  two  battalions  of  troops  consisting  each  of  two  hundred  men.  They 
were  followed  by  several  detached  batteaux  of  militia,  bearing  supplies  and  the  baggage  of  M.  le 
Comte,  Messrs  de  Callieres,  de  Vaudreuil,  and  de  Ramezay. 

Monsieur  de  Callieres  commanded  the  vanguard,  having  two  large  batteaux  on  board  which  were 
two  brass  pieces  mounted,  also  mortars  for  grenades,  fire  works  and  other  necessary  ammunition, 
with  the  Commissary  of  Artillery. 

Monsieur  le  Comte  de  Frontenac  followed  the  vanguard  surrounded  by  the  canoes  of  his  Staff, 
Sieur  Levasseur,  Engineer,  and  several  volunteers.  The  four  battalions  of  militia,  stronger  than 
those  of  the  soldiers,  composed  the  main  body.  Monsieur  de  Ramezay,  Governor  of  Three  Rivers, 
commanded  the  entire  militia.  The  rearguard,  commanded  by  Monsieur  de  Vaudreuil,  consisted 
only  of  two  battalions  of  troops  and  the  remainder  of  the  savages  who  brought  up  the  rear. 

Sieurs  de  la  Durantaye,  de  May,  de  Grays  et  Dumesnil  veteran  captains  commanded  the  four  bat- 
talions of  troops ;  sieur  de  Subercaze  acted  as  Major  General  and  there  was  an  adjutant  {Aide  Major) 
to  each  battalion  of  troops  and  militia;  sieur  de  Saint  Martin,  a  Calvinist  captain,  commanded  the 
Quebec  battalion ;  sieur  de  Grandville,  Lieutenant,  that  of  Beaupre" ;  sieur  le  Grandpre,  Major  of 
Three  Rivers,  was  at  the  head  of  the  militia  of  that  government,  and  sieur  Deschambaux,  King's 
attorney  at  Montreal,  commanded  the  battalion  of  that  place.  No  officers  remained  in  the  country 
except  those  whom  infirmity  prevented  undertaking  such  a  voyage ;  and  with  difficulty  were  any 
found  for  the  requisite  garrisons. 

Sieur  de  Maricourt,  Captain,  led  the  savages  of  the  Sault  and  the  Abenakis  who  formed  one  corps ; 
sieur  Gardeur  de  Beauvaire,  Lieutenant  of  those  of  the  Mountain  and  of  the  Lorette  Hurons,  and 
sieur  de  Beaucourt  also  Lieutenant,  commanded  the  Algonquins,  Socoquois,  Nipissirmens,  and  the 
few  there  were  of  Ottawas,  who  constituted  another  corps. 

The  order  of  battle  was  not  deranged  during  the  march,  and  the  troops  which  formed  the  van  on 
one  day,  retired  on  the  morrow  to  the  rear.  As  there  were  nearly  thirty  leagues  of  Rapids  to  be 
passed,  the  march  was  very  tedious ;  it  is,  therefore,  inconceivable  Avhat  difficulty  was  encountered 
in  making  the  portages,  being  obliged  often  several  times  in  one  day  to  discharge  from  the  batteaux 
the  greater  part  of  the  freight. 

[Vol.  I.]  27 


210 


COUNT  FHONTENAC'S  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  THE  ONONDAGAS. 


Those  who  have  no  knowledge  of  the  country,  cannot  understand  what  we  call  Cascades  and 
Saults.  Falls  from  seven  to  eight  feet  high  are  often  met,  and  there  fifty  men  find  difficulty  enough 
in  dragging  a  batteau,  and  in  places  less  troublesome  they  are  under  the  necessity  of  getting  into  the 
water  up  to,  and  sometimes  beyond  the  waist,  it  being  impossible  to  stem  the  current  even  with  the 
lightest  canoes  by  aid  of  poles  and  paddles. 

A  part  of  the  army  encamped,  on  the  day  of  departure,  above  the  chute  called  Le  Buisson ;  the 
rest  followed  in  file  next  day  and  the  rain  obliged  them  to  bivouac  there. 

On  the  9th  the  Cedars  rapid  was  passed ;  on  the  10th  the  army  divided  in  two  to  ascend  that  of 
Coteau  du  lac,  a  part  to  the  north  and  a  part  to  the  south.  The  same  thing  was  repeated  next  morn- 
ing, and  a  junction  was  re-formed  at  the  entrance  of  Lake  St.  Francis,  which  is  over  seven  leagues 
long,  and  which  was  passed  under  sail  and  in  full  battle  array. 

Our  Indian  scouts  reported  at  night  that  they  had  seen  some  ascending  and  descending  trails.  A 
detachment  of  savages  and  a  few  Frenchmen  was  formed  to  march  some  leagues  ahead  of  the  main 
body  and  to  prevent  ambuscades. 

'  On  the  12th  before  decamping,  nine  Abenakis  joined  Monsieur  le  Comte  de  Frontenac.  Messieurs 
l'Intendant  and  the  King's  lieutenant  at  Quebec  remarked  in  their  letters  that  these  savages  said  that 
tiiey  had  learned  that  the  English  intended  coming  to  Quebec.  These  false  reports,  which  are  but 
too  prevalent  in  these  parts,  did  not  interrupt  the  continuance  of  the  march,  and  the  camp  was 
formed  at  the  foot  of  the  Long  Sault. 

However  long  and  difficult,  it  was  all  passed  on  the  13th.  On  the  14"'  they  came  to  the  foot  of  the 
Rapide  Plat.  Sieur  de  Mantesh,  Lieutenant,  was  detached  with  fifty  Frenchmen  and  savages  to  make 
the  necessary  discoveries. 

On  the  15th  they  arrived  at  the  rapid  des  Galets;  the  16th  after  having  repaired  several  battcaux, 
they  could  not  make  any  more  than  three  leagues  beyond  the  place  called  la  Galette  where  the  bad 
navigation  terminated. 

At  those  places  where  portages  were  required  to  be  made,  several  detachments  marched  on  land 
to  cover  those  who  drew  (the  battcaux.)    On  the  17th  the  rain  prevented  a  long  march. 

On  the  18th  they  proceeded  to  within  4  leagues  of  the  fort  [Frontenac].    They  made  more  than 

twelve  leagues  that  day,  and  arrived  there  the  next  day,  noon ;  so  that  of  70  leagues,  the  distance 

from  Montreal  to  this  fort, they  were  only  four  days  passing  through  the  smooth  water, crossing  Lake 

St.  Francis  included,  and  thirty  ascending  the  Rapidfl  which  do  not  comprise  half  the  distance. 
####**####* 

On  the  26th  they  took  their  departure,  and  encamped  at  Deer  island,  (lie  aux  chevreuils,)  the  scouts 
marching  continually  ahead  of  the  army.  Sieur  de  Luth,  captain,  was  left  in  the  fort  as  command- 
ant with  a  garrison  of  40  men  and  masons  and  carpenters  necessary  for  the  buildings  which  he  was 
recommended  to  hasten.  There  remained  only  26  sick  in  the  fort,  most  of  whom  were  wounded  in 
the  legs  ascending  the  rapids. 

On  the  27th  they  got  to  within  three  leagues  of  Riviere  de  la  Famine  \  Black  RivcrJ,and  on  the  28th 
at  the  mouth  of  that  of  Onnontague,  our  scouts  reported  having  seen  the  trails  of  nine  men. 

29th.  As  this  river  is  extremely  narrow,  50  scouts  were  detached  on  each  side,  and  the  army  pro- 
ceeded only  according  to  their  reports.  Some  had  seen  the  trails  of  thirty  to  forty  men,  and  the 
others  a  canoe  which  had  been  only  recently  abandoned.  But  two  leagues  could  be  made  this  day, 
and  three  the  next.  M.  le  Comte  and  M.  de  Vaudreuil  with  the  troops  and  a  battalion  of  militia 
occupied  the  northern,  and  Messrs.  de  Callicrcs  and  de  Kamezay  with  the  remainder  passed  on  the 
southern  side.  It  would  be  useless  to  attempt  describing  the  rapids  of  this  river ;  the  difficulties 
could  not  be  understood,  since  by  marching  from  morning  until  night  five  leagues  only  could  be 
made  in  two  days. 


COUNT  FRONTENAc's  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  THE  ONONDAGAS. 


211 


30th.  The  portage  of  all  the  batteaux,  canoes  and  baggage  commenced,  it  being  impossible  to  pass 
the  Falls  otherwise.  M.  le  Comte  de  Frontenac,  who  expected  to  pass  on  foot  like  the  others,  was 
borne  in  his  canoe  by  fifty  savages  singing  and  uttering  yells  of  joy.  The  battalions  who  could  not 
make  this  Carrying  place  passed  it  the  day  following.  Four  leagues  were  travelled,  the  road  being 
better. 

On  the  first  of  August,  half  the  army  was  detached  beyond  the  river  which  goes  to  Oneida  (On- 
nejoust),  and  made  more  than  five  leagues  in  roads  up  to  the  knee.  M.de  Vaudreuil  and  the  majority 
of  the  officers  were  at  their  head.  This  precaution  was  the  more  necessary  as  at  a  place  called  Le 
Rigols,  the  river  is  not  more  than  half  a  pistol  shot  wide,  to  the  mouth  of  Lake  Ganenta. 1  Nothing 
Nothing  was  met  during  this  day's  march  except  the  description  of  our  army  drawn  on  bark,  after 
the  manner  of  the  Savages,  and  two  bundles  of  cut  rushes  which  signified  that  143-1  men  accompa- 
nied us.  We  passed  the  Lake  in  the  order  of  battle  Monsieur  de  Callieres  who  commanded  that 
day  on  the  left,  that  being  the  side  of  the  enemy,  made  a  large  circuit  under  pretence  of  debarking 
on  that  side,  whilst  M.  de  Vaudreuil  with  the  right  wing  hugged  the  shore  to  clear  what  he  could 
encounter  all  around  of  the  enemy.  The  vigorous  manner  this  landing  was  made,  sword  in  hand, 
convinced  us  that  had  the  enemy  been  met  they  would  not  have  long  stood  their  ground.  M.  de 
Vaudreuil's  detachment  made  a  circuit  of  half  a  league  and  anchored  at  the  place  where  M.  de  Cal- 
lieres waited.    The  entire  body  landed. 

The  scouts  did  not  cease  marching ;  they  reported  having  seen  trails  proceeding  from  the  village 
of  the  Onnontagues  to  Cayuga  (Oyogouis)  and  Oneida  (Onejoust),  which  induced  them  to  believe  that 
the  women  and  children  withdrew  thither,  and  that  the  Warriors  of  these  two  villages  came  to 
aid  their  brethren. 

A  strong  light  was  seen  the  same  night  in  the  direction  of  the  village,  which  caused  the  supposi- 
tion that  they  had  burned  it;  it  was  even  supposed  that  they  fired  cannon. 

The  Fort  was  completed  next  morning,  the  3d.  An  Ottawa  Savage,  named  the  Cat,  returned  from 
scouting.  He  had  gone  some  days  previously  with  a  Seneca  taken  last  winter,  whose  life  had  been 
spared.  They  at  first  discovered  two  women  whom  they  had  neglected  to  capture,  and  they  subse- 
quently seized  a  man  who  was  bathing  with  his  wife.  The  Ottawa  wished  to  bind  him,  but  the 
Seneca  opposed  it,  and  released  him  under  the  pretext  that  he  would  bring  in  others,  which  began 
to  make  the  Outaouac  distrust  him,  but  he  had  still  more  reason  to  do  so  when  the  Seneca  quit  him, 
saying  that  he  wished  to  eat  some  new  corn,  and  having  wandered  aside  for  that  purpose,  he  uttered 
the  ordinary  warning  cry  to  direct  some  young  Onnontagues  who  pursued  the  Outaouacs,  the  swift- 
ness of  whose  legs  saved  him.    Half  a  league  was  made  that  day. 

Sieur  Marquis  de  Crissaffy,  captain,  was  left  in  the  fort  with  Sieur  Desbergeres,  also  captain,  and 
some  other  officers  and  1-10  militia  men  and  soldiers  to  guard  the  batteaux,  canoes,  provisions  and 
other  heavy  baggage,  which  could  not  be  transported ;  their  loss  would  have  absolutely  caused  that 
of  the  whole  army,  and  though  every  one  wished  to  share  the  glory  which  M.  le  Compte  was  expected 
to  reap,  he  thought  he  could  not  leave  too  good  officers  at  this  post.  The  other  Seneca,  the  comrade 
of  him  to  whom  we  have  just  alluded,  deserted  the  night  of  the  same  day  to  advise  his  nation  of  the 
danger  which  menaced  the  Iroquois.  Inconceivable  difficulty  was  experienced  in  moving  the  cannon 
and  the  remainder  of  the  artillery  equipments  over  marshes  and  two  pretty  considerable  rivers  which 
it  was  necessary  to  traverse,  being  obliged  to  carry  them  on  their  carriages  and  parapets,  which  occu- 
pied a  very  great  number  of  the  militia. 

We  camped  at  the  place  called  The  Salt  Springs,  which  in  truth  they  are.  They  produce  enough 
of  salt  to  make  us  wish  that  they  were  near  Quebec ;  the  cod  fishery  would  be  very  easy  then  in 
Canada. 

1  La  Rigolle  is  that  part  of  the  Oswego  River  between  Lake  Onondaga  and  the  Mouth  of  the  Seneca  River. 


212 


COUNT  FRONTENAc's  EXPEDITION'  AGAINST  THE  ONONDAGAS. 


The  4th.    The  order  of  battle  was  formed  at  sunrise ;  the  army  being  divided  into  two  lines. 

The  first  was  commanded  by  M.  de  Callieres  who  kept  on  the  enemy's  left ;  his  centre  consisted 
of  two  battalions  of  militia  and  the  two  battalions  of  troops  composed  the  wings,  th(  ;:r!i]]ery  being 
in  the  middle  preceded  by  the  two  centre  battalions.  The  greater  portion  of  the  Indians  of  the  first 
line  had  been  thrown  on  the  right  wing,  as  they  desired.  From  time  to  time  forlorn  hopes  of  the 
most  active  savages  and  Frenchmen  were  deployed  to  discover  and  receive  the  first  fire. 

The  second  line  was  commanded  by  M.  de  Vaudreuil  who  placed  himself  on  the  right  wing.  It 
was  composed  of  an  equal  number  of  battalions  of  militia  and  soldiers. 

M.  le  Compte  preceded  by  the  cannon  was  borne,  on  a  chair,  (fauteuil,)  between  the  two  lines,  in 
a  position  to  place  himself  when  he  thought  proper  at  the  head,  through  the  interval  of  the  two 
battalions  of  militia  of  the  first  fine. 

Each  battalion  was  only  two  deep,  and  showed  a  very  great  front.  M.  le  Compte  had  around  him 
his  guard,  his  staff,  and  the  canoe  and  batteaux  men. 

They  united  during  the  march  at  some  places  at  which  it  was  very  difficult  to  pass  the  cannon  through 
defiles,  and  over  streams  of  some  magnitude  where  the  order  of  battle  was  broken,  so  that  we  were 
from  sunrise  till  night  in  getting  to  the  location  of  the  village  after  a  number  of  wheelings  (quarts  de 
conversion)  and  other  evolutions  sufficiently  difficult  to  execute  in  the  woods.  But  the  activity  of 
Sieur  Subercaze,  major,  supplied  every  requisite.  Ten  other  men  would  not  have  accomplished  all 
that  he  performed  alone,  and  though  he  was  assisted  by  good  adjutants  (aides  major)  he  considered 
it  nevertheless  his  duty  to  be  everywhere.  This  campaign  furnished  him  witli  an  opportunity  to 
signalize  his  activity  and  his  zeal  on  several  occasions,  but  as  this  is  the  principal,  mention  of  it  can- 
not be  avoided.  Never  did  a  man  execute  with  more  promptitude  the  prudent  orders  he  received 
from  his  general. 

If  we  did  not  fear  being  considered  rather  a  panegyrist  than  a  historian,  we  should  speak  as  we 
ought  of  the  conduct  of  Mess1'8  de  Callieres,  de  Vaudreuil,  Ramezay  and  other  principal  officers; 
but  the  confidence  which  the  king  reposes  in  them  is  a  sufficient  guarantee  that  he  deems  them 
worthy  the  posts  they  fill  in  this  country,  and  it  is  unnecessary  to  enlarge  in  their  praise  to 
■  demonstrate  that  they  are  truly  so.    His  choice  alone  justifies  it. 

The  cabins  of  the  Indians  and  the  triple  palisade  which  encircled  their  fort  were  found  entirely 
burnt.  It  has  since  been  learned  that  it  was  in  a  sufficiently  strong  state  of  defence.  It  was  an 
oblong  Hanked  by  four  regular  bastions.  The  two  rows  of  pickets  which  touched  each  other,  were 
of  the  thickness  of  an  ordinary  mast ;  and  at  six  feet  distance  outside  stood  another  palisade  of  much 
smaller  dimensions,  but  from  40  to  50  feet  high. 

If  the  llight  of  the  savages  saved  the  army  the  trouble  of  forcing  their  fortifications  by  trenches, 
as  was  resolved  upon  having  all  the  necessary  tools,  it  robbed  them  of  the  glory  of  utterly  destroying 
them  ;  but  it  must  not  be  expected  that  the  Indians  will  ever  stand  against  a  considerable  opposing 
force.    The  expense  which  this  expedition  entailed  ought  not  however  to  be  regretted. 

There  were  some  alarms  the  night  after  arriving,  and  a  soldier  on  duty  at  an  outpost  was  wounded 
by  our  people. 

On  the  5th  arrived  two  squaws  and  a  child  of  the  Mountain  near  Montreal,  who  had  been  a  long 
time  prisoners.  They  told  us  that  they  had  escaped  five  days  ago  with  the  other  women  and  children 
who  were  removed  on  the  rumor  of  our  approach.  Another  old  woman  was  captured  in  the  woods, 
and  being  unable  to  follow  our  soldiers  broke  her  skull.  In  the  afternoon  a  Frenchman,  a  prisoner 
among  the  Oneidas,  arrived  with  a  savage.  They  brought  a  belt  from  that  Nation  whereby  they 
solicited  peace  from  M.  Le  Comte  de  Frontenac.  He  immediately  sent  them  back,  and  promised 
peace  on  condition  that  they  should  establish  themselves  with  their  families  among  us,  assuring  them 
that  they  should  receive  land  and  wherewithal  to  sow  it.    He  added  if  their  wives  and  children  were 


COUNT  FRONTENAc's  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  THE  ONONDAGAS. 


213 


not  ready,  they  should  bring  five  of  their  most  influential  Chiefs  as  hostages,  and  that  they  should  be 
soon  followed  by  the  army  to  oblige  them  by  force  to  execute  the  conditions  imposed  on  them. 

On  the  next  day,  the  7th,  a  young  Frenchman,  seven  years  a  prisoner  among  the  Onnontagues 
arrived  in  the  camp.  He  had  escaped  with  those  who  had  come  into  the  outposts  the  night  preceding. 
He  reported  that  they  had  retired  with  their  families  twenty  leagues  from  their  fort,  having  scouts 
always  around  them  in  order  to  fly  farther  off  if  pursued.  He  added  that  it  is  probable  a  great 
number  would  perish  having  been  in  such  a  hurry  to  fly  that  they  took  away  scarcely  any  corn, 
caches  of  which  they  hastily  made,  and  that  they  began  to  fall  short.  Almost  all  these  caches  were 
discovered.  The  grain  and  the  rest  of  the  booty  consisting  of  pots,  guns,  axes,  stuffs,  wampum  belts, 
and  some  peltries  were  plundered  by  our  Frenchmen  and  Savages.  The  destruction  of  the  Indian 
corn  was  commenced  the  same  day,  and  was  continued  the  two  following  days.  The  grain  was  so 
forward  that  the  stalks  were  very  easily  cut  by  the  sword  and  sabre  without  the  least  fear  that  any 
coidd  sprout  again.  Not  a  single  head  remained.  The  fields  stretched  from  a  league  and  a  half  to 
two  leagues  from  the  fort :  The  destruction  was  complete.  A  lame  girl  was  found  concealed  under 
a  tree,  and  her  life  was  spared. 

An  old  man,  also  captured,  did  not  experience  the  same  fate.  M.  le  Comte's  intention,  after  he 
had  interrogated  him,  was  to  spare  his  life  on  account  of  his  great  age,  but  the  savages  who  had  taken 
him  and  to  whom  he  was  given  were  so  excited  that  it  was  not  deemed  prudent  to  dissuade  them 
from  the  desire  they  felt  to  burn  him.  He  had,  no  doubt,  prepared  himself  during  his  long  life  to 
die  with  firmness,  however  cruel  the  tortures  he  should  have  to  endure.  Not  the  slightest  complaint 
escaped  his  lips.  On  the  contrary  he  exhorted  those  who  tormented  him  to  remember  his  death, 
so  as  to  display  the  same  courage  when  those  of  his  nation  would  take  vengeance  on  them ;  and 
when  a  savage,  weary  of  his  harangues,  gave  him  some  cuts  of  a  knife,  "  I  thank  thee,"  he  cried, 
"  but  thou  oughtst  to  complete  my  death  by  fire.  Learn,  French  dogs  !  and  ye,  savages !  their  allies — 
that  ye  are  the  dogs  of  dogs.  Remember  what  ye  ought  to  do,  when  you  will  be  in  the  same  position 
that  I  am."  Similar  sentiments  will  be  found  perhaps  to  flow  rather  from  ferociousness,  than  true 
valour ;  but  there  are  heroes  among  barbarians  as  well  as  among  the  most  polished  nations,  and  what 
would  be  brutality  in  us  may  pass  for  valour  with  an  Iroquois. 

The  9th  M.  de  Vaudreuil  returned  from  Oneida  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning.  He  departed  on 
the  morning  of  the  6th,  with  a  detachment  of  six  to  seven  hundred  of  the  most  active  men  of  the 
whole  army,  soldiers,  militia  and  Indians.  He  had,  under  him,  Sieurs  de  Louvigny  and  de  Linvil- 
lieres,  Captain  ;  Desjordis  and  Dauberville,  Calvinist  Captains ;  Soulange  and  de  Sabrevois,  lieutenants 
of  foot,  and  several  other  subaltern  officers.  Sieur  de  Villedenay,  also  lieutenant,  acted  as  his  Aid 
de  Camp. 

As  it  was  necessary  to  use  great  expedition,  they  did  not  march  in  as  exact  order  as  the  army  had 
done ;  M.  de  Vaudreuil  contented  himself  throwing  the  scouts  some  quarter  of  a  league  in  advance ; 
and  on  the  wings,  between  the  scouts  and  the  main  body  he  placed  a  detached  corps  of  50,  a  forlorn 
hope  commanded  in  turn  by  a  lieutenant.  They  arrived  on  the  same  day  before  sundown  within  a 
league  of  the  village ;  they  would  have  pushed  even  farther  if  the  convenience  of  encamping  on  the 
bank  of  a  beautiful  river  had  not  invited  them  to  halt.  They  were  at  the  first  dawn  in  sight  of  the 
village  and  as  they  were  about  to  enter  the  fields  of  Indian  corn,  they  met  the  Deputies  of  all  that 
Nation. 

They  requested  M.  de  Vaudeuil  to  halt,  fearing  that  our  savages  would  spoil  their  crops,  assuring 
him  that  they  would  execute  in  good  faith  the  orders  which  M.  le  Comte  had  given  to  their  first  delegate. 

M.  de  Vaudreuil  determined  also  on  his  side  to  obey  punctually  those  which  he  had  received,  told 
them  it  was  useless  for  them  to  think  of  preserving  their  grain,  as,  according  to  the  word  of  their 
Father  they  should  not  want  for  any  when  retired  among  us  ;  that,  therefore,  he  should  cut  all  down ; 


214 


COUNT  FRONTENAc's  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  THE  ONONDAGAS. 


that  their  fort  and  cabins  would  not,  either,  be  spared,  having  every  thing  ready  for  their  reception. 

He  found  in  the  village  but  25  @  40  persons,  almost  all  having  fled  at  the  sight  of  the  detach- 
ment, but  the  most  influential  chiefs  had  remained.  M.  de  Vaudreuil  consented  that  two  or  three 
men  should  follow  these  fugitives  to  try  to  bring  them  back. 

On  entering  this  village  a  young  French  woman  was  found  a  prisoner,  just  arrived  from  the  Mo- 
hawk. She  reported  that  that  Nation  and  the  English  to  the  number  of  300,  were  preparing  to 
attack  us.  A  Mohawk  who  had  deserted  from  the  Sault  last  year,  the  same  who  had  given  informa. 
tion  of  the  proposed  attack  against  his  Nation,  was  captured  roviug  around  the  village.  He  said  he 
came  there  intending  to  surrender  himself  to  us,  which  it  was  pretended  to  believe.  An  eye  was 
kept  on  him,  notwithstanding.    He  confirmed  the  report  of  the  young  French  woman. 

Another  savage,  also  of  the  same  Nation,  but  who  had  been  captured  with  a  party  of  our  people 
of  the  Sault,  where  he  resided,  assured  M.  de  Vaudreuil  that  the  English  and  Mohawks  had  indeed 
set  out  to  come ;  that  many  of  the  former  had  moved  out  from  Orange,  but  that  they  had  contented 
themselves  with  remaining  outside  some  hours  in  line,  and  had  returned ;  that  the  consternation  was 
pretty  general  among  the  one  and  the  other. 

This  last  intelligence  caused  M.  de  Vaudreuil's  detachment  as  much  regret  as  the  first  had  given 
them  joy.  It  was  received  with  a  thousand  yells  of  satisfaction,  particularly  by  the  Abenaki's  who 
said  they  had  need  neither  of  knives  nor  hatchets  to  beat  the  English ;  that  it  was  idle  to  waste 
powder  on  such  a  set. 

M.  de  Vaudreuil  resolved  to  await  them  in  the  wood  without  shutting  himself  up  in  the  fort.  He 
left  on  the  9th  between  nine  and  ten  o'clock  iu  the  morning  after  having  seen  it  burned  and  the  corn 
entirely  cut.  He  camped  the  same  night  about  two  leagues  from  Onnontague\  The  celerity  of  his 
movements  cannot  be  too  much  praised,  since  he  occupied  only  three  days  in  going,  coming  and 
executing  all  he  had  to  do,  although  from  one  village  to  the  other  was  fourteen  good  leagues  in  the 
woods  with  continual  mountains  and  a  multitude  of  rivers  and  large  streams  to  be  crossed.  He  was 
therefore  not  expected  so  soon,  and  M.  le  Comte  was  agreeably  surprized  to  see  liim  return  in  so 
short  a  time  with  35  Oneidas,  among  whom  were  as  we  have  said,  the  principal  Chiefs  of  the  nation, 
and  four  of  our  French,  prisoners. 

But  we  are  accustomed  in  Canada  to  see  him  perform  so  many  gallant  actions,  and  he  has  the 
King's  service  so  much  at  heart  that  those  acquainted  with  him  will  not  be  surprized  at  this,  how- 
ever extraordinary  it  be. 

The  Mohawk  deserter  was  burnt  before  the  departure  of  the  army  who  camped  that  same  day 
midway  from  the  fort  where  the  batteaux  were  left;  some  savages  having  remained  behind  in  the 
hope  of  finding  mure  plunder  received  the  fire  of  a  small  party  ;  three  of  them  were  killed  without 
the  enemy  daring  to  advance  near  enough  to  take  their  scalps. 

The  fort  was  reached  on  the  10tl»  and  destroyed.  The  army  encamped  on  the  11th  below  the 
Portage,  and  on  the  12th  at  10  o'clock  in  the  morning  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  on  Lake  Frontenac. 
It  was  time  to  quit  that  river,  and  if  the  waters  had  been  as  low  as  they  ordinarily  are  in  the  month 
of  August  a  portion  of  the  batteaux  should  have  been,  of  necessity,  abandoned.  A  very  violent 
gale  from  the  West  retained  the  army  until  the  14th  and  though  it  was  not  altogether  calm,  ten 
leagues  were  made  that  day  under  sail,  though  we  did  not  leave  until  noon. 

The  navigation  is  pretty  dangerous  for  canoes  and  batteaux;  the  waves  extraordinarily  high,  and 
the  landing  very  dilficult,  there  being  numerous  shoals  in  some  places  and  in  others  headlands  against 
Which  the  sea  breaks  at  a  stupendous  height.  We  camped  in  a  river  where  the  wind  was  less  violent, 
and  arrived  next  day,  the  15%  at  Fort  Frontenac. 

On  the  16th,  the  militia  and  soldiers  were  occupied  in  conveying  fire-wood  to  the  fort  and  in  cutting 
and  transporting  what  was  necessary  for  the  requisite  planks  and  boards.    The  masons  who  had  been 


COUNT  FRONTENAC S  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  THE  ONONDAGAS. 


215 


left  there  had  erected  during  the  Count's  absence  a  building  of  120  feet,  along  one  of  the  curtains, 
not  so  high  on  that  side  as  the  parapet.  The  wood  work  is  attached,  and  there  is  a  range  of  loop 
holes  along  the  upper  loft  as  in  the  remainder  of  the  fort.  This  long  building  contains  a  chapel,  the 
officers'  quarters,  a  bakery  and  the  stores  which  are  at  present  filled  with  provisions  for  the  sub- 
sistence of  the  troops  for  more  than  eight  months,  exclusive  of  refreshments  and  what  will  be  required 
for  the  Indians  who  may  pass  there.  The  two  pieces  of  cannon,  one  of  which  was  employed  in  the 
campaign  and  a  quantity  of  grenades  were  left  there.  The  army  sojourned  there  the  17th ;  encamped 
on  the  18th  at  La  Galette  and  on  the  19th  on  Lake  St.  Francis. 

On  the  same  day,  the  enemy  attacked  some  canoes  of  our  people,  who  had  found  means  to  precede 
us.  One  of  our  party  was  drowned,  one  wounded;  the  enemy  lost  three  men  and  could  not  be  cap- 
tured by  a  detachment  which  was  sent  in  pursuit. 

On  the  20th  we  arrived  at  Montreal.  Some  batteaux  upset  in  the  rapids  and  three  militiamen 
were  drowned.  We  were  obliged  to  make  good  to  the  others  the  arms  and  baggage  that  the  boat  lost 
by  upsetting. 

We  might  extend  the  narrative  of  this  campaign  to  a  greater  length,  but  as  we  should  be  obliged 
to  use  terms  little  known  to  those  unacquainted  with  Canada,  we  considered  this  slight  sketch  would 
suffice. 

It  might  have  been  more  advantageous  to  His  Majesty's  arms,  and  more  glorious  to  Count  de  Fron- 
tenac,  had  the  Onnontagues  followed  their  first  plan  ;  it  would  have,  no  doubt,  cost  the  lives  of  some 
brave  men,  as  the  Iroquois  do  not  fight  with  impunity.  There  might  have  been,  perhaps,  six  to 
seven  hundred  men  in  their  fort  including  those  who  had  come  to  their  aid,  and  scarcely  any  would 
have  escaped ;  but  their  loss  cannot  fail  to  be  considerable.  After  M.  Denonville's  [departure  from  | 
the  Seneca  country,  we  know  the  difficulty  that  nation  had  to  subsist  for  several  years.  The  Iroquois 
were  powerful,  and  are  diminished  since ;  assistance  from  the  English,  especially  in  provisions,  comes 
in  less  abundantly ;  wheat  is  worth  twenty  francs  the  minot  [three  bushels]  at  Orange ;  the  pound  of 
powder,  a  pistole;  lead  and  other  merchandise  are,  in  truth,  cheaper  than  with  us. 

The  Mohawks  have  very  little  Indian  corn  ;  the  Oneidas  are  ruined,  and  it  is  not  known  whether 
the  Senecas  will  not  remember  the  high  price  the  Onnontagues  set  on  provisions  at  the  time  of  their 
discomfiture,  when  they  were  obliged  to  give  most  valuable  belts  for  supplies.  There  remain  then 
only  the  Cayugas  who  can  succor  their  neighbours,  and  we  cannot  say  if  they  alone  are  sufficient  for 
that  purpose.  Their  hunting  and  fishing  will,  without  doubt  be  interrupted  by  the  different  small 
parties  now  in  the  field.  In  fine,  it  is  certain,  by  continuing  the  war  as  at  its  commencement,  and 
as  Count  de  Frontenac  determined,  the  Iroquois  will  be  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  dying  of  hunger, 
or  accepting  peace  on  the  conditions  we  may  think  proper  to  impose  on  them ;  and  if  the  almost 
invincible  obstinacy  they  seem  to  have  to  wage  it  with  us  continue,  we  will  not  despair  to  bring  them 
to  it,  if  this  blow,  struck  without  the  participation  of  our  allies  from  above,  and  which  they  did  not 
believe  could  be  undertaken  without  them,  could  force  them  to  make  as  great  efforts  on  their  side  as 
we  have  made  on  ours  ;  it  will  be  easy  to  urge  them  to  it  as  long  as  the  French  remain  at  Missili- 
makinac  and  at  other  posts,  but  when  the  fatal  moment  of  their  return  arrives,  their  absence  will  put 
an  absolute  termination  to  the  little  good  will  the  former  may  feel  towards  us,  when  they  shall  see 
themselves  abandoned.  Possibly  they  will  be  greatly  cooled  down  this  autumn,  seeing  neither  pow- 
der nor  balls,  nor  goods  coming  to  them.  How  can  they  be  persuaded  to  wage  war  without  furnish- 
ing them  with  the  means  ;  how  can  the  destruction  of  the  Iroquois  be  completed  without  their  aid, 
if  they  withdraw  from  us  and  retire  into  the  woods  1 

Count  de  Frontenac  learned  on  his  arrival,  that  an  Onnontague  who  had  been  captured  at  the  fort 
above*  the  island  of  Montreal  [killed  |  himself  in  prison. 


216 


COUNT   FRONTENAGS  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  THE  ONONDAGAS. 


On  the  22d  August,  thirteen  Algonquins  brought  in  two  Mohawk  scalps,  and  one  woman  and  two 
girls,  prisoners.  Seven  savages  from  the  Sault  and  the  Mountain  who  had  been  detached  to  Oneida 
with  Monsr  de  Vaudreuil,  brought  in  a  prisoner  of  the  same  Nation,  who  was  burned  at  Montreal. 
Some  small  parties  of  the  enemy  appeared  along  the  south  shore,  but  they  made  no  attack,  and  the 
harvest  has  been  saved  very  quietly. 


COLL.  FLETCHER  TO  THE  LORDS  OF  THE  LATE  COMMITTEE  DATED  THE  22d  AUG.  1696. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  X.  ] 

May  it  please  your  Lordships. 

On  the  2nd  instant  I  had  intelligence  the  Governor  of  Canida  was  in  our  Indian  Country  with  1000 
French  and  2000  Indians,  and  that  the  people  of  Albany  were  in  some  consternation  lest  the  Indians 
of  the  Five  Nations  should  joyne  with  them  and  fall  down  upon  Schenectady  and  Albany.  He  sur- 
prized one  Castle  at  Oneyde  which  he  burnt  and  destroyed  the  Indian  come.  The  Onondages  sent 
away  their  old  men,  women  and  children  to  the  southward,  the  young  men  tarryed  "till  they  perceived 
the  French  were  too  numerous  for  them,  then  burnt  their  Fort  and  retreated,  leaving  their  corne  to 
be  destroyed.  It  is  reported  by  some  prisoners  that  did  escape,  that  an  Indian  brought  tydings  to 
Count  Frontenac,  that  I  was  on  my  march  from  Albany  with  a  great  army  as  numerous  as  the  trees 
of  the  woods,  which  hastened  his  retreat,  the  Cayounges  and  Sinnekes  are  no|  1 1  hurt,  I  wrot  to  Con- 
necticut for  their  quota  and  to  the  Governour  of  the  Jerseys  for  men  to  meet  me  at  Albany,  but  all 
my  endeavours  could  not  obtain  a  man  from  them 

It  is  resolved  in  Council  here  for  His  Maj')s  service  that  the  Oneydes  and  Onondages  be  supply 'd 
with  corne  the  ensuing  yeare  which  will  add  to  the  charges  of  this  Province. 

I  have  herewith  transmitted  to  your  Lordi,s  a  copy  of  my  proceeding  at  Albany  on  this  occasion, 
I  have  delayed  the  giving  them  the  present  from  His  Maj'y  until  such  time  I  can  get  them  all  together, 
and  having  received  advice  from  the  R*  Hon1,le  the  Lords  of  His  Maj'y  Privy  Council  of  a  designe 
the  French  have  upon  some  part  of  America,  I  hastened  to  Yorke,  for  in  a  month  or  six  weeks  time 
the  winds  are  esteemed  a  defence  to  this  coast. 


AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  LATE  EXPEDITION  TO  ALBANY  IN  THE  MONTH  OF  AUGUST  1696. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  X.  ] 

July  31.  His  Excelly  Benjamin  Fletcher  had  certain  intelligence  that  the  French  were  on  their 
march  against  the  Indians  of  the  Five  Nations. 

Sunday  Aug»»  the  21'.  Intelligence  came  that  the  French  were  in  the  Indian  Countrey  and  that 
the  inhabitants  of  Albany  were  apprehensive  of  their  marching  against  that  garrison.  At  the  same 
time  came  a  letter  from  the  R*  Hon1'le  the  Lords  of  his  Ma')"  Privy  Council  advising  of  preparacons 
made  by  the  French  against  some  part  of  America.  His  Excell.  the  same  day  did  recommend  to  the 
Council  to  cause  the  guns  and  batterys  to  be  put  in  order  and  about  noone  took  his  departure  for 
Albany. 

On  the  7*  of  Aug"  lus  Excell  arrived  at  Albany  and  called  a  Council  of  such  gentl.  and  officers 
as  were  upon  the  frontiers. 


COUNT  FRONTENAc's  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  THE  ONONDAGAS. 


217 


[  Council  Min.  Vol.  VII.  ] 

At  a  Council  held  at  Albany  the  7th  day  of  August  1696. 

Present.    His  Excellency  Benjamin  Fletcher  &c. 

Coll.  Nich.  Bayard  of  the  Council  Coll.  Rich1*  Ingoldesby 

Majr  Peter  Schuyler  of  the  Council  Capt  James  Weems 

Matth:  Clarkson  Sec?  Capt  William  Hyde 

Lt  Coll.  Charles  Lodwick  Capt.  Peter  Matthews 

Mr.  Dellius  the  Minister  to  the  Indians  Evert  Banker  Esqr 

Dirck  Wessells,  Esq. 

His  Excell  the  Governor  said : — 

Gentl.  As  soon  as  I  had  certaine  notice  from  you  that  the  enemy  were  marched  into  the  Coun- 
trey  of  our  Indian  friends,  and  by  the  number  of  their  forces  did  seeme  to  threaten  this  place  & 
Schenectady,  I  made  all  the  haste  I  could  to  yor  assistance,  loosing  no  more  time  but  while  I  wrott  to 
Connecticut  &  the  Jerseys  for  such  supplys  of  men  as  I  conceived  necessary  upon  this  occasion  by 
this  letter  which  I  received  at  the  same  time  (with  those  from  Albany)  from  the  Lords  of  His  Ma- 
tyes  Council  in  England,  you  will  see  that  I  could  not  reasonably  draw  forces  from  New  Yorke  nor 
be  well  spared  from  that  place  myself;  yet  by  advice  of  his  Mat5es  Council  there  I  am  come  up  with 
a  part  of  my  own  Company  and  desire  yor  advice  what  is  most  proper  to  be  done  for  the  King's  ser- 
vice and  y  own  safetyes  and  for  thesecureing  the  Indians  in  their  fidelity  and  renewing  the  covenant 
chain :  this  we  are  to  consider,  that  time  may  not  be  lost  and  the  Countrey  not  burthened  by  an  un- 
necessary charge. 

His  Excell.  further  proposed  sending  thirty  men  of  his  own  Company  now  brought  up  with  him 
with  a  detachment  of  twenty  out  of  each  of  the  three  Companyes  here,  into  the  Indian  Countrey  to 
cover  the  retreate  of  our  Indians  and  secure  them  from  their  fears. 

The  Council  were  of  opinion  the  French  being  retreated  it  would  be  an  unnecessary  charge.  And 
offered  their  advice  that  the  Sachems  of  the  Oneydes  should  be  sent  for  (who  are  here)  and  their 
losse  condoled,  which  was  accordingly  done. 

'The  Council  are  of  opinion  that  the  members  of  Council  present  with  the  officers  of  the  Compa- 
nyes and  principle  inhabitants  of  this  place  should  meet  &  consult  with  the  chiefe  Indians  now  in 
town  about  the  propperest  methods  for  bringing  back  those  Indians  that  are  fiedd,  and  settling  them 
firm  again  in  the  covenant  chain,  and  make  report  what  they  have  done  therein  to  His  Excellency. 
Which  His  Excell.  did  approve  of  &  order  accordingly 

May  it  please  yor  Excell. 

In  obedience  to  yor  Excell.  order  of  the  7th  instant  we  underwritten  have  mett  &  considered 
about  the  properest  methods  for  bringing  both  those  Indian  Nations  viz1  the  Onondages  and  Oneydes 
that  are  fled,  and  renewing  with  them  and  the  rest  of  the  Five  Nations  the  Covenant  Chain,  and 
having  thereupon  sounded  the  opinions  of  the  Sachims  of  the  Maquaes  and  Oneydos  Nations  and 
severall  of  their  chiefe  men  now  at  Albany,  do  humbly  offer  as  our  opinions  that  since  we  are  in- 
formed that  it  is  now  twelve  dayes  ago  the  French  army  left  the  Indian  Countrey  and  that  the  Senekes 
and  Cayouges  are  still  undisturbed  in  their  own  country  that  the  Onnondage  Nation  upon  the  ap- 
proach of  the  enemy  have  set  their  own  Castle  on  fire  and  all  fiedd  to  be  out  of  the  enemy's  reach, 
that  the  Oneydes  Nation  have  in  like  manner  left  their  Castle  and  great  part  of  them  already  are 
come  in  here  to  Albany  for  reliefe  in  their  wants  of  provision  and  ammunicon  &c.  and  that  the  Ma- 
quaes Nation  or  great  part  of  them  are  in  the  like  manner  come  in  hither,  We  cannot  perceive  that 
|Vol.  I.]  28 


218 


COUNT  FRONTENAc's  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  THE  ONONDAGAS. 


it  can  be  any  great  service  to  send  any  great  body  of  men  now  to  the  Upper  Nations,  who  are  seated 
at  that  distance  from  hence,  neither  can  any  men  be  well  spared  from  Albany,  here  being  only  three 
establisht  conipanyes  in  garrison  with  a  detachment  of  yor  Excell.  own  Company  now  brought  with 
you,  besides  a  few  inhabitants ;  which  we  judge  to  be  little  enough  for  the  defence  of  the  place  :  but 
we  humbly  suppose  that  its  of  absolute  necessity  that  small  partyes  be  frequently  sent  out  to  clear 
the  coast  from  such  small  troops  that  may  come  to  annoy  the  adjacent  farmes  in  getting  in  their  liar- 
vest  ;  and  lastly  with  submission  we  are  of  opinion  that  the  best  method  to  reduce  the  Indians  that 
are  tied  &  to  unite  them  with  the  rest  to  this  government  as  formerly  in  renewing  the  Covenant  chain, 
is  — 

First,  that  trusty  and  faithfull  Indians  be  procured  and  sent  to  the  Senekes  and  Cayouges  in  their 
Castles  and  to  the  Onondages  that  are  lledd,  with  instruccons  to  acquaint  them  that  his  Excell.  the 
Governor  upon  the  first  newes  of  the  French  invading  their  Country  came  to  Albany  from  New 
Yorke  in  order  for  their  assistance  and  reliefe. 

2.  That  upon  Ins  Excell.  comeing  hither  he  had  intelligence  the  enemy  was  already  departed  out 
of  our  Indian  Countrey. 

3.  That  it  is  hardly  possible  to  have  a  meeting  with  all  the  bretheren  of  the  Five  Nations  now  to 
consult  with  them  what  may  be  propper  for  the  common  good  and  to  present  thera  with  those  things 
which  are  sent  to  them  from  his  Excell :  great  Master  the  King  of  Great  Brittaine. 

4.  That  therefore  yor  Excell:  do  appoint  the  bretheren  to  meet  you  thereunto  at  Albany  this  day 
two  months,  but  if  it  should  so  happen  that  by  reason  of  the  Onnondages  being  lledd  the  brethren 
could  not  then  meet  in  a  body  at  that  time  the  Onondages  and  Senekes  and  Cayouges  will  consult  and 
pitch  upon  the  time,  and  to  give  yor  Excellency  timely  notice  thereof  to  the  end  the  brethren  of  the 
Maquaes  and  Oneydes  may  be  acquainted  therewith  accordingly,  Dated  the  8th  of  August  in  Albany 
1696. 

Nich  Bayard 

G.  Dellius  Evert  Bancker 

DlRCK  WESSELS  Pr  SCHUYLER. 

Copy  of  a  Commission  left  by  hie  Excell. 

Benjamin  Fletcher,  Capt.  Gen1  k  Governr  in  Cliiefe  of  his  Mal>e9  Province  of  New-Yorke,  &c.  to 
Peter  Schuyler  Esq.  one  of  his  Mal)  es  Council  for  the  sd  Province,  Mr.  Godfrey  Dellius  Minister  at 
Albany  and  places  adjacent,  Majr  Dirck  Wcssels  and  the  May  of  the  city  for  the  time  being.  I  doe 
by  virtue  of  the  power  and  authority  to  me  given  by  his  Ma')3  Letters  Patents  under  the  Greate 
Scale  of  England,  hereby  impower  you  or  any  two  of  you  to  treat  conferr  and  consult  with  the  Five 
Indian  Nations  of  the  Maquaes  Oneydes  Onondages  and  Sinnekes  who  have  hitherto  been  faithful  to 
my  Master  his  Majesty  of  Great  Brittain,  France  &,  Ireland  &c.  and  to  hold  a  correspondence  with 
them  pursuant  to  such  instruccons  as  you  shall  from  time  to  time  receive  from  me,  so  as  by  yr  endea- 
vours they  may  be  confirmed  in  their  fidelity  and  allegiance.  And  from  time  to  time  you  are  hereby 
required  to  give  a  constant  and  minute  account  of  all  yor  proceedings  to  me  &  his  Ma,>'<R  Council  for 
the  province  of  New-Yorke,  and  I  doe  hereby  supersede  vacate  make  null  any  former  warr1  or  com- 
mission granted  in  this  behall'e.  Given  under  my  hand  and  seal  att  Albany  the  tenth  day  of  August 
in  the  8'h  year  of  his  Mal>cs  reigne    Anno  Dmi  1696. 

Bex.  Fletcher. 

(Copy)  The  Instructions. 

Instruccons  fur  Major  Peter  Schuyler  one  of  his  Mat>eS  Council  for  the  Province  of  New-Yorke, 
Mr.  Godfrey  Dellius  Majr  Dirck  "VVessels  and  the  May  of  Albany  for  the  time  being,  commissionated 
by  me  in  my  absence  to  conlerr  with  the  Five  Indian  Nations  for  lus  Ma* J-  service  pursuant  to  the 

s'l  Commission. 


COUNT  FRONTENAc's  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  THE  ONONDAGAS. 


219 


To  send  out  trusty  and  faithfuU  Indians  with  one  or  two  Christians  that  understand  the  Indian 
Language  to  the  Castles  of  the  Sinnekes  Cayouges  and  Onnondages  who  are  led,  to  acquaint  them 
that  upon  the  first  news  I  had  of  the  French  Invasion  I  came  up  to  their  reliefe  and  assistance. 

That  att  my  arrivall  at  Albany  I  had  Intelligence  the  French  were  retreated  out  of  their  country. 

That  I  am  desirous  to  have  a  meeting  with  the  Five  Nations  at  Albany  to  consult  with  them  what 
may  be  proper  for  their  common  good  and  safety,  and  present  them  with  such  tilings  as  are  sent  from 
my  Great  Master  the  King. 

And  that  I  desire  to  meet  them  the  Eleventh  day  of  October  next,  but  if  it  should  so  happen  there 
be  reason  of  their  seperacon  and  flight  the  brethren  cannot  meet  in  a  body  at  that  time,  the  Onnon- 
dages, Sennekes,  and  Cayouges  being  the  uppermost  Nations  do  consult  and  appoint  a  time  and  give  - 
me  notice  thereof,  to  the  end  the  brethren  of  the  Maquaes  and  Oneydes  be  acquainted  therewith  that 
the  meeting  may  not  faile. 

That  if  any  of  the  Sachims  come  down  in  my  absence  you  hear  and  answer  their  propositions  as 
you  shall  finde  most  to  conduce  to  his  Matyes  service  and  the  safety  of  the  Province. 

That  by  all  opportunityes  you  give  a  minute  account  of  these  affairs  to  me  and  his  Matyes  Council 
for  this  Province  and  from  time  to  time  follow  such  further  directions  and  instruccons  as  you  shall 
receive  from  us. 

And  it  is  hereby  further  directed  by  &  with  the  advice  of  those  of  his  Matyes  Council  here  present 
that  the  sume  of  One  Hundred  pounds  be  lodged  in  the  hands  of  Mr  Dellius  towards  the  defraying 
the  necessary  charges  of  these  persons  thus  employed  for  his  Matyes  service  of  which  he  is  hereby 
obliged  to  give  a  particular  account  to  me  and  for  his  Ma*yes  Council  at  New  Yorke  or  to  the  Gover- 
nour  &  Council  for  the  time  being.  Given  under  my  hand  and  scale  at  Albany  the  tenth  day  of 
August  in  the  eighth  year  of  his  Malyes  reigne  Anno  Domini  16 90. 

Ben  Fletcher 
Signed  David  Jamison  CI.  Concilij. 


[  Council  Minutes  VII.  ] 

Att  a  Council  held  at  his  Matyes  ffbrt  in  New  Yorke  the  18th  of  August  16 90 

Present  His  Excell :  Benjamin  Fletcher  &c. 

Steph  Cortlandt        }  John  Lawrence  ) 

Nich :  Bayard  C  Esqrs  Caleb  Heathcote      }  Esclrs 

Gabr  Monvielle  } 

Resolved  the  Indians  of  the  two  Nations  of  Onnondage  and  Oneyde  whose  Corn  is  destroyed  by 
the  enemy  be  supplyed  the  ensuing  winter  at  the  charge  of  this  Government. 

Ordered  no  Indian  Corne  be  brought  down  the  river  from  Albany  Vlster  and  Dutchesse  Countyes 
untill  the  Indians  be  supplyed  this  ensueing  winter  and  that  the  Commissioners  appointed  to  treate 
with  the  Indians  in  his  Excell :  absence  do  purchase  soe  much  corne  as  is  necessary  for  them. 


220 


COUNT  FRONTENAC'S  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  THE  ONONDAGAS. 


LETTER  FROM  COLL.  FLETCHER  TO  Mr.  BLAITHWAYTE,  DATED  THE  18th  SEPTR  1606. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  X.  ] 

Sir — I  am  not  w  illing  to  take  up  much  of  your  time  by  my  scurvy  scribblings ;  having  said  all 
that  occurs  to  my  thoughts  in  this  hasty  call  from  the  Five  Indian  Nations,  who  have  been  driven 
by  the  French  from  their  wooden  castles  and  are  returned ;  they  desire  to  see  me  at  Albany  in  a 
short  warning  and  I  am  now  ready  to  step  on  board.  The  French  Count  of  Canada  has  made  but  a 
very  silly  business  of  it  after  three  years  preparation  afrighting  a  few  naked  Indians  only ;  by  this 
he  shews  them  his  strength  and  his  mercy,  being  this  summer  recruited  from  France,  he  told  all  he 
took  prisoners,  his  business  was  to  bring  them  under  the  protection  of  his  Master  but  not  to  destroy 
them.  Our  Chiefe  Sachims  would  not  be  persuaded  to  stay  and  treate,  but  seeing  his  force,  they 
fled,  and  are  return'd.  I  hope  to  revitt  them  in  their  allegiance,  by  the  presents  sent  from  His 
Maj'y  and  an  addition  sent  from  this  Province ;  but  yet  I  want  the  most  congent  argument ;  a  good 
body  of  men. 


A  JOURNALL 

OF  WHAT  PASSED  IN  THE  EXPEDITION  OF  HIS  EXCELL.  COLL.  BENJAMIN  FLETCHER  CAPTAINE  GENERALL 
AND  GOVERNOR  IN  CHIEFE  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORKE  &C.  TO  ALBANY  TO  RENEW  THE  COVE- 
NANT CHAIN  WITH  THE  FIVE  CANTON  NATIONS  OF  INDIANS,  THE  MOHAQUES,  ONEYDES,  ONONDAGES, 
CAYOLGES  AND  SEN N EKES. 

Sept.  17,  1G96.  On  Thursday  after  sunsett  his  Excell :  imbarqued  at  Greenwich:  on  Tuesday 
morning  arrived  at  Albany. 

22.  This  day  his  Excell.  viewred  the  fortifications  of  the  city  and  gave  orders  to  ye  Mayr  and 
Aldermen  for  such  reparacons  as  were  found  needfull  in  the  blockhouses  platformes  and  stockadoes. 

27"1  Sunday  afternoone  the  Sachims  of  Oneyde  and  Onnondage  arrived  at  Albany,  in  the  evening 
they  supped  with  his  Excel,  giving  great  expressions  of  y«  joy  and  satisfaccon  they  had  in  meeting 
his  Excell. 

28"'  His  Excell  sent  Capt  James  Weems  to  view  the  garrison  at  Schenectady  and  bring  report  to 
His  Excell  what  necessary  repairs  are  wanting  which  was  performed  accordingly. 

This  day  the  Sachims  of  the  other  three  Nations  arrived  and  desired  time  to  rest  themselves  till 
tomorrow. 

29th    His  Excell.  called  the  Sachims  together  and  spake. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Sachims  of  the  Five  Nations  at  Albany  the  29th  of  September,  1G9G 
Present  His  Excell  Coll  Benjamin  Fletcher  &c 

Coll.  Nicholas  Bayard  } 

William  Pinhorne  Esq  >  of  the  Council 

Mqj'  Peter  Schuyler  y 

Matthew  Clarkson  Esq  Secretary. 

The  Mayr  Recorder  k  Aldermen  of  Albany  &c 


COUNT  FROKTENAC'S  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  THE  ONONDAGAS.  221 

His  Excell  said : — 

Brethren,  It  is  an  inexpressible  satisfaction  to  me  that  I  see  you  here.  I  do  heartily  condole  the 
losse  our  brethren  the  Onondages  and  Oneydes  have  susteined  by  the  late  eruption  of  the  French 
army  from  Canida. 

Upon  the  first  certaine  intelligence  I  had,  I  came  up  in  person  with  [what]  I  could  hastily  gather 
for  your  assistance. 

And  I  am  now  here  and  present  you  the  Onondages  and  Oneydes  these  two  belts  of  Wampum  as 
a  confirmacon  of  my  sincerity  and  these  kettles  to  repair  your  losse  in  that  kinde. 
Brethren 

Two  months  agoe  I  received  at  New  Yorke  the  first  intelligence  that  the  French  had  made  an  insult 
upon  your  country.  I  forthwith  came  up  as  I  said  before  to  yor  reliefe  and  assistance.  I  had  an 
account  before  I  did  reach  Albany  from  some  of  your  people  that  the  French  army  were  retreated 
and  marched  back  towards  Canida.  I  then  sent  expresses  desiring  you  all  to  meet  me  at  this  place. 
Some  time  after  I  received  yor  answer  that  you  would  meet  me  about  this  time  at  Albany ;  and  I  am 
now  come  up  a  second  time  this  summer  in  order  to  renew  the  Covenant  Chain  and  to  consult  with 
the  bretliren  what  is  most  propper  and  may  be  most  conducing  to  the  common  good  and  safety  of 
the  whole  House. 

I  do  acquaint  you  from  my  most  illustrious  Master  the  King  of  Great  Brittaine,  France  and  Ireland 
that  he  will  always  extend  his  gracious  protecon  to  you  and  as  a  seal  of  it  his  Majesty  has  commanded 
me  to  deliver  you  these  presents  to  keep  bright  the  Covenant  Chain  from  all  rust  and  to  strengthen 
it  in  behalfe  of  all  his  Majesty's  Subjects,  not  only  of  this  Province,  but  those  also  of  New  England, 
Connecticut,  the  Jerseys,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland  and  Virginia. 


A  list  of  the  Presents  sent  from  the  King's  J 

24  blew  coats 
24  laced  hatts 
24  p1'  shoes  with  buckles 
24  shirts 
22  dozen  hose 
30  gunn  barrills  and  locks 
30  brasse  kettles 
Prime  cost  in  England  of  the  above  goods  i 


Excellent  Majesty  and  given  to  the  bidia?is  {viz1) 
1  barrell  powder 
400  weight  of  lead 
1000  flints 

1  grose  of  tobacco  pipes,  wood  and  tinn 

2  grose  of  knives 

6  pound  of  vermillion 

►  sterling. 


A  list  of  presents  added  by  the  government  of  New  Yorke. 

1  piece  of  duftils  100  hatchetts 

2  cask  of  Swan  shott  54  \  lbs  tobacco  in  roll 
7  barrills  powder                                         2  grose  pipes 

14  large  kettles  Wampum  £3.  9. 

7  pieces  of  white  hamills  for  shirts  28  gallons  rumm 

All  which  cost  in  New  York  money,  £169    5  41 

For  provision  to  the  Indians  and  repairing  their  arms  -.       130  19  7 

Cash  for  Messengers,  Indian  Scouts  for  intelligence  of  the  Enemyes  motion  pd  by  Mr. 

Dellius,  Mr.  Barker,  Majr  Schuyler  &  Major  Wessells   100  00  0 

From  England  £200  stg  in  New  York  money  is   260  00  0 


In  all  £660    4  \\\ 


222 


COUNT  FKONTENAC'S  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  THE  ONONDAGAS. 


i 


At  a  Meeting  of  the  Sachems  of  the  Five  Nations  at  Albany  the  fust  of  October  1G96. 

Present 

His  Excell.  Coll.  Benjamin  Fletcher,  &c. 
Coll.  Nicholas  Bayard 
William  Pinhorne  Esqr 
Major  Peter  Schuyler 
Matth:  Clarkson,  Esq'  Sec*. 
The  May  Aldermen  of  Albany  &c 
Sanonguirese  a  Sacliim  of  the  Mohaques  was  Speaker 

Brother  Cayenquiragoe  * 

We  l-eturne  you  thanks  lor  what  you  have  said  the  day  before  yesterday  in  condoling  of  our  losse, 
and  for  the  kettles  which  you  gave  us  to  boyle  our  victuals  in  the  room  of  those  that  are  lost  by  the 
enemy  as  also  for  the  two  Belts  of  Wampum  given  us  as  a  token  of  your  sincerity,  by  which  our 
hearts  are  mightily  rejoiced  and  lifted  up  in  this  our  poor  condition. 

Brother  Cayenquiragoe 

We  are  exceedingly  rejoiced  that  the  great  King  over  the  Seas  has  sent  to  us  in  this  our  low 
condition,  by  which  our  hearts  are  lifted  up,  we  were  ready  to  sink  in  a  miserable  perishing  Condi- 
tion and  this  makes  us  revive  again.    He  laid  down  six  Beaver  Skins. 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe 

We  come  to  desire  you  to  acquaint  the  Great  King  that  the  enemy  has  brought  us  to  a  very  low 
condition  and  have  destroyed  five  of  our  Castles  ;  one  is  now  left,  and  if  that  be  destroyed  we  know 
not  what  to  do ;  we  know  not  what  shall  become  of  us  next ;  pray  let  the  Great  King  know  this. 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe 

We  desire  that  since  the  Great  King  of  England  &c.  has  Canoes  of  Seaventy  gunns  a  piece  and 
many  forces,  you  may  acquaint  him  that  it  is  a  great  pity  we  should  be  so  plagued  with  soe  small  an 
enemy  as  the  French  and  Indians  of  Canida.    We  are  not  able  of  ourselves  to  destroy  them. 

We  are  become  a  small  people  and  much  lessened  by  the  warr.  If  the  people  of  Virginia,  Mary- 
land, Pensilvania,  the  Jerseys,  Connecticutt  and  New-England  who  have  all  put  their  hand  to  the 
Covenant  Chain  will  joyn  with  the  inhabitants  of  this  place  we  are  ready  to  go  and  root  out  the 
French  and  all  our  enemyes  out  of  Canida.  He  then  laid  down  a  bundle  of  six  Beaver  skins,  and 
on  the  outside  thereof  a  draft  of  the  river  of  Canida  with  the  chiefe  places  thereof  marked 
Montreal  to  show  the  smalhiessc  of  the  enemy  and  how  seated  upon  Canida  river ;  which  they  desire 
Troyrmer  ^e  shown  to  the  Great  King. 

Brother  Cayenquiragoe. 
We  again  thank  you  for  the  Message  you  have  brought  us  from  the  Great  King. 

And  we  pray  you  to  send  again  to  him  for  us  with  all  vigour  and  speed,  and  to  lay  before  the 
King  what  we  have  here  said,  faile  not  in  writing,  faile  not  to  let  the  King  know  it.  We[give  these 
live  Beavers  to  the  man  that  writes,  to  pay  lor  paper,  penn  and  ink. 

Brother  Cayenquiragoe 

We  desire  you  to  acquaint  the  Great  King  as  before,  that  we  are  a  small  people  and  he  has  a  great 
people  and  many  canoes  witli  great  gunns,  we  desire  you  to  write  to  him  to  know  whether  he  will 
send  them  to  destroy  Canida  or  not  against  the  next  time  the  trees  grow  green ;  and  if  he  will  not 
send  forces  to  destroy  Canada  then  to  send  us  word  thereof  that  we  may  make  peace  for  ourselves 
forever,  or  for  some  time. 

And  we  earnestly  pray  you  will  desire  the  Great  King  to  send  us  an  answer  by  the  next  time  the 
trees  grow  green.    He  laid  down  a  bundle  of  six  beavers. 


COUNT  FK.0NTENAC  S  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  THE  ONONDAGAS. 


223 


At  a  meeting  of  the  Sachiuis  of  the  Five  Nations  at  Albany  Octob.  2^  1696. 
Present  His  Excel!  Coll.  Benjamin  Fletcher,  &c. 

Coll.  Nich.  Bayard  ^ 
William  Pinhorne  Esq.  >  of  the  Council 

Major  Peter  Schuyler,  ) 
Matth:  Clarkson  Esq.  Secy. 
The  Mayr  Recorder  &  Aldermen  of  Albany  &c 
Dackashhata  a  Sachem  of  the  Sennekes  was  Speaker 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe 

We  come  to  condole  the  losse  you  daily  receive  having  daily  alarms  of  skulking  partyes  of  the 
enemy  doing  mischiele.    Then  laid  down  a  Belt  of  Wampum. 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe 

I  am  come  with  the  whole  House  to  consider  what  tends  to  the  com6n  good  of  the  whole 
House 

Brother  Cayenquiragoe 

We  come  here  to  quicken  the  fire,  and  renew  the  Covenant  chain. 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe 

We  come  to  renew  the  Covenant  chain  with  all  the  brethren  of  New  England,  Connecticutt, 
New  Yorke,  the  Jerseys,  Pensilvania,  Maryland  and  Virginia  that  they  may  partake  of  the  warmth  of 
the  fire. 

Brother  Cayenquiragoe 

We  recommend  to  all  that  are  in  the  Covenant  Chain  to  be  vigorous  and  keep  it  up. 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe 

When  all  is  said  I  drincke  to  all  yo*  healths  &  then  I  deliver  you  the  cupp. 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe. 

There  has  been  a  cloud  and  we  come  to  remove  it,  as  the  Sun  in  the  morning  removes  the  dark- 
nesse  of  the  night. 

Brother  Cayenquiragoe. 

The  tree  of  safety  and  welfare  planted  here  we  confirme  it. 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe. 

As  the  tree  is  planted  here  and  confirmed,  so  we  make  fast  all  the  roots  and  branches  of  it,  all  the 
brethren  of  the  Five  Nations  and  the  brethren  of  Virginia,  Maryland,  Pensilvania,  the  Jerseys,  New 
Yorke,  Connecticutt  &  New  England. 

Brother  Cayenquiragoe. 

We  wish  we  may  rest  in  quietness  under  that  tree.    We  fill  it  with  new  leaves,  and  wish  all 
that  are  in  the  Covenant  chain  may  have  the  benefite  to  sitt  down  quiett  under  its  shaddow. 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe 

I  no  hereby  renew  the  covenant  chain  with  all  that  have  put  their  hands  in  it    Virginia,  Mary- 
land, Pensilvania  the  Jerseys,  New  Yorke  Connecticutt  &  New  England 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe. 

We  renew  the  covenant  chain  in  behalfe  of  the  whole  House,  the  Mohaques,  Oneydes,  Onon- 
dages  Cayouges  &  Sinnekes 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe. 

We  have  lately  had  the  losse  of  two  Castles  by  the  enemy,  we  have  concluded  to  do  our  best  to 
assist  them  and  we  desire  Cayenquiragoe  will  doe  the  same. 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe 

We  wish  the  Cannoes  may  go  to  and  again  in  safety  that  the  Great  King  may  know  what  we 


224  COUNT  FRONTENAc's  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  THE  ONONDAGAS. 

have  here  said  and  that  we  may  have  an  answer.  We  now  have  made  our  word  good  :  here  is  the 
cup.  Then  laid  down  some  small  bundles  of  bever  saying — it  is  but  small,  but  [it]  is  as  it  were 
saved  out  of  the  fire. 

His  Excell;  stood  up  and  said — 
Brethren 

I  have  heard  what  you  have  said,  and  have  here  renewed  the  Covenant  Chain  with  all  the  Five 
Nations,  the  Mohaques,  Oneydas,  Onnondages,  Cayouges  &  Sinnekes  in  behalf  of  the  Brethren  of  this 
Province,  Virginia,  Maryland,  Pensilvania,  the  Jerseys,  Connecticutt  k  New  England  and  I  assure 
the  Five  Nations  of  His  Matles  proteccon.  I  have  provided  for  you  some  victuals  and  drink  to  drink 
the  King's  health,  and  in  confirmacon  thereof  that  it  may  last  as  long  as  the  Sun  &  Moon  endures  I 
give  this  Belt  Wampum. 

The  principle  Sachim  of  the  Mohaques  called — Ohee. 

The  whole  Assembly  answered    Heeeeee  Hogh. 
The  principal  of  Oneyde  called — Ohee. 

The  whole  Assembly  answered    Heeeeee  Hogh. 
The  principal  Sachim  of  Onnondage  called  Ohee. 

The  whole  Assembly  answered   Heeeeee  Hogh. 
The  principal  Sachim  of  Cayouge  called  Ohee. 

The  whole  Assembly  answered    Heeeeee  Hogh 
The  principal  Sachim  of  Sinneke  called — Ohee 

The  whole  Assembly  answered    Heeeeee  Hogh 
In  the  evening  His  Excellency  did  appoint  the  principal  Sachims  to  meet  him  at  a  private  con- 
ference next  morning. 

At  a  private  Meeting  of  the  Sachims  of  the  Five  Nations  at  Albany 
the  3<*  Oct:  1696. 

Present  His  Excell.  Coll.  Benjamin  Fletcher  &c 
Coll.  Nich.  Bayard  } 
William  Pinhorne  Esq.    >  of  the  Council 
Major  Peter  Schuyler  ) 
Matthew  Clarkson  Esq:  Sect. 
His  Excellency  said: — 
Brethren 

It  was  proposed  by  the  Speaker  of  the  Five  Nations  the  first  day  that  I  should  write  to  my 
Great  Master  the  King  of  England  &c  concerning  the  warr  that  is  between  the  Five  Nations  and  the 
French  &  Indians  of  Canida  and  that  I  should  gett  an  answer  from  the  Great  King  to  you  the  brethren 
next  spring. 
Brethren 

I  must  assure  you  its  utterly  impossible  in  so  short  a  time  to  send  over  to  my  Great  Master 
and  to  receive  an  answer  for  reasons  which  I  shall  now  give  you. 

The  way  over  the  great  sea  is  long,  the  danger  and  hazards  are  many,  and  in  the  winter  season 
many  storms  and  contrary  winds. 
Brethren, 

I  do  promise  you  to  use  all  the  speedyest  means  with  the  first  opportunity  to  write  to  the  Great 
King  and  to  gett  you  an  answer  which  I  am  sure  will  be  to  yor  content  and  satisfaction  and  so  soon  as 
it  comes  I  shall  communicate  it  to  you 


COUNT   FRONTENAc's  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  THE  ONONDAGiS. 


225 


Brethren. 

In  the  mean  time  I  have  appointed  Majr  Schuyler  Mr  Dellius  Major  Wessels  and  the  Mayor 
of  the  Citty  of  Albany,  to  receive  yor  propositions  upon  any  occasions  that  may  happen  in  my  absence. 
Bretheren 

I  do  heartily  wish  you  home  well  to  yor  own  castles  and  that  you  may  look  out  and  be  care- 
full  not  to  be  surprized ;  you  can  never  be  too  watchful!  I  now  take  my  leave  of  you  and  give  each 
of  you  a  kegg  of  rumm  for  a  dram  to  comfort  you  in  the  way  home,  and  a  coat  to  keep  you  warm 
in  the  winter.  I  shall  see  you  again  (God  willing)  next  summer  or  sooner  if  yor  affaires  call,  if  it 
please  God  to  continue  my  health. 

The  Sachims  offer  to  make  some  propositions. 
Sanongurese  Sachim  of  the  Mohagues  Speaker.  * 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe 

We  have  been  a  long  time  in  the  Covenant  Chain  with  the  brethren  of  New  Yorke,  in  which 
afterwards  at  sundry  times  the  brethren  of  Virginia  Maryland  Pensilvanla,  the  Jerseys,  Connecticutt 
and  New  England  came  and  linked  themselves.  They  like'd  the  chain  of  peace,  but  where  are  they 
now ;  they  do  not  like  to  take  part  with  us  in  the  war.  They  are  all  asleep  ;  they  came  not  to  our 
assistance  against  the  enemy  ;  their  hands  hung  down  straight,  and  their  arms  are  lame ;  we  see  none 
minde  the  warr  but  the  brethren  of  New  Yorke. 

We  are  now  down  upon  one  knee,  but  we  are  not  quite  down  upon  the  ground ;  lett  the  Great 
King  of  England  send  the  great  Cannoes  with  seaventy  gunns  each,  and  let  the  brethren  of  Virginia, 
Maryland,  Pensilvania,  the  Jerseys,  Connecticutt  &,  New  England  awake,  and  we  will  stand  up  straight 
againe  upon  our  feet ;  our  heart  is  yet  stout  and  good ;  we  doubt  not  but  to  destroy  the  enemy. 
Then  laid  down  a  Belt  of  Wampum 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe. 

We  again  desire  you  to  write  to  the  Great  King  and  to  gett  us  an  answer  against  the  next 
time  the  trees  become  green  and  that  there  be  no  delay.  Let  it  not  be  said  to  us  the  cannoes  are  lost 
under  water,  or  that  the  wind  has  carried  them  into  another  country,  or  the  like  excuse,  but  let  us 
have  the  answer  against  the  trees  grow  green,  without  faile,  for  we  are  in  great  need  of  it.  Then 
laid  down  a  Bever  Skin. 

To  which  His  Excell:  made  answer. 

Brethren.  I  shall  be  faithfull  and  exact  to  my  promise  to  you.  I  shall  send  to  the  Great  King 
my  Master  by  the  first  opportunity  and  be  careful  in  sending  you  the  Great  Kings  answer,  as  I  told 
you  before ;  but  I  cannot  be  positive  to  a  time  when  the  voyage  depends  upon  winde  and  weather 
which  are  soe  uncertaine.    I  wish  you  well  to  yor  castles. 

The  principal  Sachim  of  the  Mohaques  called — Ohee 

The  whole  number  of  Sachims  answered   Heeeeee  Hogh  &c. 


[Vol.  I.] 


29 


226 


OOUNT  FRONTENAc's  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  THE  ONONDAGA8. 


EXTRACT  OF  GOV.  FLETCHER'S  SPEECH 

AT  THE  OPENING  OF  4th  SESS.   5th  PUOV :  ASSEMBLY   16  OCT:  1696. 
[  Council  Min.  VII.  ] 

Mr  Speaker  I  am  to  acquaint  you  I  have  been  necessitated  twice  this  summer  by  advice  and 
consent  of  the  Council  to  visite  Albany  the  (trench  Governor  of  Canida  marched  with  so  conside- 
rable a  force  into  the  Indian  Countrey  of  Onnondage  and  Oneyde  that  I  could  not  suppose  his  design 
would  end  there  but  expected  that  he  would  with  that  strength  attempt  Albany  where  I  was  ready 
to  adjust  my  duty  in  defence  of  the  place  he  contented  himselfe  with  a  poor  insult  over  our  naked 
Indians  and  retired  Yet  he  destroyed  the  Castles  and  corne  of  those  two  Nations  who  must  perish 
this  winter  if  not  relieved  by  us. 

You  all  know  they  have  been  true  to  His  Matyes  interest  in  joyning  with  this  Province  against  our 
common  Enemy  the  ffrencli  and  unlesse  encouraged  may  be  compelled  by  poverty  to  make  their 
peace  with  them. 


XII. 


N c 0 r k  Slrmg  Cist- 


1700. 


LIST  OF  THE  OFFICERS  OF  THE  MILITIA  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORKE,  1700. 


[  Lond.  Doc.  XIII.] 


A  Table  of  the  Number  of  the  severall  Regiments  in  yc  Province  of  New  York. 

County  of  Suffolk  ......  614 


Queen's  County 
King's  County 

Richmond  County  2  Compas 
City  &  County  of  New  York 
County  of  West  Chester  . 
Ulster  and  Dutchess  County 
City  &  County  of  Albany  . 


Totall 


60] 

280 
152 
684 
155 
325 
371 

3182  men 


Province  of  New  Yorke 

List  of  ye  present  officers  of  ye  Militia  in  his  Matys  Province  of  New  York  in  America  commis- 
sionated  by  his  Excel.  Richd  Earle  of  Bellomont,  Capt  Generall  &  Govr  in  Chief  in  &  over  his  Ma'y* 
said  Province  &c.  viz1 

Of  ye  Regiment  of  Militia  of  ye  County  of  Suffolk  on  ye  Island  Nassaw 
Isaac  Arnold     ....         Colonel  \ 
Henry  Pierson  .  .  .         Lieu1  Col  >  Field  Officers 

Matthew  Howel  .  .  .  May  ) 

The  several  CompaS  in  yc  said  Regim1 
The  Foot  Compa  in  the  town  of  Brookhaven 

Captain  } 

Lieut       C  Com011  Officers 
Ensigne  ) 
Of  the  Foot  Corapa  in  ye  town  of  Huntington 
.         .         .  .         Capt  \ 

Lieu1       tc.  O. 
Lieu1  ) 

Of  ye  Foot  Compa  in  ye  town  of  Southampton 

Cap1 

Lieu1  O. 
Ensigne 


Sam.  Smith 
Richd  Floyd 
Joseph  Tucker 

Tho*  Wicks 
Jon  Woods 
Epenetus  Plat 


Abra  Howell 
Joseph  Fordham 
Isaac  Halsey 


230 


ARMY  LIST  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


Jon  Lupton 
Joseph  Moore 

Tho.  Stephens] 
Joseph  Pierson 
Jerem.  Scot 

Tho  Young 
Sam  Glover 
Rich.  Brown 


Of  another  Compa  in  ye  said  Town 

Capt  ) 
Lieut.       >  C.  0. 
Ensigne.  ) 

Of  another  Compa  in  ye  said  Town 

Capt.  ~\ 
Lieut.        >C.  0. 
Ensigne.  ) 
Of  ye  Foot  Comp*  in  ye  Town  of  Southold 

Capt.  ) 
Lieut        >C.  0. 
Ensigne  ) 
Of  another  Foot  Compa  in  ye  said  Town 

  Griffin  Lieu1 

  Emens  Ensisrn 


Jonathan  Harlon  Cap1 

Of  another  Foot  Compa  in  ye  said  Town 
Thos  Mapas  Cap1  Joshua  Harlow  Lieu1 

Jon  Booth  Ensigne 
Of  another  Foot  Compa  in  ye  town  of  East  Hampton 

  Capt  j    Lieut ;    Ensigne  ; 

Of  another  Foot  Compa  in  ye  said  Town 
John  Wheeler  Capt,  Enoch  Fitchen  Lieut, 

Corn.  Conchling  Ensigne 
This  Regiment  consists  of  six  hundred  and  fourteen  men 

Of  the  Regim1  of  Militia  in  Queens  County  on  ye  said  Island 

Colonel 

John  Jackson  ...  .         Lieut  Col  )>  Field  Officers 

Majr 

Of  the  Foot  compa  in  the  town  of  Jamaica 
Hope  Carpenter       .  .  .  Capt. 


Benj"  Thurston 
Rich*  Oldfield 

Of  another  Foot  compa 
Sam.  Carpenter 
Joseph  Smith 
Dan.  Smith 

Of  the  Foot  Compa  in  y 
Content  Titus 
Sam.  Ketcham 
Sam.  Morrell 

Of  another  Foot  Compa 
Rob'  Coe 
Jo"  Berian  . 
Jonathan  Coe 
Of  the  Foot  Compa  in  y°  Town  of  Hampstcad 
Jerem.  Smith         .  .         .  Capt 


Lieut. 
Ensigne 
in  ye  said  Town 

Capt. 
Leiut. 
Ensigne 
e  town  of  New  Town 
Capt. 
Lieut. 
Ensigne 
in  y*  said  Town 

Capt. 
Leiut. 
Ensigne 


Com0"  Officers 


C.  0. 


C.  O. 


C.  0. 


ARMY  LIST  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


Richd  Hubbs         .  .  .  Leiut. 

Isaac  Smith  .  .  Ensigne, 

Of  another  Foot  Compa  in  ye  said  Town 
Joseph  Smith  .  .  .  Capt. 

Lieut. 

Thos  Gildersleeve    .  .  .  Ensigne. 

Of  another  Foot  Compa  in  ye  said  Town 
Tho.  Treadwell        .  .  .  Capt, 

Jon.  Pine      ....  Leiut, 
Jon  Forster  .  .         .  Ensigne, 

Of  the  Foot  Compa  in  yc  Town  of  Flushing 
Robert  Hinchman    .  .  .  Capt, 

  Harrington  .  .  Leiut, 

Daniel  Wright         .  .  .  Ensigne, 

Of  the  Foot  Compa  in  ye  town  of  Oysterbay 
Rob1  Coles    ....  Capt. 
Josia  Latten  .  .  .  Leiut 

Nath :  Coles  Jun1  .  .  Ensigne 

Of  the  Troope  of  Horse  in  ye  said  Regm1 
John  Lawrence        .  .  .  Capt. 

Jonath :  Smith        .  .  .  Leiut 

Daniel  Lawrence     .  .  .  Cornet 

Jon  Finne    ....  Quartermaster 
The  Regiment  consists  of  six  hundred  &  one  men, 

Of  the  Regiment  of  Militia  in  King's  County  on  ye  s.'id  Island, 
Stephen  Cortlandt  .  .  Colonel  ) 

Gerrardus  Beekman         .  .         Leiu4  Col.  >  Feild  Officers 

Corn :  Van  Brunt  .  .  Majr  ) 

Of  the  Foot  Compa  in  the  town  of  Amersfort, 
Jon  Terhermon       .  .  .  Capt. 

Peter  Mansford       .  .  .  Leiut, 

Corn  Van  Voorhuyen        .  .  Ensigne 

Of  the  Foot  Cornp"  in  ye  Town  of  Gravesend. 
John  Lake  .  .  .  Capt. 

Chr :  Bemoyn         .  .  .  Leiut, 

Albert  Coerten       .  .  .  Ensigne, 

Of  the  Foot  Compa  in  the  town  of  Brookland, 
Joris  Hansen         .  .  .  Capt, 

Daniel  Repalie        .  .  .  Leiut, 

Teunis  Repalie       .  .  .  Ensigne. 

Of  the  Foot  Compa  in  ye  town  ol^New  Uytregt. 
John  Van  Dyke       .         .         .  Capt. 
Joost  Van  Brunt     .  .  .  Leiut. 

Matys  Smake         .  .  .  Ensigne. 

Of  the  Foot  Compa  in  ye  town  of  Midwout 
Arie  Van  de  Bilt     .  .  .  Capt, 


232 


ARMY  LIST  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


Ensigne. 


Capt, 

Leiut, 

Ensigne. 


Symon  Hansen  .....  Leiut, 

Isaac  liegeman  .  ... 

Of  the  Eoot  Comp*  in  ye  town  of  Bos  wick 
Peter  Pra  ...... 

Micliill  Parmyter  ..... 

Jochem  Vouchnewen  .... 

Of  the  Troop  of  Horse  in  ye  said  Regiment 
Dan.  Polhcmius  ..... 

Roeloft  Verkirk 

Jerominus  Remse  ..... 

Gysbert  Bayard  ..... 

This  Regiment  consists  of  two  hundred  &  eighty  men 
Of  the  Militia  in  the  County  of  Richmond. 
Of  the  Foot  Compa  in  the  said  County. 
Tho.  StilweU  ...... 

Tho.  Morgane 
Nice  Teunisse 

Of  another  Compe  in  ye  said  County 
Andrew  Carmon  .... 

John  Stihvell 
Jaque  Poilton 

The  said  two  CompaS  in  the  said  County  consists  of  one  hundred  &.  fifty  two  men 
Of  the  Regim1  of  Militia  in  ye  City  and  County  of  New  York 


Capt. 
Leiut, 
Cornet 

Quarter  Master 


Capt, 
Leiuts' 

Capt 
Leiut3 


Abra :  De  Peyster         ....  Colonel 
W,n  Mervet       .....         Leiut  Col. 
Jo11  Henry  De  Bruyn      ....  Majr 

Of  a  Foot  Compa  in  ye  said  City 
Robt.  Walters     .....  Capt, 
Andrew  Teller  ....  Leiut 

Jon  Hardinbrooke         ....  Ensigne, 

Of  another  Foot  Compa  in  ye  said  City 
David  Provost         ....  Capt, 
Wra  Churcher  ....  Leiut, 

Absa :  Brasier  ....  Ensigne 

Of  one  other  Foot  Compa  in  yc  said  City. 
Leonard  Lewis         ....  Capt, 
Jacob  Vander  Speigle  .  .  .  Lieut,     ^     C.  0. 

Isaac  Governeur       ....  Ensigne, 

Of  one  other  Troop  Compa  in  y°  said  City. 
Isaac  De  Keimer  ....  Capt 

Steph  Richards  ....  Leiut 


Field  Oflicers 


Comon  Officers 


C.  0. 


Nicho.  Blank, 


Ensigne 


Of  one  other  Foot  Compa  in  ye  said  Citty 
Cornelius  De  Peyster    ....  Capt, 
Roger  Baker  ....  Leiut 

Corn:  Lodge  ..... 


Ensigne 


ARMY  LIST  OF  THE  TROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


233 


Of  one  other  Foot  Compa  in  ye  said  Citly 
John  Theobalds  .  .  .  Capt 

Peter  De  Melt  ....  Leiut 

Isaac  Brasier    .....  Ensigne 

Of  another  Foot  Compa  in  ye  said  Citty 
Evert  Byvanek  ....  Capt, 

John  Vander  Speigel  .  .  .  Leint, 

Jon  Tiebout  ....  Ensigne. 

Of  one  other  Foot  Compa  in  ye  said  City 
Martin  Clock  ....  Capt, 

Tho  Fornuier  ....  Leiut, 

Hend:  Breevort  ....  Ensigne, 

Of  the  Troop  of  Horse  in  ye  said  Regim' 
John  De  Peyster  Capt,  Jon  Outman  Cornet 

Jo11  Hoghland     Leiut,  Evert  Van  de  Water  Quarter  master 

This  Regiment  consists  of  six  hundred  &  eighty  five  men. 
Of  the  Regiment  of  Militia  in  y  e  County  of  West  Chester. 

Colonel  } 

Lieut.  Col.  >  Field  Officers 
Aug1  Graham  .  .  .  May  ) 

Of  a  Foot  Compa  in  the  town  of  East  Chester. 
John  Drake  .  .  .  Capt,  } 

Joseph  Drake  .  .  .  Leiut,        >   C.  0. 

Henry  Tower  .  .  .  Ensigne  ) 

Of  a  Foot  Compa  jn  ye  town  of  New  Rochell, 
Oliver  Besley    .....  Capt, 
Isaac  Merier     .  .  .  '  .  Leiut, 

Pierre  Vasleau  ....  Ensigne 

Of  a  Foot  Compa  jn  ye  town  of  Mamarioneck 
James  Mott       .....  Captain 
Robert  Lauting  ....  Leiut, 

Tho:  Ives         .....  Ensigne 
This  Regiment  consists  of  one  hundred  fifty  five  men. 
Of  the  Regiment  of  Militia  in  yc  Counties  of  Ulster  &  Dutchess. 

Colonel  ) 

Jacob  Rutsen    ....  Lieut  Col  >  Field  Officers 

Majr  ) 

Of  a  foot  Compa  in  ye  said  Countys. 
Matthias  Mattyson        .  .  .  Captain  ~\ 

Evert  Bogardus  .         .         .  Leiut.       >  Com0'1  Officers 

Tennis  Tappen  ....         Ensigne,  ) 

Of  another  Foot  Compa  in  yc  sJ  Countys. 
Abso:  Hasbrooke  .  .  .  Captain 

Moses  Quantaine  .  .  .  Lieut, 

Lewis  Bavea      ....  Ensigne. 


[Vol.  I.J 


30 


ARMY  LIST  OF  THE   PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


George  Middagh 
Gysbert  Krooni  . 
Alex.  Rosebrans 

Aria  Rose 
John  Rose 
Aria  Gerrutse  . 


Baltus  Van  Cleet 
Hendrick  Kipp 
John  Ter  Bus 


Of  an  other  Foot  Compa  in  ye  said  Countys. 

Capt, 
Lieut, 
Ensigne. 

Of  another  foot  Compa  in  ye  said  Countys, 

Captain 
Lieut. 
Ensigne 

Of  another  Foot  Compa  in  ye  said  Countys. 
Jocham  Schoonmaker     .  .  .  Captain 

John  Van  Camp  ....  Lieut 
Jacob  Decker     ....  Ensigne 

Of  another  Foot  Compa  in  ye  said  Countys 
Coenrod  Elmendorp       .  .  .  Captain 

Mattyse  Sleight  ....  Lieut 
Garret  Wyncoop  .         .         .  Ensigne 

Of  another  Foot  Compa  in  ye  said  Countys 

Captain 
Lieut 
Ensigne 

Of  the  Troop  of  Horse  in  ye  said  Regiment 
Egbert  Schoonmaker  Captain  Abra:  Gasbert  Coronet 

Corn:  Decker  Lieut.  Matty s  Jansen  Quartermaster 

This  Regiment  consists  of  Three  hundred  five  &  twenty  men. 

Of  the  Regiment  of  Militia  in  yc  City  &  County  of  Albany. 
Peter  Schuyler    ....  Colonel  ) 

Lieut.  Col.  >  Field  Officers 
Dyrck  Wessels    ....         May  ) 
Of  a  Foot  Company  in  the  city  of  Albany 
Johannes  Bleeker  .  .  .  Captain  ) 

Johannes  Roseboom       .  .  .         Lieut        >  Com"  Officers 

-    Abra:  Cuyler     .  .  .         Ensigne  ) 

Of  another  Foot  Compa  in  ye  said  city 

Captain 
Lieut. 
Ensigne. 

Of  another  Foot  Compa  in  the  said  County 

Captain 
Lieut. 
Ensigne. 

Of  another  Foot  Compa  in  the  said  County 

Captain 


Albert  Rykman  . 
Wessel  ten  Broek 
Johannes  Thomasse 

Martin  Cornelisse 
Andris  Douw 
Andris  Koyman 


Gerrit  Tcunisse  . 
Jonas  Douw 
Jochem  Lamerse 
Volckart  V.  Hoescm 
Abra:  Hanse 


Lieut* 


Ensignes 


ARMY  LIST  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


235 


Of  a  Foot  Compa  in  ye  town  of  Schenectady 
Johannes  Sanderse  Glen  .  .  Captain 

Adam  Woman  [Vrooman?]        .  .  Lieut. 

Barman  V.  Slyke         .         .         .  Ensigne. 

Of  the  Troope  of  Horse  in  ye  said  Regiment 
Kilian  van  Renslaer       .  .  .  Captain 

Johannes  Schuyler         .  .  .  Lieut. 

Bennone  V.  Corlaer       .  .  .  Cornet 

Anthony  Bries    .  .  .  Quartermaster 

This  Regiment  consists  of  Three  hundred  seaventy  one  men. 

(Indorsed)    "  No  13.  New  Yorke.    List  of  the  officers  of  the  Militia  in  the  Province  of  New  Yorke 
"  Referred  to  in  ye  E  of  Bellomonts  Ire  of  y°  28  Nov  1700  Reed  18  Feb  Read    1700 } 


XIII. 

CENSUS 

OF  THE 

Counties  of  ©range,  IHutcljea  &  Silbang. 


1702,  171£,  1720, 


LIST  OF  THE  INHABITANTS  IN  THE  COUNTY  OF  ORANGE.  1702. 


0) 

m  C 

s 


w  to 
01  a) 


09  6 

rt  110 


o 

fcog 


.2  2 
S 


jWilliam  Merritt  Margry  His  Wijff 
Daniel  D.  Clerque  .  I    .     .      .  Gerelje  His  Wijff 

Jacob  d  Clerque  .  I  . 
Abram  Hearingh  .  . 
Thomis  Van  Howtten  . 


Roloff  Van  Howtten 
Claes  Van  Howtten 
Hendrick  Geritssen 
John  Hendrlckssen  . 
Herman  Hendrickssen 
Geridt  Hendricssen  . 
Lambert  Arianssen  . 
Geridt  Lambertzen  . 
Lowe  Reynerssen  . 
Thonis  Taelman 


Rcyn  Janzen 


Trijntje  His  Wijffe 


Mary  His  Wijfe 


Margrit  His  Wiffe 


1  Child 


.  .  .  4  Men 
1  Mayd     1  Men 


1  Child  . 
3  Children 


6  Mayds 


2  Childeren 


4  gerells 


Caspar  Janssen  ... 
Johan  Classen     .    .  |  . 
Johanns  Gerissen     .  . 
Jacob  Cool      .    .    .  1  . 
Coenrat  Hanssen  .    .  I    .      .  . 
Reijnier  Mijnerssen    \  . 
Dirck  Straat    .....  . 

Cornells  Hearingh   .  I    .  . 
Cosyn  Hearingh  .    .  . 

Jacob  Flierboom     .      .     .     .     .     |Marij  His  "Wiffe 

Samuel  Conklijn  Hanna  His  Wiffe 

Abram  Blauvelt  .    .  1    .     .     .     .     [Gritje  His  Wiffe 


Lysbeth  His  Wijffe 
Brechtie  His  Wyffe 
Dirckje  A  Widow 
May  His  Wyffe  . 
Trijntje  His  Wyffe 
Cathrin  His  Wiffe 
Barbara  His  Wiffe 
Leuntje  His  Wiffe 
Mary  His  Wiffe  . 
Tryntje  His  Wiffe 
Cathe  His  Wiffe 
Mary  His  Wiffe 


1  Child 


1  gerell 
3  gerells    2  Men 


Gritje  His  Wiffe  . 
Mary  His  Wiffe  . 
Gritje  His  Wiffe  . 
Anna  His  Wiffe  . 
Janneke  His  Wiffe 
Ariantje  His  Wiffe 


John :  Waard 
Isaac  Gerissen 
Pieter  Hearingh  . 
Jeremiah  Ceniff  . 
John  D'puy     .  . 
John  :  d'fries  .  . 
Gerritt  Huijbrechtz 
John:  Meijer  .    .    .  I    .     .     .     .     jAntje  AWedow  . 

Poulus  Tjurckssen  .....   

John:  Hey  ....).  .  .  .  Trijntje  A  Wedow 
Melchert  Casperssen      ...      .      Gertruyt  His  Wife 

Jeurian  Melgertssen       ....  I  

John:  Perre    .    .    .      .     .     .      .     iSara  His  Wiffe  . 

Jemes  Weller      ......     .     .     .     IBethe  His  Wiffe  . 

Isaac  Brett      .    .    .  i    .     .     .     .      Magdalen  His  Wiffe 

Will:  Juell     .    .    .  1    .     .     .     .     iSara  His  Wiffe  . 

Will  Juell  Juner  ... 

floris  Crom 
Willem  Crom  .    .    .  I  . 
Ariam  Crom    .    .    .  I  . 
Gysbert  Crom     .    .  1    .  . 
Albert  Mimelay  ... 
Cornlis  Coeper  ... 


3  Childeren 

6  Childeren 
2  Childeren 
1  Child  . 

1  Child  '. 

1  Child  . 

2  Children 

1  Child  ! 

4  Children 

1  Child  ! 

1  Child  . 

3  Children 
3  Childeren 

2  Children 


3  gerells 
2  gerells 
2  gerells 
1  gerell 

1  gerell 
jl  gerell 
:4  gerls  . 

2  gerls  . 
!1  gerll  . 

3  gerels 
3  gerlls 
3  gerlls 


.  4 
Men 


Men 


5  gerlls 
3  gerlls 
3  gerlls 
2  perils 


1  men 


2  Children    3  gerlls     1  Men 


2  Children 


1  Child  . 
3  Children 

2  Children 


2  Gerlls 
2  Gerlls 


3  Gerells 


1  Gerlls 
4  Gerlls 


Edward  Mek 


Lyne  His  Wiffe  . 
Geritje  His  Wiffe 


1  Child 
1  Child 


|2  Gerells 


Meenske  His  Wiffe 
Altje  His  Wiffe  . 
Sara  Crab  Widow 


.  .  .  |5  Gerlls 
4  Children  7  Gerlls 
2  Children    1  Gerll 


Corns  to  49  men 


frans  Wey 
Dirck  Storm  . 

Corns  to  5  men 


Indian  w:  His  Wiffe 
Mery  His  Wife  . 


1  Men 
1  Men 


1  Women  1  Child  2  Gerls. 
I  Women  1  Child      1  Gerl 


1  Women 


1  Child 


1  Women 


1  Child 


1  Child 
1  Child 


1  gerell 
1  gerrell 


1  Women 


1  Gerll 


2  Women 


1  Child: 


Corns  to  Corns  to  7  Corns  to  7  Corns  to  6 
13  men:  Women     Childes  gerels 


Corns  to  40  Wiffe    Corns  to  57  Corns  to 
C'ildr:      !  84  gerlls 

In  the  Countij  Urange  the  16th  Day  of  Junij  1702.  This  ji  a  Trew  ACount  off  all  the  Males  and  ffcmales  off  Men  Women  and 
Childeren 

Witness  Cower  hand  WILL  MERRETT 

DANIEL  DE  KLERCK 
Pr:  Order  of  the  Justices  r  1  Y 

the  paes  Dit  is      r\    het  marck  van  >  Justices. 

D.  STORM  CI :  11 

TnEUNTS  ROELOFFZEN  VAN  HOWTEN 
[Endorsed]    This  is  a  Trieuw  Acount  of  the  County  Orange.      CORNELIS  CLASEN 


240 


CENSUS  OF  DUTCHESS  COUNTY. 


A  LIST  OF  THE  INHABITANTS  AND  SLAVES  IN  THE  COUNTY  OF  DUTCHES.  1714. 


The  Severall  places  or  Districts  in  the  County  where 
Inhabiting. 


■3  s 

s 

■*-• 

ox 

a  £ 

£  .O 

3  rt 


°. 


«-  2 

o  ** 

!_  <u 
«)  ft) 

is 


E* 


IS 

3  93 


> 
ci 

< — 1  o 
u>  > 
Cj  o 

•a  .o 

B-a 
«_  g 

o  « 
n  C 
t-  CI 

s.a 

g  to 
S5 


z 


S  -0 
H  rt 

fits 
<-  c 

O 

w  C 

.=  — 

3  to 

25 


o  <u 
£x 

3 -a 


Jacob  Kip  

Jacob  Plowgh  

Matieis  Slegt  

Evert  Van  Wagenen  

Whilliam  Ostraniier  

Lowrans  Ostrout  

Peter  Palmater  

Maghell  Pallmatir  

William  Tetsort  

Hendrick  Pells  

Peter  Vely  

John  Kip  

Elena  Van  De  Bogart  

John  De  Grave  , 

Lenard  Lewis  

Bartolumus  Hoogenboom. 

Baltus  Van  IUeek  

Frans  Le  Roy  

Barent  Van  Kleck  

John  Ostrom  

Harmen  Riiulers  

Meindert  Van  Den  Bogart 

Johanes  Van  Kleck   

Lenar  Le  Roy  

Swart  Van  Wagenen,  

Henry  Van  Der  Burgh  .  ... 

Elias  Van  Buncholen  

Thomas  Sanders  

Catrine  Lasink  Wedo :  .... 

Peter  Lasink  

-ey  Scouten 


Mcllen  Springsteen  

Johnes  Tcrbots  

John  Beuys  

Abram  Beuys  , 

Garatt  Van  Vleit  

wmiam  Oaten  

Amlreis  Daivedes  - 

Frans  De  Langcn  

A  ret  Masten  , 

James  Husey  

Roger  Brett  , 

Peter  Dc  Boyes  

Isack  Hendricks  

John  Breines  

Jeurcy  Sprinsten  

Peck  De  Wit  

Adaam  Van  alstcd  

Cellitie  kool  

Harmen  knickerbacker  .... 
Jobanis  Dyckman  Sicnjer  . 

Jacob  Hogtatelingta  

Dirck  Wesselse  

Willcm  Schot  

Jacob  Vosburgh  

Tunis  Pieterse  

benderick  bretsiert  

Roclif  Duijtser  

Johannji  Spoor  Junjoor •• .  • 

Abraham  Vosburgh  

Abraham  Van  Duscn  

AVillem  Wijt  

Louwerons  knickerbacker 

henderek  Sissum  

Aemleris  Gerdcner  

Gy9bert  oosterhout  

.lohannis  Dyckman  Junior 


1  I 


1 
1 
1 
2 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
2 
1 
5 
2 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
2 
1 
1 

B9 


97  I  98 


19 


[Total  No.  of  souls,  445.] 


LIST  OF  THE  FREEHOLDERS  OF  THE  CITY  AND   COUNTY  OF  ALBANY. 


241 


A  LIST  OF  THE  FREEHOLDERS  OF  THE 

first  ward 
Evert  Wendell 
Jno  Dunbar 
Harrnanis  Wendell 
Peter  Van  Brugh 
Johannis  Schuyler 
Antoney  Van  Schaick 
Mindert  Schuyler 
Antoney  Vanschaick  Snor 
Robert  Livingston  Junr 
Tho:  Williams 
Coonrodt  Tennyck 
Joseph  Yates  Junr 
Jacob  Roseboom 
Jacob  Staats 
John  Rosie 
Wm:  Hogan 
Johannis  Van  Alen 
Jacob  Lansen 
Baltis  Van  Bentheusen 
Harrnanis  Ryckman 
Fred.  Mindertsen 
Daniell  Kelly 
Johannis  Vandenbergh 
Joseph  Vansante 
Joseph  Yeats  Snor 
Winant  Vanderpoel 
John  Kidney 
Mindert  Lansen 
Obediah  Cooper 
Johannis  Vansante 
Matthews  Flantsburgh 
Tobias  Ryckrnan 
Peter  Ryckman 
Wm.  Hilton 
Johannis  De  Garmoe 
Claes  Van  Woort 
Henry  Holland 
John  Collins 
Hend:  Halenbeek 
Peter  Gramoe 
Johannis  Ratclif 
Luykas  Hooghkirck 
[Vol.  I.] 


CITY  AND  COUNTY  OF  ALBANY.  1720. 

Hendrick  Oothout 
Nicolas  Winegaert 
Cornelis  Vandyke 
Johannis  Lansen 
Luykas  Winegaert 
Ryert  Gerritse 
Gose  Van  Schaick 
Barent  Egbertsen 
Bastian  Visser 
Antoney  Bregardes 
Thomas  Wendell 
Johannis  Tenbroeck 
Antoney  Coster 
Danl  Flantsburgh 
Johannis  Beekman 
Johannis  Wendell  Junr 
Antoney  Van  Schaick  Junr 
Phillip  Livingston 
Jacob  Beekman 
Revr'nd  Thomas  Barclay 
David  Grewsber  k 
Stephanis  Grewsbeck 
2d  Ward 
Johannis  Cnyler 
Nicos:  Bleeker 
Abram:  Cuyler 
Warner  Van  Ivera 
Reyner  Mindertsen 
Barent  Sanders 
Wm:  Grewsbeck 
Guisbert  Marselis 
Herpert  Jacobsen 
Arent  Pruyn 
Johannis  Mingaell 
Johannis  Hansen 
Seibolet  Brigardes 
David  Van  Dyke 
Johannis  Vinhagen 
Abram  Kip 
Cornelis  Schermerhorn 
Hendrick  Tennyck 
Johannis  Beekman  Snor 
Gerrit  Lansen 


LIST  OF  THE  FREEHOLDERS  OF  THE  CITY  AND  COUNTY  OF  ALBANY. 


Issack  Kip 
Nanning  Visser 
Hendrick  Roseboom 
Mindert  Roseboom 
Andries  Nach 
Jan :  Janse  Blecker 
Johannis  Bleeker 
Christofell  Yeats 
Phillip  Wendell 
Jan  Lansen 
Gerrit  Roseboom 
Cornells  Van  Scherline 
Johans:  Evertse  Wendell 
Abrani:  Lansen 
Johannis  Roseboom 
John  Hogan 
Johannis  Visser 
Benj.  Egbertsen 
Johannis  Grewsbeck 
Claes  Funds 
Wm:  Jacobsen 

3d  Ward 
Isaac  Fonda 
Samuell  Babington 
Gerrit  Van  Ness 
Albert  Ryckman 
Cornclis  Borghaert 
Jacob  Borghaert 
Johannis  Hun 
Phillip  Van  Vechten 
Lenord  Gansivoort 
Jan:  Evertsen 
Evert  Janse 
Jacob  Evertse 
Jno:  Solomonse 
Hendrick  Hansen 
Abram :  Schuyler 
Derrick  Brat 
Johannis  Van  Ostrande 
Johannis  Evertsen 
Tunis  Egbertsen 
Derrick  Tenbroeck 
David  Schuyler 
Winant  Vandenbergh 
Takel  Derrickse 
Johannis  Backer 
Thomas  Long 


John  Gerritse 
Elbert  Gerritse 
Issac  Borghaert 
Cornelis  Maasse 
Jan  Maasse 
Barnt  Brat 

Jacob  Borghaert  Junr 
Jacob  Visser 

Jacobus  Luykasse  Winegaert 

Johannis  Pruyn 

Wessell  Tenbroeck 

Peter  Winne 

Jacob  Muller 

Johannis  Muller 

Samll:  Pruyn 

Reuben  Ven  Vechten 

Cornlis  Switzs 

Guisbert  Vandenbergh 

Teirck  Harminse  Visser 

Tunis  Brat 

Peter  Walderom 

Rutger  Bleek<  r 

Harpert  Vandeusen 

County  of  Albany  Viz. 
Schonectady. 
Jonathan  Stevens 
William  Coppernoll 
Claes  Franse 
Teirck  Franse 
Yellous  Fonda 
Adam  Vroman 
Phillip  Schuyler 
David  Lewis 
Mindert  Guisling 
Peter  Quacumbus 
Abram  Meebe 
Benj.  Van  Vlack 
Marte  Powlisse 
Harma  Van  Slyck 
Sanders  Gelon 
Evert  Van  Eps 
Arent  Van  Petten 
John  Weemp 
Simon  Switzs 
Jacob  Switzs 
Mindert  Weemp 
Arent  Brat 


LIST  OF  THE  FREEHOLDERS 


OF 


HHE  CITY  AND  COUNTY  OF  ALBANY. 


?43 


Hendrick  Vroomau  Junr 

Harmanis  Vedder 

Dow  Aukus 

Johannis  Mindertsen 

Adam:  Smith 

Abram  Trueax 

Rob:  Yeats 

Abram:  Lythall 

Assweris  Marselis 

Abram:  Groot 

Hendrick  Vroman  Snor 

Wouter  Vroman 

Jno.  Baptist  Van  Epps 

Derrick  Brat 

Jan  Barentse  Wemp 

Barent  Vroman 

Jan  Vroman 

Gerrit  Van  Brackell 

Arent  Danilse 

Simon  Vroman 

Lawrence  Chase 

Cornlis  Vander  Volgen 

Abram  De  Grave 

Daniell  Daniel  se 

Cornelis  Pootman 

Sam:  Hagadoring 

Gnisbert  Van  Brakell 

Volkert  Simon  se 
Jacob  Schermerhorn 
Jacobus  Vandyke 
Helmes  Vedder 
Arnout  De  Grave 
Johannis  Teller 
Albert  Vedder 
Derrick  Groot 
Gerrit  Simonse 
Yealous  Van  Vost 
Victore  Pootman 
Jan  Delemont 
Caleb  Beck 
Nicolas  Schuyler 
Johannis  Gelen 
Jacob  Gelen 
Jesse  De  Grave 
Carle  Hanse  Toll 
Daniell  Toll 
William  Marrinas 


Arent  Schermerhorn 

Esays  Swaert 

Johannis  Vroman 

Andries  De  Grave 

Joseph  Clament 

John  Bumstead 

Harma  Plullipse 

Jereme  Thickstone 

Jacob  Van  Olinda 

Arent  Vedder 

Peter  Vroman 

Daniell  Janse 

Peter  Danielse 

Jan  Danielse 

Jan  Meebe 

Johannis  Peek 

Jacobus  Peek 

Claes  Van  Petten 

Cornelis  Van  Slyck 

Marte  Van  Slyck 

Cornelis  Feele 

Arnout  Brat  Junr 

Johannis  Vedder 
Tunis  Vander  Volgen 
Claes  Van  Pel  en 
Andries  Van  Petten 
•  Jan  Schermerhorn 

Wouter  Swaert 
Arent  Pootman 
Kenderhook  and  part  Mannar  of  Livingston  Viz. 
Jochim  Van  Valkenburgh 
Isaac  Fansborough 
Casper  Rouse 
Peter  Van  Alen 
Lamert  Huyck 
Burger  Huyck 
Johannis  Huyck 
Derrick  Gardineer 
Peter  Van  Slyck 
Jno:  Gardineer 
Evert  Wider 
Derrick  Goes 
Peter  Fausburgk 
Peter  Van  buren 
Jno:  Goes 
Mattias  Goes 
Luykas  Van  Alen 


LIST  OF  THE  FREEHOLDERS  OF  THE  CITY  AND  COUNTY  OF  ALBANY. 


Jacobus  Van  Alen 
Evert  Van  Alen 
Johannis  Vandeusen 
Cornelis  Schermerhorn 
Jolianuis  Van  Alen 
Gerrit  Dingmans 
Bartlenieus  Van  Valkenburgh 
Thomas  Van  Alstine 
Coonrodt  Burgaret 
Stephanis  Van  Alen 
John  Burgaret 
Abrani:  Van  Alstine 
Lawrence  Van  Schauk 
Elias  Van  Schauk 
Jurie  Klaime 
Gnisbert  Scherp 
Lawrence  Scherp 
Hendrick  Clawe 
Lamert  Valkenburgh 
Melgert  Vanderpoel 
Lenord  Conine 
north  part  of  the  Mannor  of  Livingston: 
Robert  Livingston  Esqr 
Peter  Coole 
Killian  Winne 
Jan  Emnerick  Plees 
Hans  Sihans 
Claes  Bruise 
Jonat:  Kees 
Coonrodt  Ham 
Coonrodt  Schureman 
Johannis  Pulver 
Bastian  Spikerman 
Nicolas  Smith 
Bait  is  Auspah 
Jno:  Wm:  Simon 
Hanse  Jurie  Prooper 
Abrani  Luyke 
Broer  Decker 
Jurie  Decker 
Nicolas  Witbeck 
Johannis  Uldrigh 
ffitz:  Muzigh 
Cooiirod  kclder 
David  Hooper 
Gabriel!  Broose 
Solomon  Schutt 


Jacob  Stover 
Johannis  Roseman 
Nicos:  Styker 

Claverack 
Tobias  Tenbroeck 
Cornelis  Mulder 
Cornlis  Esselstine 
Jeremias  Mulder 
Derrick  Hogoboom 
Cornelis  Huyck 
Isaac  Vandeusen 
Jno:  Hoose 
George  Sidnem 
Richard  Moor 
John  Hardyck 
Hendr:  Van  Salsbergen 
Jacob  Van  Hoosem 
Kasper  Van  Hoosem 
Jan  Van  Hoosem 
Saml  Tenbroeck 
Peter  Hogoboom 
Rob:  Van  Deusen 
Casper  Conine 
Frank  Hardyke 
Johannis  Van  Hoosem 
John  Bout 
Wm:  Halenbeck 
Johannis  Coole 
John  Rees 
Wm:  Rees 
Johannis  Scherp 
Andries  Rees 
Ghondia  Lamafire 
Hendrick  Whitbeck 
Jurie  Fretts 
Hendrick  Lodowick 
Jacob  Eswin 
Jurie  Jan 
Cloude  Lamatere 
Nicos:  Vanduse  Cats  Kilts 

Coxluicky  and  Cats  Kills 
Mindert  Schut 
Wessell  Tenbroeck 
Wm:  Lefl'errese 
Holme  Jansc 
Saml  Van  Vechten 
Gerrit  Van  berghen 


LIST  OF  THE  FREEHOLDERS 


OF 


THE 


CITY  AND  COUNTY  OF  ALBANY. 


Marte  Van  berghen 
Frank  Salisbury 
Jno  Brunk 
Minkas  Van  Schauk 
John  Albertse 
Arent  Van  Scliauk 
Michael  Collier 
Cornelis  Van  Worraer 
Johannis  Halenbeek 
Casper  Halenbeek 
Jan  Van  Loan 
Albert  Van  Loan 
Jno:  Van  Loan  Junr 
Abram:  Provoost 
Jacob  Halenbeek 
Jno:  Casperse 
Coonrodt  Hotlen 
Philip  Conine 
Jno:  Vanhoosem 
Lenord  Brunk 
Peter  Brunk 
Isaac  Spoor 

Canastigonie 
Jno:  Quacumbus 
Jno:  Abort 
Jacob  Pearse 
Derrick  Brat 
Maes  Rycksen 
Evert  Rycksen 
Gerrit  Rycksen 
Nicholas  Van  Vranken 
Lapion  Kanfort 
Cornelis  Christianse 
Eldert  Timonse 
Jno:  Quackenboes  Junr 
Peter  Ouderkerk 
Jacob  Cluit 
John  Cluit 
Frederick  Cluit 
Saml:  Creeger 
Derrick  Takelsen 
Mattias  Boose  Snor 
Johannis  Christianse 

Half  Moon  . 
Jacobus  Van  Schoonhoven 
Evert  Van  Ness  • 
Daniell  Fort 


Corn'ls  Vanburen 
Cornelis  Van  Ness 
Isaac  Ouderkerk 
Lavinus  Harminse 
Tunis  Harminse 
Winant  Vanderbergh 
Roolif  Gerritse 
Hendrick  Roolifse 
Jno:  De  Voe 
Daniell  Van  Olinda 
Eldert  Ouderkerk 
Cornelis  Vandenbergh 

Schaatkooke 
Saml  Doxie 
Curset  Fether 
Johannis  Knickerbacker 
Derrick  Van  Vechten 
Johannis  De  Wandelaer 
Simon  Danielse 
Martin  Delamon 
Lewis  Fele 
Daniell:  Ketlyne 
Peter  Winne 
Adrian  Quacumbus 
Abram  Fort 
Colloney  Renselacrs  Wyck. 
Wouter  Barheyt 
Johannis  Vaulkenburgh 
Jno:  Barheyt 
Isaac  Van  Alstine 
Jacob  Schermerhorn 
Jacob  Schermerhorn  Junr 
Johns:  Ouderkerk 
Claes  Gardineer 
Andries  Gardinier 
Hend:  Valkenburgh 
Jacob  Valkenburgh 
Andries  Huyck 
Maes  Van  Buren 
Corn'lis  Van  Vechten 
Jonat:  Witbeek 
Martin  Vanburen 
Barent  Geritse 
Jan  Witbeek 
Jonas  Dow 
Andries  Dow 
Folcort  Dow 


246  LIST  OF  THE  FREEHOLDERS  OF  THE  CITY  AND  COUNTY  OF  ALBANY. 


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Johns:  Wendell 

Nicos:  Grewsbeek 

Tan  •  Van  Alstvne 

t  J    ill  ,      T    'ill     U  ii      '    '  -i 

Jno:  Oothont 

Adrian  Oothout 

Mindert  Marselis 

XClt/l  email 

Jacob  Lansen 

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Abram  Ouderkprk 

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Abram  Wendell 

Jno:  Witbeek 

William  Ketlyne 

Coonrod  Hoogliteeling 

Frans  Pryn 

Storm  Backer 

Jaac  Falkenburgh 

Jno:  Backer 

Claes  Bovie 

Hendrick  Van  Wyen 

Phillip  Wendell 

Pursuant  to  an  Order  of  Court  of  Judicature  held  for  the  Province  of  New  York  on  the  Eleventh 
Day  of  June  1720,  Directed  to  Gerrit  Vanschaick  high  Sherrif  of  the  City  and  County  of  Albany; 
A  Keturne  of  the  free  holders  of  the  said  City  and  County. 

Gerret  Vanschaijck  Sheriff' 


XIV. 

CADWALLADER  COLDEN 

ON 

I)  t  £  a u  tr  0  af  Neiwt)  at k> 


STATE  OF  THE  LANDS  IN  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK,  IN  1732. 


BY  CADWALLADER  COLDEN,  SURVEYOR  GENERAL. 
[  Colden  Manuscripts,  N.  Y.  Historical  Society.  ] 

In  obedience  to  your  Excellency's  Commands,  I  now  lay  before  you  the  State  of  the  Lands  in  this 
Pro\  ince,  in  the  best  manner  I  am  capable  of,  by  a  plain  Narrative  of  such  facts  as  have  come  to  my 
knowledge. 

,  •  It  may -be  necessary  in  the  first  place  to  observe,  that  the  Kings  Commissioners,  who  were  sent  in 
the  year  1664  to  reduce  this  Country  to  the  Kings  obedience  (it  being  then  in  the  possession  of  the 
Dutch)  issued  a  Proclamation  wherein  they  Promised  and  Declared,  that  whosoever  of  what  Nation 
soever  will  upon  the  Knowledge  of  this  Proclamation,  acknowledge  and  testify  themselves  to  submit  to  his 
Majesties  Government,  as  good  subjects  ought  to  do,  shall  be  protected  by  his  Laws  and  Justice,  and 
peacibly  enjoy  what  ever  Gods  blessing  and  their  own  industry  hath  furnished  them  with,  and  all  other 
privilidges  with  English  Subjects  And  by  the  third  article  of  Surrender,  agree'd  to  with  the  Dutch 
Govr  it  is  stipiilated  that  All  People  shall  continue  free  Denizens,  and  enjoy  lands,  houses,  goods,  ships 
wheresoever  they  are  within  the  County,  and  dispose  of  them  as  they  p>lease.  And  by  the  eleventh  Ar- 
ticle The  Dutch  here  shall  enjoy  their  own  customs  concerning  inheritances. 

In  pursuance  of  which  the  Inhabitants  took  out  Confermations  of  their  Lands  and  tenements  under 
the  hand  and  seal  of  Coll  Nicholls  the  first  English  Governor  under  the  Duke  of  York  in  which  their 
Title  under  the  Dutch  is  recited,  and  the  form  of  these  Confirmations  appear  to  be  every  where  the 
same. 

Govr  Nicholls  likewise  granted  unimproved  Lands,  to  any  that  were  willing  to  settle  and  improve 
them  and  these  first  grants  were  made  without  any  previous  survey,  or  without  reciting  any  certain 
Boundaries,  but  only  to  contain  for  example  100,  200  or  300  Acres  adjoining  to  such  another  mans 
Land,  or  to  a  certain  Hill  or  River,  or  Rivulet 

The  Reddendum  in  these  first  Grants  varied  from  time  to  time.  At  first  it  was  Paying  the  usual  Rents 
of  New  Plantations,  what  that  was  is  now  a  dispute,  but  perhaps  it  may  still  be  ascertained  by  living 
Evidences  and  sometimes  their  is  added  as  a  condition  of  the  Grant,  that  the  Grantee  shall  do  and 
perform  such  acts  and  things  as  shall  be  appointed  By  his  Royal  Highness  or  his  Deputy. 

In  about  a  years  time  the  form  of  the  Reddendum  was  changed  as  follows  Paying  such  duties  as 
shall  be  constituted  and  ordained  by  his  Royal  Highness  and  his  heirs  or  such  Govr  or  Gov"  as  shall  from 
time  to  time  be  appointed  or  set  over  them.  It  is  probable  people  were  not  willing  to  axcept  of  Grants 
upon  such  precarious  terms  and  therefore  we  find  this  form  soon  after  changed  into  the  following, 
Paying  such  duties  and  acknowledgements  as  now  are  or  hereafter  shall  be  constituted  and  establishtd 
by  the  Laws  of  this  Government. 

What  Laws  were  then  in  being  or  afterwards  enacted  I  know  not  tho°  perhaps  they  are  still  among 
the  Records ;  but  it  is  to  be  observed,  that  the  Legislative  authority  was  then  assumed  by  the  Govr 
and  Council  without  the  assent  or  concurrence  of  the  Representatives  of  the  People  and  the  Laws 
then  made  are  now  in  disuse.    And  for  this  Reason,  none  of  these  Lands  pay  now  any  Quitrent,  tho' 

[Vol.  L]  32 


250  colden's  report  on  the  lands  in  the  province  OF  NEW-YORK. 

their  number  be  large,  being,  as  I  compute,  not  less  than  a  Thousand :  but  I  take  into  this  computa- 
tion all  those  grants  in  recording  whereof  the  Clerks  have  omitted  all  that  part  of  the  grant  which  is 
commonly  called  the  Habendum  and  Reddendum.  The  reason  of  which  neglect,  I  suppose  to  be 
that  they  were  all  in  the  same  words  with  a  few  that  are  Recorded  at  length  in  the  begirriine,  for  so 
much  is  recorded  as  wherein  they  can  differ,  when  the  Habendum  and  Reddendum  is  i  .c  sume  viz 
The  Motives  to  the  Grant,  the  bounds  to  the  thing  granted,  and  the  Grantees  name  and  designation. 

Before  I  proceed  further,  it  will  be  likewise  necessary  to  observe  that  the  greatest  part  of  Li  ng 
Island,  Viz  all  that  part  which  lies  opposite  to  Connecticut,  was  settled  from  Connecticut, and  claimed 
by  the  Inhabitants  under  the  Connecticut  Title,  to  which  in  pursuance  of  the  Proclamation  above 
mentioned  some  regard  is  had.  For  the  first,  or  at  least  the  principle  Grants  of  Lands  upon  this 
Island,  are  made  in  Townships  according  to  the  custom  of  Connecticut,  &  to  the  Freeholders  and 
Inhabitants  which  supposess  a  previous  Title  some  I  know,  think  that  these  Grants  of  Townships 
arc  not  Grants  of  the  Soil,  but  only  for  the  Good  Government  of  these  parts  of  the  Country,  as  I 
remember  it  is  expressly  mentioned  in  the  Patents  for  the  Townships  of  Southampton  and  Southold 
and  perhaps  it  is  so  in  others  likewise,  and  the  Governours  who  granted  these  Town  Patents  con- 
tinued to  grant  the  Soil,  within  the  limits  of  these  Townships, as  some  of  the  succeeding  Governours 
did  likewise,  However  most  of  all  the  Lands  within  these  Townships  are  held  by  Grants  from 
Trustees,  or  Common  Council  of  these  Towns  upon  the  General  Town  rights  only.  If  these  Town 
Patents  should  not  be  valid,  as  to  the  whole  Soil  contained  within  their  limits  yet  they  may  operate 
as  a  confirmation  of  the  particular  rights  and  possessions  of  those  who  are  called  freeholders  in  the 
said  Grants.    These  Town  Patents  are  generally  upon  small  yearly  acknowledgements — 

Notwithstanding  that  the  Gov8  under  the  Duke  of  York,  took  these  extraordinary  methods  to 
secure  their  Masters  Authority,  and  interest,  they  made  some  Grants  of  Large  Tracts  of  Land,  upon 
trifling  Quitrents  but  as  these  are  very  few,  in  Comparison  of  what  happened  afterwards  what  obser- 
vations I  have  to  make  on  this  head  will  come  in  more  properly  in  another  place. 

Sir  Edmond  Andross  the  third  English  Govr  of  New  York,  as  he  seems  to  have  had  the  interest  of 
his  Master  and  of  the  People  he  Governed  as  much  at  heart  as  any  Govr  that  has  at  any  time  been 
set  over  this  Province  so  he  was  very  carefull  in  Granting  of  Lands  :  All  Lands  to  be  Granted  were 
Surveyed  before  the  Grant  and  bounded  in  the  Grant  according  to  the  Survey.  The  Quitrents  were 
likewise  fixed  by  the  Grant,  generally  at  the  rate  of  one  Bushel  each  hundred  acres  tho'  some  times 
at  a  higher  rate  and  sometimes  the  rent  was  less,  probably  as  the  value  of  the  land  was  represented. 
And  as  these  grants  are  the  most  profitable  to  the  Lords  of  the  soil,  so  are  they  to  the  Tenant,  they 
being  free  of  all  those  disputes  about  their  Boundaries  which  have  in  a  great  measure  rendered  some 
others  useless  to  the  grantees.  Sr  Edward  has  left  but  a  few  exceptions  to  be  made  to  this  general 
account  given  of  his  care  of  his  Masters  Interest.  Coll  Dungan  who  succeeded  him,  followed  his 
steps  in  the  Granting  of  Lands,  but  the  exceptions  to  the  General  Good  Rule  are  both  more  numerous 
and  more  considerable  than  in  S«  Edmonds  administration. 

While  Coll  Dungan  was  Gov  the  Duke  of  York  became  King  by  which  the  property  of  the  Soil 
and  the  Quitrents  became  ancxed  to  the  crown,  and  have  continued  so  ever  since,  but  as  the  Revo- 
lution happened  soon  afterwards,  there  is  nothing  material  to  be  observed  'till  after  that  time. 

After  the  Revolution  the  Grants  of  Lands  to  all  ran  in  the  Kings  name,  whereas  before  that  they 
were  made  in  the  Gov"  name  that  granted  the  Land,  and  this  method  of  Granting  in  the  Gov8  name 
was  continued  after  the  Duke  of  York  became  King,  as  it  was  before. 

Coll  Slaughter  the  first  Governor  after  the  Revolution,  found  the  Country  in  such  confusion  and 
lived  so  short  a  while  that  I  think  only  one  Patent  passed  in  his  time  for  Lands.  But  Coll  Fletcher 
who  succeeded  him,  made  amends  by  the  liberal  hand  with  which  he  gave  away  Lands.  The  most 
extraordinary  favors  of  former  Gov"  were  but  petty  Grants  in  comparison  of  his   He  was  a  generous 


COLDEn's  REPORT  ON  THE  LANDS  IN  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


251 


man,  and  gave  the  Kings  Lands  by  parcels  of  upwards  of  One  hundred  thousand  Acres  to  a  man, 
and  to  some  particular  favourites  four  or  live  times  that  quantity,  but  the  King  was  not  pleased  with 
him,  as  I  am  told,  and  he  was  recalled  in  disgrace.  This  lavishing  away  of  lands  probably  was  one 
reason  for 

The  Earl  of  Bellamont,  who  succeeded,  having  orders  to  use  all  legal  means  for  breaking  extrava- 
gant grants  of  Land,  joined  with  the  assembly  in  vacating  several  of  the  extravagant  Grants  made 
by  Coll  Fletcher  but  as  this  act  was  carried  thro'  with  Spirit  of  party  in  the  assembly,  it  passed  with 
much  less  impartiality  than  might  have  been  expected  from  the  Justice  of  the  Legislature.  For 
some  of  the  most  extravagant  Grants  were  passed  over,  while  some  others  were  declared  extravagant 
and  vacated,  that  no  way  deserved  that  Character.  However  this  act  has  considerably  increased  his 
Majestys  Quitrents  for  of  these  tracts  which  were  then  vacated,  and  which  by  their  pattents  were  to 
pay  altogether  five  beaver  skins,  one  otter  skin  one  fat  Buck  and  twenty  shillings  the  lands  since 
that  time  regranted  within  the  bounds  of  the  said  patents  pay  near  four  hundred  pounds  yearly  at 
the  rate  of  2s  6d  per  hundred  acres,  notwithstanding  that  a  great  part  of  these  lands  still  remain  un- 
granted.  The  Earl  of  Bellamont's  administration  was  short  he  being  removed  by  Death  before  he 
could  compleat  the  designs  he  had  in  view 

After  his  death  the  admistration  fell  into  Cap1  Nafans  hands,  then  Lieu1  Govr.  It  appears  that  the 
Grants  made  in  his  time  pass'd  in  a  hurry,  without  any  previous  Survey,  but  upon  very  uncertain 
informations  of  the  natural  Boundaries,  which  the  Grantees  took  in  their  Grants,  so  that  some  of 
them  are  become  a  sort  of  ambulatory  Grants.  The  Patentees  claiming,  by  virtue  of  the  same  Grant, 
sometimes  in  One  part  of  the  Country,  and  sometimes  in  another,  as  they  are  driven  from  one  place  to 
another  by  others  claiming  the  same  lands  with  more  certainty.  In  other  grants  we  find  the  same 
persons  joined  in  several  Grants  with  others,  which  Grants  were  intended  for  difi'ercnt  Tracts  and  in 
appearance  seem  to  be  so,  and  yet  by  their  present  claims  they  take  in  the  same  Lands  within  the 
bounds  of  their  several  grants. 

The  Earl  of  Bellamont  was  succeeded,  after  Queen  Anns  ascension  to  the  throne  by  her  Cousin  the 
Lord  Cornbury.  The  Grants  of  large  tracts  upon  trifling  quitrents,  that  were  made  during  his 
Lordships  administration  at  least  equalled  those  of  all  his  predecessors  put  together.  Indeed  liis 
Lordship's  inclinations  were  so  evident  to  everybody  at  that  time  that  two  Gentlemen  (as  I  am  well 
assured)  had  agreed  with  his  Lordship  for  a  Grant  of  all  the  lands  in  the  Province,  at  a  Lump,  which 
were  not  at  that  time  granted,  and  that  the  only  thing  which  prevented  the  passing  of  that  grant 
was,  that  those  Gent"  apprehended  that  the  Grant  would  of  itself  appear  so  extravagant  and  would 
create  so  many  enemies,  that  they  would  not  be  able  to  hold  it.  During  the  Lord  Cornbury's  admi- 
nistration an  act  was  likewise  passed,  repealing  the  act  above  mentioned  for  vacating  the  extravagant 
Grants'ot  Land  by  Coll  Fletcher.  The  vacating  Act  passed  not  long  before  King  Williams  Death, 
and  lay  in  the  offices  in  England  without  any  notice  taken  of  it,  till  after  the  Lord  Cornbury  was 
removed  from  his  Government ;  then  the  vacating  Act  was  confirmed  and  the  Act  repealing  it  was 
repeal'd  by  the  Queen  and  at  the  same  time  new  instructions  were  given  to  the  Govr,  by  which  the 
Quitrent  was  directed  not  to  be  less  than  2s  Gd  each  hundred  acres,  and  previous  surveys  were  ordered 
to  be  made  before  the  Grant  should  pass,  which  have  effectually  prevented  the  above  mentioned 
abuses. 

I  shall  now  proceed  to  some  more  particular  account  of  the  great  Grants  of  Lands,  I  mean  of  such 
as  contain  fifty  thousand  Acres  and  upwards  to  a  Million  of  acres,  for  if  I  be  not  very  much  misin- 
formed, there  is  more  than  one  that  contain  that  quantity. 

No  quantity  of  Land  or  number  of  Acres,  for  the  most  part,  are  mentioned  in  any  of  these  Grants, 
nor  is  it  possible  to  discover  the  Quantity,  by  inspection  of  the  Patents,  as  it  may  be  done  in  those 
Grants  which  are  founded  on  a  previous  Survey  and  where  any  quantity  is  expressed,  it  seems  to  be 


252  colden's  report  on  the  lands  in  the  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 

done  more  with  design  to  hide  the  real  quantity  (if  their  present  claims  be  truly  conformable  to  their 
original  bounds)  lhau  to  set  forth  the  truth,  for  I  have  heard  of  one  instance  at  least,  where  the 
patent  Grants  300  acres,  and  the  patentee  now  claims  upwards  of  sixty  thousand  acres  within  the 
bounds  of  his  Grant.  Others  suspecting  that  such  disproportion,  between  the  real  quantity  and  the 
quantity  express'd  in  the  Grant,  might  invalidate  the  Grant,  got  the  quantity  of  Land  to  be  expressed 
in  the  following  manner,  Containing  for  example,  One  thousand  acres  of  profitable  Land,  besides 
wood  Land,  and  waste  and  yet,  when  these  Lands  were  Granted,  perhaps  there  was  not  ten  acres 
that  was  not  wood  Land,  or  One  Acre  that  at  the  time  of  the  Grant  yielded  any  profit  or  one  acre 
that  by  improvement  might  not  be  made  profitable.  Others  guard  against  this  exception  to  their 
Grant,  by  adding  to  the  quantity  of  Land  expressed  in  the  Grant  these  words  Be  it  more  or  less, 
or  some  such  words,  and  by  virtue  of  these  they  not  only  claim  a  small  quantity  more  than  is  expressed 
in  the  patent,  but  claim  twice  as  much,  and  often  ten  times  as  much,  and  sometimes  above  one 
hundred  times  the  quantity  of  Land  that  is  expressed  in  the  Grant,  but  as  I  said  before,  generally 
no  quantity  of  Land  is  expressed  in  the  Large  Grants 

There  being  no  previous  Survey  to  the  Grants,  their  Boundaries  are  generally  expressed  with  much 
uncertainty,  by  the  Indian  names  of  Brooks,  Rivulets,  Hills,  Ponds,  Falls  of  water  kc  which  were 
and  still  are  known  to  very  few  Christians,  and  which  adds  to  this  uncertainty  is,  that  such  names 
as  are  in  these  Grants  taken  to  be  the  proper  name  of  a  Brook,  Hill,  or  Fall  of  water  &c  in  the 
Indian  Language  signifies  only  a  Large  Brook  or  broad  Brook,  or  small  Brk  or  high  Hill,  or  only  a 
Hill  or  J  fall  of  water  in  general,  so  that  the  Indians  shew  many  places  by  the  same  name  Brooks  and 
Rivers  have  different  names  withe  the  Indians,  at  different  places  and  often  change  their  names,  they 
taking  their  names  often  from  the  abode  of  some  Indian  near  the  place  where  it  is  so  called.  This 
has  given  room  to  some  to  explain  and  enlarge  their  Grants  according  to  their  own  inclinations  by 
putting  the  names  mentioned  in  their  grants  to  what  place  or  part  of  the  Country  they  please,  of 
which  I  can  give  some  particular  instances  where  the  claims  of  some  have  increased  many  miles,  in 
a  few  years,  and  this  they  commonly  do,  by  taking  some  Indians,  in  a  Publick  manner,  to  shew  such 
places  as  they  name  to  them,  and  it  is  too  well  known  that  an  Indian  will  shew  any  place  by  any 
name  you  please,  for  the  small  reward  of  a  Blanket  or  Bottle  of  Rum ;  and  the  names  as  I  observed, 
being  common  names  in  the  Indian  language,  and  not  proper  ones  as  they  are  understood  to  be  in 
English,  gives  more  room  to  these  Frauds. 

Several  of  the  great  Tracts  lying  on  Hudson's  River  are  bounded  by  that  River,  on  the  East  or 
West  sides  and  on  the  North  and  South  sides  by  Brooks  or  Streams  of  Water  which,  when  the  Coun- 
try was  not  well  known,  were  supposed  to  run  nearly  perpendicular  to  the  River,  as  they  do  for 
some  distance  from  their  mouths,  whereas  many  of  these  Brooks  run  nearly  parallel  to  the  River 
and  sometimes  in  a  course  almost  directly  opposite  to  the  River.  This  has  created  great  confusion 
with  the  adjoining  patents,  and  frequently  Contradictions  in  the  boundaries,  as  they  are  expressed  in 
the  same  patent. 

Sometimes  the  Grant  is  of  the  Land  that  belonged  to  such  an  Indian  by  name  or  is  bounded  by 
such  an  Indians  land,  but  to  prove  that  any  particular  spot  belonged  to  any  particular  Indian,  or  to 
show  the  bounds  of  any  particular  Indian,  I  believe  is  beyond  human  skill,  so  as  to  make  it  evident 
to  any  indifferent  man. 

I  shall  next  recite  what  have  been  the  consequences  of  these  large  Grants,  It  is  evident  that 
thereby  the  King  has  been  deprived  of  almost  all  his  Quitrents,  which  it  appears  by  the  powers 
given  to  the  Gov"  to  grant  Lands,  the  King  design'd  to  reserve.  But  the  consequence  I  think,  has 
been  much  worse  as  to  the  improvement  of  the  country  for  tho  this  Country  was  settled  many  years 
before  Pennsylvania,  and  some  of  the  Neighboring  Collonies,  and  lias  many  advantages  over  them, 
as  to  the  situation  and  conveniencies  of  Trade,  it  is  not  near  so  well  cultivated,  nor  are  there  near 


COLDEN'S  REPORT  ON  THE  LANDS   IN  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


253 


such  a  number  of  Inhabitants,  as  in  the  others,  in  proportion  to  the  quantity  of  Land ;  and  it  is 
chiefly  if  not  only  where  these  large  Grants  are  rhade  where  the  Country  remains  uncultivated — tho  they 
contain  some  of  the  best  of  the  Lands,  and  the  most  conveniently  situated.  And  every  year  the 
Young  people  go  from  this  Province,  and  Purchase  Land  in  the  Neighbouring  Colonies,  while  much 
better  and  every  way  more  convenient  Lands  lie  useless  to  the  King  and  Country  The  reason  of 
this  is  that  the  Grantees  themselves  are  not,  nor  ever  were  in  a  Capacity  to  improve  such  large 
Tracts  and  other  People  will  not  become  their  Vassals  or  Tenants  for  one  great  reason  as  peoples 
(the  better  sort  especially)  leaving  their  native  Country,  was  to  avoid  the  dependence  on  landlords, 
and  to  enjoy  lands  in  fee  to  descend  to  their  posterity  that  their  children  may  reap  the  benefit  of 
their  labour  and  Industry  There  is  the  more  reason  for  this  because  the  first  purchase  of 
unimproved  Land  is  but  a  trifle  to  the  charge  of  improving  them 

It  may  perhaps  deserve  the  consideration  of  those  who  are  more  capable  of  Political  foresight  than 
I  am,  whether,  if  these  large  Grants  take  place,  as  they  are  designed  and  become  great  Lordships 
with  large  dependencies  and  revenues,  whether  this  will  secure  or  indanger  the  Dependancy  of  the 
Colonies  on  their  Mother  Country.  I  think  few  instances  can  be  given  where  great  changes  were 
brought  to  effect,  in  any  state  but  when  they  were  headed  by  Rich  and  powerful  men ;  any  other 
commotions  generally  produced  only  some  short  lived  disorders  and  confusions 

Now  that  I  have  done  with  what  is  more  peculiarly  my  business  the  Historical  part  of  this  repre- 
sentation, yet,  as  your  Excellency  did  me  the  Honour  likewise  to  ask  my  opinion  of  what  Remedy 
may  be  most  proper,  and  effectual,  I  flatter  myself  that  the  giving  my  opinion  at  large  in  writing 
will  be  most  agreeable  to  your  Excellency's  commands. 

What  at  first  Sight  occurs  in  the  vacating  or  breaking  these  Grants  by  due  course  of  Law,  and 
indeed  there  seems  in  common  justice  to  be  room  enough  for  it  but  (to  the  purely  Legal  part,  as  it 
is  an  art  or  science  I  pretend  to  no  skill  in  it)  It  is  evident  that  in  many  of  these  the  Governor  who 
granted  them  was  deceived  as  to  the  quantity ;  but  that  the  King  was  d'.  ceived  in  all  of  them.  The 
Gov1'  who  granted  these  large  tracts,  if  they  knew  their  extent,  were  guilty  of  a  notorious  breach  of 
trust,  and  as  it  cannot  be  supposed,  that  they  did  this  merely  in  the  gayety  of  their  heart,  they  must 
have  had  some  temptation,  and  this  must  be  supposed  to  proceed  from  those  that  received  the  Benefit 
of  it.  That  therefore  the  Grantees  are  equally  guilty  with  the  Govr  in  deceiving  the  King,  and  like- 
wise of  defrauding  all  the  adventurers  or  settlers  in  the  Colony  of  their  equal  chance  of  obtaining 
the  most  improvable  and  convenient  lands,  and  of  preventing  the  improvement  and  settling  of  the 
Colony  for  which  purpose  only  the  Lands  are  supposed  to  be  Granted.  These  things  supposed,  I  can 
make  no  doubt  of  a  remedy  in  the  common  course  of  the  Law,  but  notwithstanding  of  this  I  appre- 
hend, that  it  will  be  accompanied  with  so  many  difficulties,  that  it  will  be  better  to  think  of  some 
other.  For  all  attempts,  of  those  in  the  administration  upon  the  properties  of  the  subjects,  are 
looked  upon  with  an  evil  eye  and  as  dangerous,  and  will  be  more  so  in  this  country,  where  perhaps 
few  Grants  in  America  are  made  with  such  skill  and  care  that  some  flaw  may  not  be  found  in  them 
by  a  strict  and  legal  search,  so  that  every  man  will  be  apt  to  look  upon  any  attempt,  of  this  kind,  as 
in  some  measure  his  own  case,  and  those  that  are  really  concerned  will  use  all  their  Art  to  stir  up 
the  people  to  make  it  a  Country  Quarrel  To  prevent  this  it  may  be  proposed,  to  give  an  absolute 
confirmation  of  all  the  Grants  excepting  such  as  are  truly  extravagant  But  it  will  be  difficult  how 
to  define  or  determine  the  Grants  that  are  truely  such  without  making  the  exceptions  to  general  or 
too  particular,  by  naming  the  particular  Grants  to  be  excepted 

The  following  proposal  seems  to  me  to  be  more  practicable,  Viz  to  abolish  all  the  present  rents,  by 
an  act  of  the  Legislature,  and  in  lieu  of  them  to  establish  the  Quitrents  of  all  passed  grants  at  2s  6a 
per  hundred  acres,  with  an  absolute  Confirmation  of  all  Grants  upon  their  paying  the  said  Quitrents. 


254  colden's  report  on  the  lands  in  the  province  OF  NEW-YORK. 

This  would  effectually  restore  the  Quitrents,  and  would  as  effectually  destroy  all  the  Gr18  which  are 
truly  extravagant.  I  mean  such  as  the  Proprietors  cannot  improve  in  any  reasonable  time  for  as  this 
rent  .would  be  very  heavy  where  the  Tracts  exceed  twenty  or  thirty  thousand  acres,  the  Patentees 
would  gladly  surrender  their  Grants,  to  free  themselves  from  this  Burden,  but  at  the  same  time  it 
would  be  just  to  preserve  to  them  their  improved  Lands  under  proper  restrictions  of  not  rendering 
useless  any  part  of  what  is  not  delivered  up. 

The  Quitrents  would  in  this  case  be  sufficient  to  support  the  Government,  and  if  they  were  applied 
to  that  purpose,  I  believe  would  give  a  general  satisfaction,  because  it  would  be  as  equal  a  Taxation 
as  could  well  be  contrived,  and  the  taxes  would  not,  as  they  do  now,  fall  only  upon  the  improve- 
ments and  the  industry  of  the  people.  It  wou"d  likewise  absolutely  remove  the  complaints  of  the 
Merchants,  so  that  it  would  generally  please  all  sorts,  excepting  the  owners  of  the  large  Tracts — And 
I  humbly  conceive  it  for  the  Kings  interest  and  of  all  those  in  the  Administration  to  consent  to  this 
because  the  Quitrents  are  of  no  use  besides  paying  the  Salary  of  the  Receiver  and  Auditor,  and  that 
Gentlemans  estate  would  be  thought  to  be  ill  managed,  when  it  only  paid  his  Steward  and  his  Clerks 
wages.  Besides  when  the  revenue  shall  be  fixed  in  this  manner  it  will  be  much  easier  to  obtain 
extraordinary  supplies  when  they  shall  be  wanted,  and  it  will  likewise  be  much  easier  for  the  People 
to  pay  them. 

The  chief  objection,  which  I  can  conceive,  that  will  be  made  to  this  is  that  if  a  perpetual  revenue 
be  Granted,  then  the  Gov13  will  be  free'd  from  that  dependance  on  the  People,  and  check  on  their 
behaviour  that  is  necessary  in  all  well  ballanced  Governments  and  which  is  the  only  check  which  the 
poor  people  have  in  America  and  that  without  such  check  the  people  of  the  Plantations  ma)-  become 
a  prey  to  Rapacious  Tyrannical  GovrS  or  other  officers,  tho  the  people  do  not  doubt  of  their  obtain- 
ing relief  from  the  King,  and  his  Ministers  yet  that  relief  is  at  such  a  distance,  and  must  be  attended 
with  so  much  charge,  that  few  private  persons  can  have  any  benefit  by  it,  and  may  often  prove 
ineffectual  by  being  too  late  even  when  many  join  in  the  complaint.  Therefore  unless  some  effectual 
solid  check  be  given  to  the  people,  in  lieu  of  what  they  have  at  present,  by  granting  the  Revenue  for 
a  short  time,  it  cannot  be  expected  that  ever  they  will  consent  to  a  perpetual  Revenue  of  any  kind, 
or  that  they  will  be  easy  under  it. 

Now  I  have  laid  before  your  Excellency  in  the  best  manner  I  can  within  the  bounds  I  think  it 
necessary  to  confine  myself,  the  most  material  things  concerning  the  Grants  of  Lands,  as  far  as 
relates  to  the  King,  the  people  of  the  Province,  and  the  Grantees.  If  the  remedy  for  the  abuses  set 
forth  be  thought  practicable,  no  doubt  your  Excellency  will  easily  obtain  an  Instruction,  such  as  the 
Earl  of  Bellamont  had  to  propose  to  the  Assembly  to  find  some  proper  means  for  establishing  the 
Quitrents  generally  over  all  the  lands  in  Province  at  the  same  same  rate  and  for  promoting  the 
improvement  and  settling  of  the  Country,  for  that  otherwise  the  King  will  take  such  legal  methods, 
as  shall  be  thought  proper  for  vacating  extravagant  Grants,  and  receiving  his  Quitrents.  And  if 
there  be  a  permission  given  at  the  same  time  to  apply  the  Quitrents  to  the  support  of  Government, 
and  absolutely  to  confirm  all  past  Grants,  I  believe  an  Assembly  may  conform  with  the  Instructions, 
under  such  restrictions  as  shall  be  thought  necessary  checks  on  the  officers — 

In  order  to  compute  what  the  Quitrents  would  immediately  yield  I  make  the  following  calcu- 
lation— 

Long  Island  is  computed  to  be  150  miles  long,  and  Albany  to  be  the  same  number  of  miles  distant 
from  New- York,  I  suppose  Long  Island  to  be  eight  miles  wide,  one  place  with  another,  and  that  10 
miles  on  each  side  Hudson's  River  would  immediately  pay  rent,  this  amount  to  — 2,088,000  Acres 
which  at  2«  6J  the  hundred  will  yield  X3350,  and  if  the  Cities  of  New  York  and  Albany  pay  a  rea- 
sonable Quitrent  for  their  house  lots  the  whole  Quitrent  will  immediately  amount  to  4000  pounds 
yearly,  which  is  more  than  the  Assembly  has  at  any  time  given  for  the  support  of  Govern1 


COLf)EN's  REPORT  ON  THE  LANDS  IN  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


255 


It  may  be  objected  that  the  length  of  Long  Island  and  distance  to  Albany  may  be  less  than  what  is 
vulgarly  computed  :  That  New  Jersey  extends  20  miles  on  one  side  Hudson's  River  :  and  that  some 
Mountainous  places,  within  my  computation  will  yield  no  quitrent  in  this  age  but  if  it  be  considered 
that  Staten  Island  is  not  within  the  Computation  that  the  settlements  extend  30  miles  beyond  Albany, 
and  that  many  settlements  are  twenty  miles  from  the  river  and  some  thirty  miles,  it  will  be  granted 
the  Quitrents  will  at  least  amount  to  the  sum  above  mentioned. 

In  the  last  place  it  may  be  objected,  that  the  Kings  Ministers  design  the  Quitrents  for  other  uses, 
but  if  it  be  considered  of  what  consequence  it  is  to  free  the  Kings  Officers  of  that  immediate  depen- 
dance  on  the  humours  of  an  Assembly,  they  are  now  under  for  their  daily  support,  I  believe  it  will 
be  thought  more  for  His  Majesty's  service  to  apply  the  Quitrents  to  the  support  of  the  Administra- 
tion in  this  Province,  than  to  the  uses  the  Quitrents  have  been  hitherto  applied. 


Note. — Appended  to  the  copy  of  the  preceding,  in  possession  of  the  N.  Y.  Historical  Society,  is 
the  following  memorandum,  in  the  hand-writing  of  Lieut.  Governor  Colden- — 

May  6th,  1752. 

It  is  now  twenty  years  since  I  delivered  the  above  Memorial  to  Col.  Cosby,  soon  after  his  arrival. 
I  question  whether  ever  he  read  it.  I  have  reason  to  think  he  gave  it  to  the  person  in  whom  he 
then  confided  who  had  no  inclination  to  forward  the  purposes  of  it.  It  had  no  other  erfect  than  to 
be  prejudicial  to  myself. 

The  computations  of  what  the  lands  would  have  at  that  time  produced  at  23  6'1  pr  hundred  acres  I 
believe  were  made  within  bounds.  The  settlements  are  greatly  increased  since  that  time  more  than 
in  fifty  years  before  it  so  that  I  make  no  doubt  they  will  produce  six  thousand  pounds  a  year,  taking 
in  a  reasonable  Quitrent  for  the  house  lots  in  the  Cities  of  New- York  and  Albany. 

I  forgot  to  mention  that  it  appears  from  the  Records  that  numbers  of  house  lots  were  granted  under 
the  yearly  Quitrents  of  one  shilling  two  shillings  &c  or  some  such  small  rent  which  I  believe  is  now 
never  paid. 


XV. 


PAPERS 

RELATING  TO 

0ti0quil)aunal)  Eitur* 

 —  1 1  ■ 

1GS3— 1757. 


|V0L.  l.J 


33 


4 


[  From  the  Dutch  Records  entitled  "  Proceedings  of  the  Justices  of  the  Peace  from  1680  to  1685,"  in  the  County  Clerk's 

Office,  Albany.  ] 

Extraordinary  Meeting  holden  in  Albany 

on  the  7  Septemlf  1683. 

Present — Marte  Gerritse,  Cornells  Van  Dyck,  Dirck  Wessels,  Joli:  Provoost,  J.  Janse  Bleker. 

Two  Cayugas,  Aekontjaeken  and  Kakejaegoeke  by  name,  and  a  Susqnehanne  being  questioned  in 
the  Court  house  relative  to  the  situation  of  the  Susquehanne  River  which  Mr.  Wm  Haig  and  M1'. 
James  Graham,  Gov:  Wm  Penn's  Agents,  propose  to  purchase,  Report  as  follows: — 

That  it  is  one  day's  journey  from  the  Mohawk  Castles  to  the  Lake  whence  the  Susquehanne  River 
rises,  and  then  10  day's  journey  from  the  River  to  the  Susquehanne  Castles — in  all  11  days: 

One  day  and  a  half's  journey  by  land  from  Oneida  to  the  kill  Avhich  falls  into  the  Susquehanne 
River,  and  one  day  from  the  kill  unto  the  Susquehanne  River,  and  then  7  days  unto  the  Susque- 
hanne Castle — in  all  9^  days'  journey:  m 

Half  a  days  journey  by  land  and  one  by  Water  from  Onnondage  before  we  arrive  at  the  River,  and 
then  6  days  from  the  River : 

From  Cayuga  one  day  and  a  half  by  Land  and  by  water  before  arriving  at  the  River  and  then  5 
days  from  the  River: 

From  Sinnekes'  four  Castles  3  days  by  Land  and  two  days  by  water  ere  arriving  at  the  River  and  then 
5  days  from  the  River — in  all  10  days  which  is  very  easy,  they  conveying  their  packs  in  Canoes  from 
the  River — 

The  Indians  demand  wherefore  such  particular  information  relative  to  the  Susquehanne  River  is 
sought  after  from  them,  and  whether  people  are  about  to  come  there  1  The  Indians  are  asked  if  it 
would  be  agreeable  to  them  if  folks  should  settle  there  ?  The  Indians  answer,  that  they  would  be  very 
glad  if  people  came  to  settle  there,  as  it  is  nigher  than  this  place  and  more  convenient  to  transport 
themselves  and  packs  by  water  inasmuch  as  they  must  bring  every  thing  hither  on  their  backs  ;  say 
further,  that  people  must  go  from  here  and  dwell  there.  Those  there  should  be  pleased  on  that 
account — they  will  come  to  trade  there. 

N.  B.    The  ascending  the  Susquehannah  River  is  one  week  longer  than  the  descending. 

A  Map  of  the  Susquehannah  River  is  sent  to  the  Governour  with  tliis  letter : — 

Albany  8th  of  Sep'  1683. 
Right  Honble — We  have  according  to  your  honrs  Commands  taken  Informacon  both  off  Christians 
and  Indians  concerning  ye  situation  of  Susquehannes  River,  and  how  near  it  Lyes  to  y°  severall 
Nations  off  Indians  Westwards,  that  Live  in  his  R:  highnesse  Territories  and  from  whence  yc  trade 
is  brought  to  these  Parts,  and  after  that  we  caused  Twoo  Cajouges  Indians  and  a  Susquehanne  Indian 
demonstrate  to  us  all  ye  Rivers  and  Creeks  Relating  thereunto,  doe  finde,  that  they  that  settle  upon 
said  River  will  be  much  nearer  to  ye  Indians  than  this  Place,  and  consequently  ye  Indians  more 
Inclinable  to_,goe  there,  where  ye  accommodation  of  a  River  is  to  be  had,  then  come  by  Land  here, 


260 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  SUSQUEHANNAH  RIVER. 


as  the  said  Indians  did  expresse,  soe  y*  by  that  meanss  your  honr  may  easily  conjeecture,  how  advan- 
tageous it  will  be  to  his  Royall  highncsse  Intrest,  and  since  your  honr  was  desyreous  to  know  our 
opinions  of  ye  bussinesse,  wee  cannot  juge,  but  that  it  will  be  Prejudiciall  to  his  Royall  highnesse 
Government  but  ye  Expedient  that  it  is  to  be  found  for  Preventing  ye  same,  is  Left  to  your  honor 
Consideracon  Wee  have  ordered  our  Secretary  to  draw  a  draught  of  ye  River,  and  how  ye  fores11  five 
Nations  of  Indians  Lie,  as  near  as  ye  fores*1  Indians  could  demonstrate,  which  wee  are  apt  to  beleeve 
is  not  much  arnisse,  and  have  sent  it  here  Inclosed,  we  shall  pr  ye  first  conveniency  expect  your 
hon«"3  Comands  how  to  act  and  Proceed  in  ye  Bussinesse.    In  ye  meantime  shall  break  off"  and  Remain 

Your  hon"  most  humble  & 

most  obedient  Servants 
Yc  Commissaries  of  Albany  &ca 


THE  MAGISTRATES  OF  ALBANY  TO  GOV.  D0N6AN. 

Right  honblc 

Last  night  Arnout  ye  Interpreter  arrived  here  fnm  y^  Indians  Westward  and  brings  us  news  y1 
ye  four  Nations  viz1  Cajouges,  Onnondagos,  Oneydes  &  Maquase  are  upon  there  way  hi: her  and  m?y 
be  expected  her  to-morrow,  Wee  are  credibly  Inform'd  of  there  willingnesse  to  dispose  of  ye  Susque- 
hanne River,  being  verry  glad  to  hear  off  Christians  intending  to  come  and  Live  there,  it  being  much 
nearer  them  then  this  Place  and  much  easier  to  get  thither  with  there  beever,  The  River  being 
navigable  w*  Canoes  till  hard  by  there  Castles,  soe  y*  if  W'n  Penn  buys  said  River,  it  will  tend  to  ye 
utter  Ruine  offye  Bev  Trade,  as  ye  Indians  themselfs  doe  acknowledge  and  Consequently  to  ye  great 
Prejudice  oif  his  Royall  highnesse  Revenue's  and  his  whole  Territoryes  in  general,  all  which  we  doe 
humbly  offer  to  your  honrs  serious  Consideracon,  Wee  presume  that  there  hath  not  any  thing  Ever 
been  mooved  or  agitated  from  ye  first  settleing  of  these  Parts,  more  Prejudiciall  to  his  Royal  high- 
nesse Intrest,  and  ye  Inhabitants  of  this  his  govern1  then  this  businesse  of  ye  Susquehanne  River, 
The  french  its  true  have  endevoured  to  take  our  away  our  trade,  by  Peace  mealls  but  this  will  cutt 
it  all  otf  at  once  ;  The  day  after  your  honr  departed,  wee  sent  a  draught  of  ye  River  and  how  near 
there  Castles  lie  to  it,  drawne  by  our  Sccrr  as  near  as  ye  Indians  could  deskribe,  a  copy  Whereof  we 
have  kept  here,  and  Arnout  ye  Interpreter  says  that  he  is  also  informed  by  diverse  Indians,  that  ye 
Castles  are  situate  as  near  yc  Susquehanne  River  as  ye  draught  demonstrates,  if  not  nearer  ;  and  in 
his  Private  discourse  with  them,  did  Perceive  there  joy  of  People  comeing  to  live  there  ;  Wee  did 
Expect  an  answr  of  our  Letter  w*  ye  Last  Sloops  with  absolute  orders  concerning  this  bussinesse,  In 
the  meantime  shall  Putt  a  Stop})  to  all  Proceedings  till  wee  have  Recd  your  honr»  Commands  wchwe 
hope  will  be  to  deny  yc  treaty  in  this  point.  This  goes  by  an  Expresse  sent  by  Mr  Haig  Wee  sup- 
pose to  Mr  Graham  to  come  up  and  Prosecute  businesse ;  In  ye  meantime  shall  use  our  uttmost  En- 
deavours in  our  Stations  both  for  Our  Masters  honr  audyc  Interest  ami  ye  Welfare  ofi'liis  Territories, 
whilst  wee  subscribe  ourselfs 

Your  hon"»  most  humble 

&  Devoted  Servants  Ye 

Albany  24  Septr  1C83  Commissaries  of  Albany  &c» 

Mr  Haig  did  not  send  ye  Canoo  yesterday,  expecting  Possibly  to  hear  first  off  y«  Indians  arrivall 
who  are  now  all  att  Skinnecttady. 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  SUSQUEHANNAH  RIVER- 


261 


PROPOSALS 

OFFERED    BY  THE    CAYUGA  AND    ONANDAGE    SACHEMS    TO    THE  W.  COMMISSARIES    OF  ALBANY,  COLONIE 
RENSELAERSWYCK  &C.  IN  THE  COURT  HOUSE  OF  ALBANY  THE  26tn  SEPTEMBER,  1683. 

[From  Dutch  Record  C.  No.  3,  in  County's  Clerk  Office,  Albany.] 

Present — Marte  Gerritse,  Corn  :  Van  Dyck,  Dirck  Wessells,  J.  Provoost,  P.  Winne,  Hcnd  :  Van 
Ness,  J.  Janse  Bleker,  R.  Pretty,  Sheriffe,  P.  Livingston,  Sec. 

Brothers.  We  are  rejoiced  to  see  the  Brethren  here  who  Represent  Corlaer,  We  were  yesterday 
together  and  heard  the  Great  Penn,  (meaning  the  agent  of  Govern1  Penn)  speak  about  the  Land 
lying  on  the  Susquehanne  River,  but  saw  none  of  the  Commissaries,  nor  Corlaer's  order. 

I  have  slept  but  little  through  the  night  though  I  constantly  tried,  and  think  that  the  Land  cannot 
be  sold  without  Corlaer's  order,  for  we  transferred  it  to  this  Government  four  years  ago.  Therefore 
we  shall  do  nothing  in  the  Sale  without  Corlear  (meaning  the  Gov.  Gen1)  or  his  order  or  those  who 
Represent  him. 

The  aforesaid  Land  belongs  to  rs,  Cayugas  and  Onondages,  alone;  the  other  three  Nations  viz1  the 
Sinnekes,  Oneydes  and  Maquaas  have  nothing  to  do  with  it. 

We  have  not  only  conveyed,  but  given  it,  four  years  ago,  to  Corlaer,  that  is  the  Gov.  Gen1,  to  rule 
over  it,  and  we  now  Convey  and  Transport  it  again  and  give  it  to  the  Gov.  Gen1  or  those  who  now 
Represent  him ;  and  in  confirmation  hereof  we  have  signed  and  sealed  these  Presents,  Dated  as 
above. 

This  is  the  mark  of 

Thaowe  @  ratt  Sachem  of  Cayuga      LL-  s  l 
This  is  v\/vj<J"  the  mark 
of  Corrachjundie  of       L1"  s,l 
Cayuga 
This  is  the    mark  of 
Ochquari  '  okichke  of  Cayuga     tL'  S'J 

Me  present 

Ro:  Livingston  Secr 

Albany  the  26  Sept'  1683. 

Present  as  before. 

ANSWER  TO  THE  PROPOSALS  OF  THE  CAYUGAS  AND  ONNONDAGES. 

We  have  heard  your  Proposals  and  thankfully  accept  for  Corlaer  the  conveyance  of  the  Susque- 
hanne River,  with  the  Land  situate  thereupon  and  have  seen^that  you  have  adhered  to  your  word  of 
over  four  years  since,  and  in  confirmation  of  your  gift  and  conveyance  of  the  Land  aforesaid  have 
signed  and  sealed  it.  We,  therefore,  give  you  a  half  piece  of  Duffels,  Two  Blankets,  Two  Guns, 
Three  kettles,  Four  Coats,  Fifty  lbs.  of  Lead  and  Five  and  twenty  lbs.  of  powder. 

Meanwhile  we  shall  communicate  this  to  His  Excell:  the  Gov:  Gen1,  of  whose  good  disposition 
towards  you,  you  need  not  doubt,  who  will  compensate  yon  therefor  when  occasion  permits. 

Whereupon  the  Sakamakers  have  signed  and  sealed  their  gift  and  conveyance  as  is^to  be  seen  on 
the  other  side,  and  have  accepted  in  full  satisfaction,  the  aforesaid  presents. 
Albany  in  the  Court  house  as  above. 

Cornelis  Van  Dyck 
Dirck  Wessels 
Jan  Janz  Bleecker 
Pieter  Winne. 


262 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  SUSQUEHANNAH  RIVER. 


[Council  Min.  V.  ] 

At  a  Council  held  at  ffort  James  in  New- York,  Octobr.  [1683.] 
Psent  The  Governc 

Capt.  A.  Brockholls 
Mr.  ffr.  Fflypsen 
J.  Spragge  Mr.  S.  V.  Cortland 

The  Indians  being  asked  if  they  were  only  for  the  Maquas,  they  answered,  yes ;  and  came  from 

the  three  castles  of  the  Maquas 

******  **  *  *  # 

Speech  of  the  Sachem  Odianah. 

That  ossoone  as  they  received  the  Message,  they  came  hither  and  are  very  gladd  to  be  so  well 
received  and  that  his  Mat'y  hath  so  great  a  kindness  for  them  ;  os  for  the  Indians  that  are  gone  to 
Canada,  they  are  very  gladd  his  honor  speaks  of  it  and  they  will  endeavour  to  get  them  back  again 
and  they  desire  the  Governor's  assistance  in  it  that  they  may  goe  hand  in  hand  to  promote  it,  and 
they  doubt  not  to  get  them  back  againe. 

That  when  they  were  sent  for  hither  they  did  not  know  what  might  be  proposed  to  them  ;  and  for 
Corlear's  proposition  to  make  peace  with  the  Indians  they  war  against,  they  say  that  ossone  as  they 
com  home  they  shall  have  a  Generall  meeting  of  all  the  Castles  and  will  tell  them  what  is  here  pro- 
posed and  doubt  not  but  it  shall  be  effected  ;  for  the  former  Governor  said  the  same  and  they  obeyed 
and  made  peace  and  why  should  it  not  be  allso  at  this  time  performed,  for  they  have  been  allways 
obedient  to  this  governm1  that  his  Honor  having  told  them  to  have  an  eye  to  the  ffrenchnien,  they 
give  his  Honor  their  thanks,  &  will  allways  have  an  eye  open  to  those  people,  and  they  desire  L 
anything  happen  to  be  informed  for  they  are  and  have  been  allways  belonging  to  this  Governm1.  and  we 
expect  no  favor  from  the  ffrench,  but  will  put  themselves  under  his  Hono8.  protection.  That  the 
Governor  haveing  wondred  why  they  bring  so  little  Beaver  and  formerly  did  bring  so  mnch,  that  it 
may  be  the  Govern1  thinks  they  carry  it  to  some  other  Governm1  they  answer  no  they  do  not  They 
never  had  so  firm  a  friendshipp  with  any,  os  with  tins  Government  but  thelrue  reason  is  they  haveing 
a  warre  with  other  Indians,  those  Indians  would  not  dare  to  come  on  their  hunting  places  ;  but  now 
they  are  all  in  peace  ;  the  Indians  catch  away  the  Beaver  so  fast  that  ther  be  but  very  few  left ;  his 
Honor  haveing  told  them  they  should  harbour  no  ffrench  but  the  Jesuits  and  each  of  them  a  man, 
they  answer  they  will  never  suffer  any  straggling  ffrenchmen  amongst  them,  but  those  Jesuits  who 
are  very  good  men  and  very  quiett ;  and  yet  if  liis  Honor  shall  please,  they  will  send  them  away  allso  ; 
and  that  none  hath  any  land  from  them  and  they  are  resolved  never  to  sell  or  give  them  any  or  any 
others  except  the  people  of  this  Governm1  that  they  were  sent  for  by  the  Governr  of  Canada  who 
told  them  that  they  should  make  a  peace  with  all  the  Indians  and  that  the  Govern1,  took  their  axe 
and  tlirew  it  into  the  water,  but  did  not  bury  it  because  if  it  had  bin  buried  it  might  have  been 
taken  up  again ;  and  that  nothing  shall  com  to  their  ears  but  they  will  acquaint  this  Governm1  with 
it,  and  expect  the  same  from  this  Government. 

They  allso  say  the  Goverm  of  Canada  promised  them  to  have  free  passage  upon  all  the  Rivers  and 
Creeks  and  said  they  should  suffer  all  other  Indians  to  have  the  same  &  the  Govern1  took  them  os  his 
children  and  told  them  they  should  be  all  of  the  ffrench  Religion. 

That  all  this  land  is  under  the  Governm1  of  his  R"  High83  that  there  has  been  som  Strangers  at 
Albany  to  buy  the  Susquehannah  River,  but  they  have  considered  and  will  not  sell  it  to  them  except 
by  the  particular  leave  of  his  Honor. 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  SUSQUEHANNAH  RIVER. 


2G3 


The  Govern1-  desired  them  to  make  up  the  differences  amongst  themselves  about  Susquehanna 
River  in  a  civil  and  peaceable  way,  that  being  don  to  send  word  to  the  Governor,  and  that  then  he 
will  give  them  fuller  orders  about  it. 

At  a  Council  held  Aprill  29«>,  1684. 
P'sent  The  Governor 

Mr  Lucas  Santen 
J.  Spragg.  Coll  Lewis  Morris. 

Mr.  Willm  Welch  said  Governr  Penn  had  a  desire  to  treat  wth  the  Indians  of  Susquehannah  River 
by  the  consent  of  the  Governor  of  New- York. 

Mr.  Lloyd  said  that  Governr  Penn  complained  of  ye  unkind  usages  and  sinister  dealings  of  the 
people  of  Albany  who  caused  him  to  be  put  to  a  vast  expence  in  bringing  down  the  Indians  and  the 
desire  of  Govern*  Penn  was  that  hath  already  bin  expended  may  be  valued  and  som  consideration 
had  to  the  loss  of  time  and  monies. 

Governor  Dongan  replyed  that  as  for  the  charges  Mr  Penn  had  bin  at  he  had  nothing  to  say  to  it, 
that  they  of  Albany  have  suspition  it  is  only  to  get  away  their  trade  and  that  Mr.  Penn  hath  land 
allready  more  than  he  can  people  these  many  yeares  that  the  Indians  have  long  since  given  over  their 
land  to  this  Goverm*  and  advised  them  to  write  over  to  the  Duke  about  it. 

Mr  Lloy  &  Mr.  Welch  desired  a  letter  from  the  Governor  to  the  Indians  wch  was  not  granted. 


FATHER  LAMBERVILLE  TO  M.  DE  LA  BARRE. 

[Paris  Doc.  II.] 

February  10,  1684. 

The  man  named  Oreouake"  of  Cayuga  told  me  also  that  he  would  go  to  Montreal  to  see  you.  'Tis 
he  who  caused  Father  de  Carheil  to  withdraw  and  who  treacherously  brought  the  six  Tionnontates 
to  Cayuga.  He  is  extremely  proud.  Sorennoa  and  he  are  the  two  most  considerable  Captains  of 
Cayuga.  It  was  of  this  Oreouake-  that  the  English  of  Albany  (formerly  Orange)  made  use  to  pre- 
vent Sieur  Penn  purchasing  the  Country  of  the  Andastognes  who  have  been  conquered  by  the 
Iroquois  and  the  English  of  Marilande. 


ABSTRACT  OF  THE  PROPOSALLS  OF  THE  ONOUNDAGES  AND  CAYOUGES  SACHEMS  AT 

NEW  YORK,  2.  August  1684. 

[Lond.  Doc.  IV.  ] 

That  the  English  will  protect  them  from  the  French  otherwise  they  shall  loose  all  the  Beaver  and 
hunting. 

That  they  have  put  themselves  and  their  lands  under  the  Protection  of  the  King  and  have  given 
Susquehannah  River  to  the  Government  of  New  York  of  which  they  desire  it  may  be  a  Branch,  and 
under  which  they  will  shelter  themselves  from  the  French. 


264 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  SUSQUEHANNA!!  RIVER. 


That  Perm's  people  may  not  settle  under  the  Susquehannah  River. 

They  have  putt  themselves  under  the  King  and  give  two  Deer  Skins  for  the  King  to  write  upon 
them,  and  put  a  great  read  Seale  to  them,  that  they  put  all  their  lands  under  His  Maty  an<x  under  no 
other  Government  then  New  Yorke. 

They  desire  these  proposalls  may  be  sent  to  the  King  with  a  Belt  of  Wampum  peeg  and  another 
small  Belt  for  the  Duke  of  York. 

And  they  give  Col.  Dungan  a  Beaver  to  send  over  this  Proposall. 

And  my  Lord  Effingham  is  desired  to  take  notice  that  Penn's  agents  would  have  bought  the  Sus- 
quehanna River  of  them,  but  they  would  not,  but  fastened  it  to  the  government  of  New  York. 

That  being  a  free  people  uniting  themselves  to  the  English,  it  may  be  in  their  power  to  give  their 
land  to  what  Sachim  they  please. 


PROPOSITION  OR  ORATION 

OF  THE  ONONDAGOES  AND  CAYOUGES  SACHIMS  MADE  IN  THE  TOWN  HALL  ALBANY  BEFORE  THE  RIGHT 
H0Nble  THE  lord  HOWARD  OF  EFFINGHAM,  GOVERNOR  OF  VIRGINIA  AND  COL.  THOMAS  DUNGAN  GOV1" 
OF  NEW  YORK  UPON  THE  21'  DAY  OF  AUGUST  1684. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  V.  ] 

Brother  Corlaer 

Your  Sachim  is  a  great  Sachim  and  we  are  but  a  small  people,  When  the  English  came  to 
Manhattans  that  is  N.  York,  Aragiske  which  is  now  called  Virginia,  and  to  Jaquokranogare  now  called 
Maryland,  they  were  but  a  small  people  and  we  a  great  people,  and  rinding  they  were  good  people 
we  gave  them  land  and  treated  them  civilly,  and  now  since  you  are  a  great  people  and  we  but  a 
small,  you  will  protect  us  from  the  French,  which  if  you  do  not,  we  shall  loose  all  our  hunting  and 
Bevers,  The  French  will  have  all  the  Bevers,  and  are  angry  with  us  for  bringing  any  to  you. 

Brethren.  Wee  have  putt  all  our  land  and  our  selfs  under  the  Protection  of  the  great  Duke  of 
York,  the  brother  of  your  great  Sachim ;  We  have  given  the  Susquehanne  River  which  we  wonn 
with  the  sword  to  this  Government  and  desire  that  it  may  be  a  branch  of  that  great  tree  that  grows 
here,  Whose  topp  reaches  to  the  Sunn,  under  whose  branches  we  shall  shelter  our  selves  from  the 
French  or  any  other  people,  and  our  fire  burn  in  your  houses  and  your  fire  burns  with  us,  and  we 
desire  that  it  always  may  be  so,  and  will  not  that  any  of  your  Penns  people  shall  settle  upon  the 
Susquehanne  River ;  for  all  our  lblks  or  soldiers  are  like  Wolfs  in  the  Woods,  as  you  Sachim  of  Vir- 
ginia know,  We  having  no  other  land  to  leave  to  our  wives  &  Children. 

Wee  have  put  ourselves  under  the  Great  Sachim  Charles  that  lives  over  the  Great  Lake,  and  we 
do  give  you  Two  White  Drest  Deer  Skins  to  be  sent  to  the  Great  Sachim  Charles  That  he  may  write 
upon  them,  and  putt  a  great  Redd  Seale  to  them,  Thatt  we  do  putt  the  Susquehanne  River  above  the 
Washinta  or  falls  and  all  the  rest  of  our  land  under  the  Great  Duke  of  York  and  to  nobody  else, 
Our  brethren  his  Servants  were  as  fathers  to  our  Wives  and  Children,  and  did  give  us  Bread  when 
we  were  in  need  of  it,  and  we  will  neither  joyn  our  selves  nor  our  Land  to  any  other  Governm1  then 
to  this,  and  this  Proposition  we  desire  that  Corlaer  the  Govrnr  may  send  over  to  your  Great  Sachim 
Charles  that  dwells  over  the  Great  Lake  with  this  Belt  of  Wampum  Peeg,  and  another  Smaller  Belt 
for  the  Duke  of  York  his  brother,  and  we  give  a  Bever  to  the  Corlaer  to  send  over  this  Proposition. 

And  you  great  Man  of  Virginia,  meaning  the  Lord  Effingham  Govern*  of  Virginia,  we  let  you 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  SUSQUEHANNAH  RIVER.  2G5 

know  that  Great  Perm  did  speak  to  us  here  in  Corker's  house  by  his  agents,  and  desired  to  buy  the 
Susquehanne  River,  but  we  would  not  hearken  to  him  nor  come  under  His  Government,  and  there 
fore  desire  you  to  be  witness  of  what  we  now  do  and  that  we  have  already  done  and  lett  your  friend 
that  lives  over  the  Great  lake  know  that  we  are  a  ffree  people  uniting  our  selves  to  what  Sachem  we 
please,  and  do  give  you  one  beavor  skinn. 

This  is  a  true  Copy  Translated,  compared  and 
Revised  P  me 

Rop.1  Livingston. 


SIR  JOHN  WERDEN  TO  COI.  DONGAN. 

[From  same,  Vol.  IV.] 

St.  Jameses,  27th  August,  1684. 

[Extract.]  Touching  Susquehannah  River  or  lands  abo*  it  or  trade  in  it,  wcn  the  Indians  convey 
to  you  or  invite  you  to,  we  think  you  will  doe  well  to  preserve  yor  interest  there  as  much  as  possible 
that  soe  nothing  more  may  goe  away  to  M>  Penn  or  ether  New  Jerseys.  For  it  is  apparent  they  are 
apt  enough  to  stretch  their  privileges  as  well  as  the  people  of  New  England  have  beene,  who  never 
probably  will  be  reduced  to  reason  by  prosecution  of  the  Quo  Warranto  wch  is  brought  agst  ym 


[Council  Minutes  V.] 


At  a  Council  August  the  30"'  1086 
P'sent  the  Govern1  Mr.  S.  V.  Cortlandt  Mr  N.  Bayard,  Maj.  Ger.  Baxter  J.  Spragge  Arnold  Inter- 
preter. 

The  Governr  gave  presents  to  the  Indians  for  wch  they  thanked  him  after  their  manner,  and  he 
said  to  them 

Brethren  #*#**#** 

I  allso  desire  that  neither  ffrench  nor  English  go  &  liue  at  the  Susquehannah  River  ;  nor  hunt  nor 
trade  amongst  the  Brethren  without  my  passe  and  seale,  the  impression  of  which  I  will  give  them 
but  if  they  doe  that  the  Brethren  bring  them  to  Albany  and  deliver  them  at  the  Town  house  when 
care  shall  be  taken  for  punishing  them  (except  the  priests  and  one  man  wth  each  or  either  of  them) 
allthough  any  of  them  should  be  married  to  an  Indian  squa  ;  they  being  only  spies  upon  the  Brethren. 

At  a  Council  Septemb  1st  168G. 
P'sent  the  Gov.  M1'  Steph.  v.  Cortlandt  Mr  N.  Bayard,  Maior  G.  Baxter    J  Spragge 

The  Indians  of  the  fiue  Nations  returned  the  following  answer 
The  Cayouges  &  Oneydes  answered  first  &  said 

Brother  Corlear  We  are  come  hither  at  New  York  by  y  order  although  the  appointed  place  is  .r«f 
Albany. 

JVol.  1.]  34 


266 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  SUSQUEHANNAH  RIVER. 


We  have  understood  your  propositions  that  we  are  no  more  Brothers  but  looked  upon  as  Children 
of  wch  we  are  gladd. 

And  what  concerns  the  sending  the  prisoners  back  againe  which  the  Cayouges  and  Oneydes  have 
no  hand  in  taking  them  ;  that  concerns  the  Sinequas 

What  your  Honor  hath  said  about  the  Indians  that  are  at  Canada  we  will  do  our  utui>  st  aideauor 
to  bring  them  from  thence  &  do  desire  that  yr  Hono1'  would  write  a  letter  to  them,  wch  will  have 
more  influence  upon  them  then  our  bare  words 

Concerning  the  Indians  going  to  Cadaracqua  that  doth  not  concern  us  but  the  Onondagos. 

What  yo  Honor  hath  said  of  the  Christian  hunters  &  the  traders  that  may  come  upon'^the  Susque- 
haiiah  River  to  hunt  or  trade  wu,out  your  passe ;  that  we  should  take  their  goods  from  them  k.  bring 
their  persons  to  Albany,  we  dare  not  meddle  therewith  ;  for  a  man  whose  goods  is  taken  from  him 
will  defend  himself  wch  may  create  trouble  or  warre,  and  therefor  we  deliver  the  seales  to  yr  Hono' 
againe.  ####### 
The  Maquas  stood  up  and  said 

We  desire  that  y*  Hono1'  will  order  that  lande  &  a  priest  may  be  at  Saraghtoge  ;  for  they  will  be 
most  Maquas  that  return  from  Canada ;  &  for  the  reasons  given  your  Hono1*  by  the  Cayouges  & 
Oneydes  we  allso  deliver  your  Honor  the  Seals  againe — upon  that  they  gaue  a  present 
The  Onondages  stood  up  and  said  in  Answer 

Brother  Corlear  *  *  *  *  We  are  aflraid  the  seals  given 

us  put  us  in  a  new  trouble  ;  therefore  we  deliver  them  to  your  Honour  againe,  that  we  may  hue 
wholly  in  peace. 

The  Sinnequas  said 

We  came  first  to  Albany  Although  we  liue  the  furthest  off,  and  do  find  Corlear  to  be  a  good  bro- 
ther to  us,  therefore  did  not  delay. 

I  shall  speak  first  of  the  Seales  ;  We  know  the  ffrench  by  their  Coats  and  the  other  Christians  by 
their  habitts  &  if  we  should  take  their  goods  from  them,  it  would  create  trouble  or  warre  &,  therefor 
deliver  the  same  againe. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  G0VR  DONGAN  TO  M.  DE  DENONVILLE,  DATED  31  OCTBr  1687. 

[  Loud.  Doc.  VI.  ] 

Sir,  I  doe  not  take  the  King  my  Master's  right  to  the  five  nations  on  this  side  of  the  lake  from 
Monsr  de  la  Barr,  but  from  our  records  which  demonstrates  that  these  five  nations  has  been  in  a  free 
and  brotherly  correspondence  from  the  first  Settlement  of  this  towne,and  further  they  have  submitted 
themselves,  there  country  and  conquests  to  the  Dutch  in  their  time  and  to  the  Kinge  of  England 
since  this  Colonie  came  under  His  Majesties  obedience,  so  that  the  King  haveing  given  a  Pattent  to 
Mr  W"1  Penn  of  a  tract  of  land  in  which  there  conquest  land  uppon  the  Susquehana  River  was 
included  in  the  grant,  Since  all  this  they  came  to  me  in  the  presents  of  the  Lord  Effingham  now 
Gov  of  Virginia  prcsentinge  two  dorst  | dressed?]  Deerskins  desiringe  me  to  send  them  to  the  Kinge 
that  a  red  broad  seale  might  be  affixed  to  them,  that,  that  part  of  Susquehanna  river  might  be  annexed 
to  this  Collony  haveing  some  of  their  friends  livinge  there. 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  SUSQUEHANNAH  RIVER. 


267 


THE  HUMBLE  ADDRESS 

of  the  governour  and  covncill  of  your  majesty's  prouince  of  new  yorke  and  dependency s. 

[6  aug.  1691.] 

[  Lontl.  Doc.  VIII.] 

Most  Gracious  Sovereigne 

May  it  please  Yor  Most  Excels  Majty 

There  being  nothing  so  dear  unto  us  as  the  prosperity  of  your  Majesty  the  increase  of  your  empire 
and  the  safety  of  your  people  planted  in  these  remote  parts  of  America,  We  therefore  in  all  humble 
manner  find  it  is  our  duty  to  represent  unto  your  most  sacred  Majesty  the  State  and  Condicon  of  this 
your  Majesty's  Province,  that  by  a  view  thereof  Your  Majesty  may  be  truely  informed  of  the  advan- 
tages accruing  to  your  Majesty  and  also  of  the  great  detriment  and  prejudice  that  threatens  your 
Majesty's  interest  by  the  pretences  of  our  Neighbours  and  the  strength  of  the  French  your  Majesty's 
declared  enemys. 

Therefore  Most  Excel1  Sovereigne 

This  your  Maj'y  Province  was  first  settled  and  planted  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1619.  by  the 
States  Generall  of  the  United  Provinces,  who  did  extend  the  fine  of  their  dominion  from  this  your 
Majesty's  Citty  of  New  Yorke  to  the  Eastward  so  farr  as  Connecticut  River  and  to  the  Westward 
along  the  Coast  beyond  the  Delaware  River,  and  to  the  Northward  up  Hudson's  River  so  farr  as 
Schenectady  and  from  thence  to  the  Lakes  of  Canada,  and  from  thence  to  the  Westward  so  farr  as 
the  Sinnekes  land  or  the  Indian  hunting  reacheth.  Since  which  time  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1664. 
King  Charles  the  Second  did  subdue  and  reduce  to  the  allegiance  of  Your  Majesty's  Crowne  all  the 
Inhabitants  and  Territorys  within  the  limits  aforesaid  ;  all  which  was  granted  by  King  Charles  the 
Second  unto  His  Royall  Highness  James  Duke  of  Yorke  in  the  same  year  together  with  the  governm1 
of  all  that  tract  of  land  to  the  Westward  of  Delaware  River  unto  Maryland. 

His  Royall  Highness  was  pleased  out  of  the  premises  to  grant  a  certain  tract  of  land  unto  the  Right 
Honorable  John  Lord  Barclay  and  Sir  George  Carterett  limited  and  bounded  by  Hudson  and  Delaware 
Rivers,  as  per  the  Deed  of  Conveyance  relation  being  thereunto  had  may  more  fully  appeare ;  the 
remaining  part  continued  in  His  Royall  Highness  possession  untill  the  yeare  of  our  Lord  1682,  Wil- 
liam Penn  procured  a  Pattent  from  King  Charles  the  Second  for  land  to  the  Westward  of  Delaware 
River,  now  called  Pensilvania,  as  per  said  pattent  doth  more  largely  appeare. 

His  Royall  Highness  was  also  pleased  to  grant  unto  the  said  William  Penn,  New  Castle  upon  Dela- 
ware River  and  twelve  miles  round  about  and  afterwards  he  made  another  grant  unto  him  of  all  the 
land  to  the  Southward  of  New  Castle. 

Now,  may  it  please  your  Majesty,  all  that  been  reserved  out  of  the  Territorys  and  dominion  afore- 
said is  only  Long  Island  and  some  other  small  Islands  adjacent,  New  York,  Zopus,  Albany  and  the 
limitts  thereof;  for  the  preserving  of  which  the  Crowme  hath  been  at  great  charge,  and  for  the  sup- 
port of  your  Majties  governm1  there  is  now  in  Generall  Assembly  a  revenue  established  upon  the 
trade  thereof  which  is  managed  in  manner  following. 

New  Yorke  is  the  Metropolis,  is  scituate  upon  a  barren  island  bounded  by  Hudson's  River  and  the 
East  River  that  runs  into  the  Sound,  and  hath  nothing  to  support  it  but  trade,  which  chiefly  flows 
from  flower  and  bread  they  make  of  the  Corne  the  West  end  of  Long  Island  and  Zopus  produce  th  ; 
which  is  sent  to  the  West  Indies,  and  there  is  brought  in  returne  from  thence  amongst  other  things  a 
liquor  called  Rumm,  the  duty  whereof  considerably  encreaseth  your  Majesties  revenue. 

Zopus  is  a  place  upon  Hudson's  River,  80  miles  distant  from  New  Yorke ;  consists  of  five  small 


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PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  SUSQUEHANNAH  RIVER. 


towus  whose  inhabitants  manage  husbandry  and  have  not  above  3000  acres  of  manureable  land  \  all 
the  rest  being  hills  and  mountains,  not  possible  to  be  cultivated. 

Albany  lyes  upon  the  same  River  distant  from  NewYorke  144  miles,  only  settled  for  Indian  trade  ; 
its  commerce  extends  itself  as  far  as  the  Lakes  of  Canada  and  the  Sinnekes  Country  in  which  is  the 
Susquehannah  River;  their  chiefe  dependance  is  upon  their  traffick  with  the  5  Nations  called  Sinnekes 
Cayeugoes  Oneydes  Onondages  and  Maquase ;  which  Indians  in  the  time  of  the  Dutch  did  surrender 
themselves  and  their  lands  to  the  obedience  &  protecon  of  Albany,  and  upon  that  place's  reduceon 
to  your  Majesties  Crowne  of  England  they  continued  confirming  the  same  successively  to  all  the 
Governours  of  this  Province,  and  hath  now  ratifyed  and  confirmed  the  same  unto  your  Majesty ;  so 
that  all  that  tiact  of  land  from  the  Westermost  extent  of  the  Sinnekes  Country  unto  Albany  hath 
been  appropriated  and  did  absolutely  belong  unto  the  Inhabitants  of  Albany,  upwards  of  lburty 
yeares;  The  Indian  inhabitants  have  always  reckoned  themselves  subjects  to  your  Majesties  Crowne, 
and  are  not  willing  to  submitt  or  have  any  trade  or  Commerce  witli  any  of  your  Majesty's  subjects 
but  those  att  Albany,  your  Majesty's  forts  of  New  Yorke  and  Albany  had  always  an  absolute  do- 
minion over  all  the  Indian  Nations  adjacent  to  this  Province  but  especially  of  all  those  to  the  West- 
ward ;  and  they  were  accustomed  annually  to  bring  tribute  to  your  Majesty's  forts,  acknowledging 
the  same,  but  of  late  years  the  neighbouring  Collonyshave  obstructed  theni  which  we  conceive  highly 
injurious  to  your  Majesty's  interest  and  that  this  royalty  is  not  conveyed  by  any  of  the  afore  recited 
grants. 

Long  Island  is  pleasantly  scituated  and  well  planted  but  brings  little  gain  unto  your  Majesty,  the 
East  end  being  chiefly  settled  by  New  England  people  who  have  erected  five  towns.  Their  improve- 
ments are  most  in  pasturage  and  whaleing.  What  is  produced  from  their  industry  is  frequently 
carried  to  Boston  and  notwithstanding  of  the  many  strict  rules  and  law»  made  to  confine  them  to  this 
place  they  interlope  that  the  revenue  there  is  not  able  to  defray  the  expense  of  looking  after  it.  The 
middle  of  the  Island  [is]  altogether  barren ;  the  West  end  chiefly  employed  in  tillage,  which  in  a 
great  measure  supplys  the  trafliq  of  New  Yorke 

All  the  rest  of  the  Province,  West  Chester,  Staten  Island  and  Martin's  Vineyard  excepted,  consist 
of  barren  mountains  hills  not  improveable  by  humane  industry. 
Now  May  it  please  Your  Majly  : 

The  revenue  that  is  established  in  this  Province  is  in  such  a  nature  that  if  the  encroachmts  and 
pretences  of  our  neighbours  be  removed,  it  will  not  only  be  sufficient  to  defray  the  charge  of  your 
Majt5e*  Governm1  but  also  bring  in  profitt  into  your  Majties  Coffers. 

East  Jersey  is  scituate  on  Hudsons  River  over  against  Long  Island  Staten  Island  and  New  York, 
and  they  pretend  by  the  aforementioned  grant  to  be  a  free  place  and  to  have  free  ports  to  trade  as 
they  please,  which  if  admitted  must  certainly  destroy  yor  Majties  interest  and  revenue  here ;  for  what 
merchant  will  come  to  New  York  and  trade  and  pay  to  yor  Majty  2  and  10  p  cent  with  the  excise  and 
yor  Majt  es  duties  settled  here,  if  they  can  at  2  or  3  miles  distance  over  against  the  same  place  go  and 
be  free  from  any  duty  or  imposition  whatever. 

Connecticut  lyes  to  the  eastward  of  us  k  pretends  to  the  like  freedome  as  East  Jersey,  ami  doth 
in  the  same  degree  threaten  yr  Majesty S  interest  with  the  like  inconveniency  and  prejudice.  There- 
fore may  it  please  our  Maj'y  if  Connecticut  East  and  West  Jersey  be  not  annexed  to  your  Majesty's 
Government  of  this  Province  it  will  be  altogether  impossible  to  raise  such  a  revenue  to  yor  Majesty 
here  as  will  be  sufficient  to  defray  the  charge  of  the  government,  and  the  annexing  thereof  cannot 
be  injurious  to  the  proprietors,  but  on  the  contrary  advantageous  to  them,  for  it  will  ease  them  of 
the  charge  of  governm1  which  hath  alhvays  exceeded  the  quitt  Rents  atcrueing  to  them  ;  whereas  if 
they  were  annexed  the  profits  would  be  freed  from  that  charge,  retain  their  propertys  and  putt  the 
Quitt  Rents  clear  in  their  pocquets. 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  SUSQUEHANNAH  RIVER. 


269 


These  inconveniences  of  Connecticut  East  and  West  Jersey  are  not  only  prejudiciall  to  yor  Majl>s 
intrest,  but  also  the  pretences  of  William  Penn  Esqr  to  the  3  lower  Countys  on  Delaware  River  and 
to  the  Susquehanna  River  are  equally  if  not  more  injurious  to  your  Maj"'  and  particularly  in  this 
respect  Susquehanna  River  is  scituate  in  the  middle  of  the  Sinnekes  Country  which  they  gave  unto 
your  Majesty's  Crowne  and  hath  belonged  as  an  appendix  to  this  your  Majties  Governm1  many  years 
before  Mr  Penn  had  his  pattent.  Notwithstanding  thereof  Mr  Penn  endevors  to  disturb  your  Majesty 
in  the  peaceable  and  quiett  possession  of  the  premises  ;  endeavoring  to  tempt  the  Indians  to  sell  it 
again  to  him,  by  that  means  not  only  to  dispossess  your  Majesty  of  your  antient  rights,  but  also  to 
pervert  and  draw  away  the  trade  of  the  Indians  to  his  Province  ;  which  will  be  an  irreparable  loss 
to  your  Majesty,  all  the  Nations  with  whom  Albany  hath  their  trade  liveing  at  the  head  of  Susque- 
hanna River.  So  the  revenue  of  10  pr  Cent,  the  impost  upon  powder,  lead,  alumn  and  furrs,  quite 
lost,  and  if  Mr  Penn  should  attain  his  pretences  to  the  Susquehanna  River,  it  will  not  only  destroy 
the  best  branch  of  your  Majtics  revenue,  but  it  will  likewise  depopulate  your  Province,  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Albany  haveing  only  seated  themselves  there  and  addicted  their  minds  to  the  Indian  lan- 
guage and  the  misteries  of  the  said  trade  with  purpose  to  manage  it,  that  if  it  should  be  diverted  from 
that  channell  they  must  follow  it,  haveing  no  other  way  or  art  to  gett  a  livelyhood. 

The  3  Lower  Countys  were  planted  at  the  charge  and  expence  of  this  your  Majl>5  citty  of  New 
Yorke  and  chiefly  to  encrease  and  preserve  the  navigacon  of  this  port,  being  recommended  to  imploy 
their  industry  in  planting  [of  tobacco,  which  being  a  bulky  comodity  gave  great  encouragement  to 
shipping  as  well  as  it  brings  great  profitt  to  yor  Majty  Since  we  have  mett  with  obstruccons  from 
that  place  by  the  pretences  of  Mr  Penn,  we  have  not  been  able  to  load  so  many  ships  as  formerly  ; 
all  that  yo1'  Majesties  province  produceth  suitable  for  Europe  being  only  furrs,  which  are  of  great 
value  and  in  small  bulk,  gives  little  encouragement  to  navigation.  We  were  also  accustomed  to  have 
considerable  parcells  of  peltry  from  said  Countys,  which  go  now  another  way  without  paying  yor 
Majesty  any  thing,  and  that  which  is  a  heavier  presture  upon  us,  they  constrain  us  a  penny  pr  pound 
for  the  tobacco  brought  here,  and  send  it  to  Pensilvania,  a  distinct  Province,  without  paying  any 
thing  ;  by  that  means  diverting  the  trade  of  this  port  to  Pensilvania  ;  by  all  which  your  Majesty  may 
perceive  that  the  pretences  of  Mr  Penn  to  the  Susquehanna  River  are  very  injurious  to  your  Majties 
right  and  revenue  ;  so  that  some  care  must  be  taken  if  your  Majty  sees  cause  shall  remain  a  distinct 
governmen1  that  his  line  doth  encroach  upon  your  Majesties  right  noe  further  upon  the  Susquehanna 
River  then  the  fall  thereof ;  otherwise  its  scituation  being  so  near  the  Sinnekes  Indians,  if  planted  by 
him,  must  of  necessity  divert  the  whole  trade  of  Albany. 

May  it  please  Your  Most  Excel'  Majly. 

This  is  the  state  of  your  Majesties  Province  with  relation  to  our  neighbours  your  Majesty's  sub- 
ject. There  is  likewise  the  French  formerly  under  the  pretence  of  propagating  the  Christian  faith 
amongst  the  Indians,  did  thereby  very  much  incroach  upon  yor  Majesties  right  on  this  side  of  the 
lake,  and  particularly  did  draw  away  many  of  our  Indians  into  Canada,  under  the  notion  of  supply- 
ing them  with  priests  to  instruct  them  in  the  Christian  religion  ;  by  which  means  they  lessened  our 
hunting  much,  and  has  so  weakened  the  Maquase  nation  that  they  are  not  capable  to  do  yo1'  Majesty 
the  service  as  formerly.  Besides  they  are  so  affected  to  the  French  Yo  Majties  enemys  that  while 
they  are  in  being  we  cann  have  no  safety.  Since  the  war  the  French  priests  have  retired  from  their 
castles,  and  the  Dutch  Minister  at  Albany  hath  been  very  successfull  in  converting  many  of  them  to 
the  true  religion,  in  which  they  are  very  devout  and  desirous  to  have  a  ministry  settled  amongst 
them  for  their  pious  comfort  and  instruccon.  This  would  be  of  great  advantage  to  your  Majesty  not 
only  in  the  increase  of  your  revenue  but  also  to  endear  the  Indians  to  us,  that  they  would  continue 
to  be  the  preservacon  of  this  and  the  rest  of  your  Majesty's  adjacent  Colonys  ;  these  Nations  being 
the  strongest  and  most  terrible  among  the  Indians  are  the  only  bulwarke  and  wall  of  defence  both 


270 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  SUSQUEHANNAH  RIVER. 


against  other  Indians  and  the  French  pretences,  which  we  are  daily  threatened  with,  being  informed 
that  they  "in  tend  with  a  considerable  force  of  themselves  and  the  Ottawawes  Indians  to  descend  upon 
Albany  and  take  it,  which  is  not  at  present  able  (if  attaqued)  to  resist,  neither  is  the  whole  Province 
as  now  narrowed,  capable  to  secure  that  post,  which  hath  occasioned  an  applieacon  to  our  neighbours 
for  assistance,  but  possitively  denyed  :  the  particulars  whereof  are  more  plainly  expressed  in  letters 
to  the  Secretary  of  State  and  Plantacons  :  by  all  which  yor  Majty  may  judge  of  the  present  state  of 
this  Province,  and  of  the  inconveniencys  that  dayly  attend  it. 
Now  may  it  please  your  most  Excell1  Majly. 

The  premises  considered  we  humbly  presume  and  represent  unto  y  most  sacred  Majesty  that  there 
can  be  nothing  in  America  more  conducive  to  yor  MajticS  subjects  upon  this  continent  then  that 
Connecticut,  East  and  West  Jersey,  Pensilvania  and  3  Lower  Countys  be  reannexed  to  this  yr  Majtics 
Province  which  then  will  be  a  governm1  of  sufficient  extent ;  our  late  annexing  to  Boston  haveing 
been  evidently  ruinous  and  destructive  to  these  parts  and  may  be  other  waies  prejudicial  to  yor 
MajtiCS  interest  for  these  reasons.  Your  Maj'y  hath  already  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  people, 
a  revenue  established  of  greater  value  than  is  any  where  else  in  yor  Maj4)8  Plantacons  and  whoever 
are  joyned  to  this  Province  submit  to  the  Establishm4 ;  wheras  it  will  be  difficult  to  settle  the  like 
among  our  neighbours,  and  if  settled,  remain  distinct  governments  they  are  so  weak  as  not  capable 
to  defend  themselves,  and  the  revenue  will  be  eat  up  in  looking  after  it,  that  they  cannot  be  profi- 
table to  your  Majty.  Whereas  if  they  be  annexed  the  charge  will  be  no  more  to  your  Maj'y  than  now 
without  them, and  their  conjunction  must  at  least  increase  the  Revenue  3  fold,  besides  will  make  this 
province  not  only  capable  to  defend  themselves  but  to  anoy  if  not  subdue  the  enemy 

May  it  please  your  Majesty ;  the  small  quantity  of  stores  Govern1-  Sloughter  brought  over  are 
mostly  disposed  of  in  the  severall  small  forts  of  Albany  and  Schenectady  &c  so  that  now  we  must 
begg  the  favor  of  a  fresh  supply. 

All  which  is  humbly  submitted 

Richj:  Ingoldsby 
Fred:  Phillips 
Stev:  Cortlandt 
Nich:  Bayard 
Gab:  Monviell 

A  true  Copy  Chid:  Brook 

M.  Clarkson  Secy.  Will:  Nicolls. 


REMARKS 

UPON  the  observations  of  the  proprietors  of  pensilvania  on  a  paragraph  OF  SIR  WILLIAM 
Johnson's  letter  to  the  right  honourable  the  lords  of  trade  and  plantations  bearing 
date  the  10th  of  september  1757. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XXIV.  ] 

Md'slpt  The  whole  paragraph  of  the  above  letter  which  gave  birth  to  the  observation  is  as  follows  : — 
"  I  think  I  have  before  now  hinted  to  your  Lordships  my  opinion  that  the  Hostilities  which  Pen- 
silvania in  particular  has  suffered  from  some  of  the  Indians  living  on  the  Susquehannah  did  in  some 
measure  arise  from  the  large  purchase  made  by  that  Government  two  years  ago  at  Albany.    I  have 


PAFERS  RELATING  TO  THE  SUSQUEHANNAH  RIVER. 


271 


more  reason  every  day  from  talking  with  the  Indians  to  be  confirmed  in  this  Suspicion.  I  am  inclined 
to  believe  that  this  purchase  was  publicly  consented  to  at  Albany,  some  of  the  Six  Nations  are  dis- 
gusted at  it,  and  others  repent  their  consenting  to  it,  and  that  part  of  them  do  underhand  connive 
at  the  Disturbance  between  the  Susquehannah  Indians  &  the  Province  of  Pensilvania  whose  raising 
forces  and  building  Forts  on  the  Susquehana,  tho'  it  hath  very  plausible  pretences  is  at  the  bottom 
bad  policy  and  really  intended  to  secure  Lands  which  it  would  be  more  for  the  true  interest  of  the 
community  to  give  up  at  least  for  the  present.  I  conceive  the  most  effectual  method  of  producing 
tranquility  to  that  province  would  be  a  voluntary  and  open  surrender  of  that  Deed  of  Sale,  fix  with 
the  Indians  in  the  best  manner  they  can  the  Bounds  for  their  Settlements  and  make  them  Guarantees 
to  it. 

"  The  Proprietors  are  pleased  to  introduce  their  observations  with  a  challenge  to  Sir  William  John- 
son and  all  the  World  to  shew  any  one  Instance  of  their  Conduct  that  has  given  dissatisfaction  to  the 
Six  Nations  and  which  they  say  those  Nations  will  readily  acknowledge  in  any  free  Conference." 

Tho'  the  real  Intent  of  the  above  paragraph  from  Sir  William  Johnson's  letter  was,  and  its  obvious 
meaning  is,  to  assign  a  cause  to  which  he  suspected  the  Indians'  Hostilities  in  Pensilvania  were  in  a 
great  measure  owing.  Yet  upon  Sir  William  Johnson  saying  he  was  inclined  to  believe  &ca  The 
Proprietors  are  pleased  to  sound  this  unprovoked  challenge,  which  th6  to  answer  as  well  as  to  have 
given  is  departing  from  the  main  argument,  Yet  Sir  William  Johnson  begs  leave  to  say  something  in 
answer  to  it. 

First,  He  will  now  presume  to  assert  that  from  many  Private  conversations  he  hath  hadd  with 
severall  of  the  Chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations,  they  are  not  satisfied  with  the  conduct  of  the  Government 
of  Pensilvania  in  General,  nor  with  the  aforesaid  purchase  in  particular. 

Secondly,  He  will  adduce  some  facts  public  and  upon  Record  in  support  of  the  above  assertion. 

At  the  Treaty  of  Lancaster  in  the  year  1744  the  Six  Nations  complained  to  Governou.1-  Thomas 
that  the  Connoge  Indians  had  not  been  satisfied  for  their  Lands.  The  Governour  promised  redress. 
In  the  yeare  1749  the  Six  Nations  renewed  the  aforesaid  Complaint  to  Governor  Hamilton. 

(NB.    It  doth  not  appear  upon  Record  that  the  Connoge  Indians  are  to  this  day  satisfied.) 

In  the  year  1750  Connageriwa  a  Sachim  of  the  Six  Nations  living  on  the  Ohio  came  at  the  head  of 
a  Deputation  from  thence  to  Mr.  Croghan's  house,  and  told  Mr.  Peters  he  was  sent  down  from  Ohio 
to  enquire  about  the  purchase  they  had  heard  the  Governour  had  made  on  the  East  side  of  the  Sus- 
quehannah the  year  before,  from  the  Onondaga  Council  and  said  they  were  entitled  to  part  of  the 
goods  paid  for  those  Lands  as  well  as  the  Onondaga  Councill,  but  they  had  received  no  part. 

That  they  were  come  down  to  desire  the  Governour  to  purchase  no  more  Lands  without  giving 
them  notice  and  desired  the  Governour  might  send  that  Belt  of  Wampum  to  the  Onondaga  Council 
and  let  them  know  what  the  Ohio  Indians  had  said  on  this  head.    Gave  a  large  Belt. 

The  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations  who  were  settled  on  the  Ohio  were  so  dissatisfied  with  the  Albany 
purchase  made  by  the  Proprietary  Agents  and  saw  such  bad  consequences  arising  from  it  that  they 
left  the  Ohio  and  returned  to  their  own  Country. 

In  a  Speech  of  the  Six  Nations  at  a  publick  meeting  with  Sir  William  Johnson  on  the  3d  July  1755 
They  said 

Brother,  You  desire  us  to  unite  and  live  together  and  draw  all  our  allies  near  us,  but  we  shall 
have  no  land  left  either  for  ourselves  or  them,  for  your  people  when  they  buy  a  small  piece  of  land 
of  us,  by  stealing  they  make  it  large  We  desire  such  things  may  not  be  done  and  that  your  people 
may  not  be  suffered  to  buy  any  more  of  our  lands.  Sometimes  its  bought  of  two  men,  who  are  not 
the  proper  owners  of  it.  The  land  which  reaches  down  from  Oswego  to  Schahandowana  (Wyoming) 
we  beg  may  not  be  settled  by  Christians.  The  Governour  of  Pensilvania  bought  a  whole  track  and 
only  paid  for  half,  and  desire  you  will  let  him  know  that  we  will  not  part  with  the  other  half  but 


272 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  SUSQUEHANNA!!  RIVER. 


keep  it.  These  things  makes  us  constantly  uneasie  in  our  minds,  and  we  desire  you  w  ill  take  care 
that  we  may  keep  our  land  for  ourselves. 

At  a  Meeting  between  Governour  Denny  George  Croghan  Esqr  Sir  William  Johnson's  Deputy,  and 
sundrey  Six  Nations  and  other  Indians  held  at  Lancaster  in  May  1757,  a  coppy  of  the  proceedings  of 
which  lays  before  the  Board  of  Trade.  There  is  a  speech  of  the  Six  Nations  bearing  date  Thursday 
19th  May  from  the  whole  letter  and  speech  of  which  it  appears  that  the  Six  Nations  have  been,  and 
are  very  far  from  that  satisfaction  of  mind,  with  the  conduct  of  the  Province  of  Pensilvania  which 
the  Proprietors  boast  of  and  found  their  challenge  upon. 

The  Proprietors  are  further  pleased  to  add  to  their  challenge  this  assertion,  that  the  Six  Nations 
will  readily  acknowledge  the  truth  of  it  in  any  free  conference. 

As  the  truth  of  this  assertion  can  depend  only  upon  a  Contingent  event,  Sir  William  Johnson  begs 
leave  to  be  of  a  very  different  opinion,  and  from  a  variety  of  circumstances  is  well  perswaded  the 
Six  Nations  never  will  be  reconciled  to  the  conduct  of  the  Proprietors,  their  Deputies  and  Agents 
unless  the  deed  of  the  Albany  purchase  be  surrendered  and  the  claims  founded  thereupon  in  a  great 
measure  given  up. 

The  Proprietors  say  they  cannot  conceive  that  the  last  purchase  made  of  land  to  the  Westward  of 
Susquehanna  could  possibly  be  the  Cause  of  the  hostilities  committed  by  the  Indians  living  on  that 
River  &ca. 

Sir  William  Johnson  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  the  hostilities  which  Pensilvania  had  suffered  from 
some  of  the  Indians  living  on  the  Susquehanna  did  in  some  measure  arise  from  the  large  purchase 
made  by  the  Governour  two  years  ago. 

This  is  the  point  to  be  proved  and  more  then  this  it  is  apprehended  will  be  proved  by  the  follow- 
ing Quotations  from  authentick  Records  &  Papers. 

"Before  the  year  1742  the  Delaware  Indians  complained  that  they  were  defrauded  out  of  some 
lands  or  not  paid  for  them. 

"It  is  well  known  that  the  purchase  made  at  Albany  in  1754  gave  a  great  uneasiness  to  the  Sus- 
quehana  Indians  and  from  the  time  the  County  Surveyor  began  to  survey  Juniatta,  and  up  the 
Susquehana :  The  Delewars,  Shawanese  and  Nanticokes  then  settled  on  the  River  began  to  remove 
farther  back,  some  to  Tirjahoga  some  to  Ohio. 

"The  Ohio  Indians  at  a  Meeting  with  Mr  Wiser  (the  Pensilvania  Interpreter)  at  Aughwick,  after 
the  defeat  of  Col°  Washington  asked  M1  Wiser  how  those  Lands  came  to  be  sold.  He  said  in  answer 
that  the  Six  Nations  had  only  made  over  their  right  of  sale,  and  taken  an  earnest  piece,  and  that 
when  the  lands  came  to  be  settled,  that  they  should  receive  a  consideration  for  them.  At  the  same 
time  John  Schecelany,  a  Deleware  Indian,  burned  some  houses  that  were  built  on  Penns  creek  (be- 
low Shamokin  on  the  West  side)  and  said  there  should  be  no  plantations  made  on  their  hunting 
grounds,  and  all  the  Indians  at  Shamokin  seemed  very  uneasie,  and  indeed  obliged  the  Surveyor  to 
come  away,  and  quit  surveying." 

In  the  Spring  of  175G.  Governour  Morris  sent  several  messages  with  Belts  and  strings  of  Wampum 
by  an  Onondaga  Indian  to  the  Five  Nations,  amongst  which  is  the  following  just  and  remarkable 
Confession. 

"That  he  found  by  woful  experience  that  making  purchases  of  Lands  was  the  cause  of  much  blood 
hai  ing  been  shed,  he  was  determined  therefore  to  buy  no  more." 

As  a  Confirmation  of  Sir  William  Johnsons  said  opinion  he  refers  himself  to  the  following  extract 
from  Margaret  Williams  deposition  who  was  a  prisoner  amongst  the  Delaware  Indians,  sworn  before 
liim  the  8th  day  of  September  1756. 

"The  said  Margaret  says  she  often  heard  the  Indians  say  and  declare  most  solemnly  they  never 
would  leave  off  killing  the  English  as  long  as  there  was  an  Englishman  living  on  their  lands  that  they 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  SUSQUEHANNAH  RIVER. 


273 


were  determined  to  drive  them  all  off  their  lands,  naming  Minisinck  almost  to  the  North  River  East, 
(in  the  provinces  of  New  York  &  Jersey)  also  Bethlehem  and  the  lands  in  parallel  to  it  West  which 
the  English  cheated  them  out  of." 

In  further  support  to  his  opinion  Sir  William  Johnson  refers  himself  to  the  Treaty  Governour 
Denny  held  with  Tedinscung  the  Delaware  Chief  at  Easton  last  autumn,  and  which  is  before  the 
Board  of  Trade 

Sir  William  Johnson  also  refers  himself  to  the  Extract  from  a  Speech  of  the  Six  Nations  to  Gov1- 
Denny  and  Mr  Croghan  (before  mentioned  in  these  Remarks)  in  answer  to  their  earnest  call  upon  the 
Six  Nations  to  assign  if  they  knew  the  Cause  of  the  hostilities  and  Discontents  of  the  Susquehana 
Indians. 

The  Indian  proceedings  this  Summer  which  past  at  Easton  between  Governor  Denny,  Mr  Croghan 
&  the  sundry  Indians  therein  mentioned,  &  wrhich  Sir  William  Johnson  transmits  herewith  to  the 
Right  Honorable  the  Lords  of  Trade  puts  beyond  dispute  and  demonstrates  the  Truth  of  what  Sir 
William  Johnson  gave  as  his  opinion  in  his  aforesaid  letter  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  and  he  apprehends 
it  doth  very  fully  evidence  the  conclusions  of  belief  he  then  drew  from  that  opinion. 

Lastly  Sir  William  Johnson  refers  himself  to  the  following  Extract  from  the  examination  of  John 
Morris  of  Lancaster  County,  who  was  taken  by,  and  made  his  escape  from,  the  Delaware  Indians 
sworn  before  him  27th  August  1757. 

The  Examinant  says  he  often  heard  the  Delawares  say  that  the  reason  of  their  quarrelling  with 
and  killing  the  English  in  that  part  of  the  country  was  on  account  of  their  lands  which  the  people  of 
Pensilvania  Government  cheated  them  out  of,  and  drove  them  from  their  settlement  at  Shamokin 
by  crowding  upon  them,  and  by  that  means  spoiled  their  hunting  and  that  the  people  of  Minisinck 
used  to  make  the  Indians  always  drunk  whenever  they  traded  with  thern  and  then  cheated  them  out 
of  their  furs  and  skins,  also  wronged  them  with  regard  to  their  lands.  This  he  has  heard  from  many 
of  the  chief  and  oldest  men  amongst  them  both  in  the  English  and  Delaware  Language  which  he  suf- 
ficiently understands 

The  Proprietors  say,  that  as  the  Six  Nations  are  not  well  satisfied  with  the  sale  of  those  lands  on 
the  Ohio,  they  are  willing  to  waive  that  part  of  the  Treaty  provided  &ca. 

As  Sir  William  Johnson  has  never  seen  the  deed  of  sale  for  the  Albany  purchase,  he  cannot  to  his 
knowledge  tell  how  far  the  purchase  extends,  but  he  hath  in  his  possession  a  Report  of  several  Indian 
Transactions,  relative  to  the  Government  of  Pensilvania  signed  by  George  Croghan  Esqr  who  was  for 
several  years  employed  as  an  Indian  Agent  by  that  Government,  in  which  Report  Mr  Croghan  says 
as  follows  : — 

"  I  never  understood  from  any  of  the  Six  Nations  that  they  deemed  the  Lands  west  of  the  Susque- 
hana as  a  purchase,  but  rather  as  a  deed  of  Trust  and  rec'd  1000  Dollars  as  an  Earnest  Price  and 
looked  on  it  that  when  the  lands  came  to  be  settled  they  should  receive  the  Consideration  and  the 
Commissioners  who  were  sent  from  Pensilvania  to  make  that  purchase  at  Albany  in  1754,  viz4  Mr 
Norris  &  Mr  Peters,  with  the  Interpreter  Mr  Wiser,  have  repeatedly  acknowledged  to  me,  that  the 
Land  West  of  Allegany  Mountains  cross  to  Lake  Erie  was  included  in  the  deed  of  1754,  that  it  was 
neither  purchased  nor  paid  for,  and  which  will  appear  by  a  private  Conference  in  Mr.  Peter's  hand  at 
the  time  of  signing." 

Certainly  the  proprietors  are  not  apprized  of  the  fact  here  asserted,  or  they  would  not  have  made 
an  oiler  to  relinquish  Land  they  have  never  purchased,  nor  allowed  it  to  have  been  put  in  a  deed  of 
sale. 

In  answer  to  Sir  William  Johnson's  opinion  about  the  Government  of  Pensilvania  raising  Forces 
and  building  Forts  on  the  Susquehana  River 

[Vol.  I.]  35 


274 


PAPERS   RELATING  TO  THE  Sl'SQUEHANNAH  RIVER. 


M  The  Proprietors  say  this  Insinuation  is  without  any  sort  of  Foundation,  as  it  never  would  have 
been  attempted  had  not  the  Chief's  of  the  Indians  living  on  the  Susquehannah  and  Delaware  Paver  on 
their  own  Motion  entirely  desired  they  should  be  built  at  Shamokin  and  near  Wyoming  for  their  own 
security. 

"  In  this  the  Proprietors  must  certainly  be  misinformed  for  none  of  the  Indians  on  Susquehanna 
or  Delaware  ever  requested  any  Forts  to  be  built  there.  Indeed  after  the  defeat  of  General  Brad- 
dock,  Scarayade,  Cayseuntenego,  and  two  or  three  more  Ohio  Indians  who  had  left  their  country  on 
the  first  approach  of  the  French  in  the  year  1753  did  desire  the  Government  of  Pensilva  to  build  a 
Fort  at  Shamokin,  in  order  to  protect  their  interest  with  the  Susquehanna  Indians,  but  the  request  of 
those  four  or  five  dispossessed  Indians  can  never  be  fairly  construed  as  an  authority  of  application 
from  the  Six  Nations,  or  any  other  Bodies  of  Indians.  However  this  request  for  a  Fort  was  not 
complied  with  at  that  time." 

In  a  Message  which  Sir  William  Johnson  received  the  23(i  May  1756  from  the  Onondaga  Indians 
they  say  as  follows  : — 

"  Tell  our  Brother  farther  that  since  we  took  the  hatchet  out  of  the  hands  of  the  Delaware  and 
Shawanese  they  have  told  xis  there  is  an  army  of  the  English  coming  against  them,  (they  mean  the 
Provincial  Troops  of  Pensilvania  under  Colonel  Clapham)  and  that  they  think  it  unreasonable  and 
unnatural  for  us  to  hold  them  in  our  arms,  and  preventing  them  defending  themselves  when  People 
are  just  on  their  backs  to  destroy  them. 

"  We  are  informed  the  English  are  building  a  Fort  at  Shamokin.  We  can't  comprehend  the 
method  of  making  War  which  is  made  use  of  by  our  Brethren  the  English.  When  we  go  to  war  our 
manner  is  to  destroy  a  Nation  and  there's  an  End  of  it.  But  the  English  chiefly  regard  building 
Forts  which  looks  as  if  their  only  scheme  was/o  take  possession  of  the  lands." 

Here  is  an  evident  Proof  of  the  jealousy  which  the  Pensilvania  levies  and  Fort  building  occasioned 
and  a  strong  hint  of  the  Ends  intended  by  them,  as  it  stood  in  the  minds  of  the  Indians. 

Sir  William  Johnson  well  knowing  how  extremely  tender  the  Indians  in  general  are,  with  regard 
to  Forts,  near  to  their  country  or  hunting  grounds  and  naturally  judging  a  Body  of  Armed  Men,  to 
support  as  it  were  the  building  of  those,  at  a  time,  and  in  places  where  he  had  many  reasons  to  be- 
lieve the  neighbouring  Indians  (as  it  hath  since  fully  appeared)  were  dissatisfied  with  the  Govern- 
ment on  the  score  of  Lands,  and  Encroaching  by  their  purchases  on  their  hunting  grounds,  and 
crowding  too  near  upon  them  by  their  extended  settlements  he  judged  this  conduct  in  the  Govern- 
ment of  Pensilvania  was  impolitick,  and  he  must  beg  leave  to  be  still  of  the  same  opinion,  and  as  he 
looked  upon  those  proceedings  to  be  contrary  to  the  true  interest  of  the  Community,  he  did  suspect 
they  were  pushed  forward  upon  other  motives. 

And  to  conclude,  unless  the  Province  of  Pensilvania  is  both  able  and  willing  to  maintain  their 
land  pretensions  by  force  of  Arms  against  the  Indians,  Sir  William  Johnson  hath  not  altered  his 
opinion  but  doth  with  yet  stronger  degree  of  conviction  than  formerly,  humbly  offer  his  conception 
of  the  matter  in  the  same  words  as  before.  Namely,  "  that  the  most  effectual  method  of  producing 
tranquility  to  that  Province  would  be  a  Voluntary  and  open  Surrender  of  that  Deed  of  Sale,  to  fix 
with  the  Indians  in  the  best  manner  they  can,  the  bounds  for  their  settlements,  and  make  them  Gua- 
ranties to  it." 


Note. — See  further  on  this  subject,  The  Susquehannah  Title  Stated  and  Examined  in  a  Series  of 
Numbers  first  published  in  the  Western  Star  and  now  Re-published,  kc  Catskill  ;  by  Mackay  Croswell. 
1796. 


XVI. 

PAPERS 

RELATING  TO  THE 

(fatly  Settlement  at  ©gfoeusbtttcjl), 

NEW-YORK. 
17^9. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  A  MISSION  IN  THE  NEIGHBOURHOOD  OF  FORT  FRONTENAC.  APRIL  1750. 

[  Paris  Doc.  X.  ] 

A  large  number  of  the  Iroquois  Savages  having  declared  their  willingness  to  embrace  Christianity, 
it  has  been  proposed  to  establish  a  Mission  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Fort  Frontenac.  Abbe"  Picquetj 
a  zealous  Missionary  in  whom  the  nations  have  evinced  much  confidence  has  taken  charge  of  it,  and 
of  testing,  astnuch  as  possible  what  reliance  is  to  be  placed  on  the  disposition  of  the  Indians.1 

Nevertheless,  as  Mr  de  la  Gallisonniere  had  remarked  in  the  month  of  October,  one  thousand  seven 
hundred  and  forty  eight,  that  too  much  dependence  ought  not  to  be  placed  on  them,  Mr  de  la  Jon- 
quiere  was  written  to  on  the  fourth  of  May  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  forty  nine,  that  he 
should  neglect  nothing  for  the  formation  of  this  establishment,  because  if  it  at  all  succeeded  it  would 
not  be  difficult  to  give  the  Indians  to  understand  that  the  only  means  they  had  to  relieve  themselves 
of  the  pretensions  of  the  English  to  their  lands  is  the  destruction  of  Choueguen  which  they  founded 
solely  with  a  view  to  bridle  these  Nations ;  but  it  was  necessary  to  be  prudent  and  circumspect  to 
induce  the  Savages  to  undertake  it. 

31st  81,er  1719.  Mr.  de  la  Jonquiere  sends  a  plan  drawn  by  Sieur  de  Lery  of  the  ground  selected 
by  the  Abbe  Picquet  for  his  mission  and  a  letter  from  that  Abbe  contain ;,.ig  a  Relation  of  his  voyage 
and  the  situation  of  the  place. 

He  says  he  left  the  fourth  of  May  last  year  with  twenty -five  Frenchmen  and  four  Iroquois  Indians ; 
he  arrived  the  thirtieth  at  the  River  de  la  Presentation,  called  Soegatzy.  The  land  there  is  the  finest 
in  Canada.  There  is  Oak  timber  in  abundance,  and  trees  of  a  prodigious  size  and  height,  but  it  will 
be  necessary,  for  the  defence  of  the  settlement,  to  fell  them  without  permission.  Picquet  reserved 
sufficient  on  the  land  he  had  cleared  to  build  a  bark. 

He  then  set  about  building  a  storehouse  to  secure  his  effects  ;  he,  next,  had  erected  a  small  fort  of 
pickets  and  he  will  have  a  small  house  constructed  which  will  serve  as  a  bastion. 

Sieur  Picquet  had  a  special  interview  with  the  Indians  ;  they  were  satisfied  with  all  he  had  done ; 
and  assured  him  they  were  willing  to  follow  his  advice  and  to  immediately  establish  their  village. 
To  accomplish  this,  they  are  gone  to  regulate  their  affairs  and  have  promised  to  return  with  their 
provisions. 

The  situation  of  this  post  is  very  advantageous  ;  it  is  on  the  borders  of  the  River  de  la  Presentation, 
at  the  head  of  all  the  rapids,  on  the  west  side  of  a  beautiful  basin  formed  by  that  river,  capable  of 
easily  holding  forty  or  fifty  barks. 

In  all  parts  of  it  there  has  been  found  at  least  two  fathoms  and  a  half  of  water  and  often  four 
fathoms.  This  basin  is  so  located  that  no  wind  scarcely  can  prevent  its  being  entered.  The  bank  is 
very  low  in  a  level  country  the  point  of  winch  runs  far  out.    The  passage  across  is  hardly  a  quarter 

1  The  following  Extract  from  Paris  Doc.  X.,  furnishes  the  date  of  the  Abbo  Picquet's  departure  to  establish  his  colony 
on  the  Oswegatchie  River: — "  30  Sept.  1748.  The  Abbf  Picquet  departs  from  Quebec  for  Fort  Frontenac ;  he  is  to  look  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  that  Fort,  for  a  location  best  adapted  for  a  Tillage  for  the  Iroquois  of  the  Fiva  Nations  who  proposo 
to  embrace  Christianity." 


278 


EARLY  SETTLEMENT  AT  OGDENS BURGH. 


of  a  league,  and  all  the  canoes  going  up  or  clown, cannot  pass  elsewhere.  A  fort  on  this  point  would 
be  impregnable  ;  it  would  be  impossible  to  approach,  and  nothing  commands,  it.  The  east  side  is 
more  elevated,  and  runs  by  a  gradual  inclination  into  an  Amphitheatre.  A  beautiful  town  could 
hereafter  be  built  there. 

This  post  is,  moreover,  so  much  the  more  advantageous  as  the  English  and  Iroquois  can  easily 
descend  to  Montreal  by  the  River  de  la  Presentation  which  has  its  source  in  a  lake  bordering  on  the 
Mohawks  and  Collar.  If  they  take  possession  of  this  River  they  will  block  the  passive  iu  Fort 
Frontenac  and  more  easily  assist  Choueguen.  Whereas  by  means  of  a  Fort  at  the  Point,  it  would  be 
easy  to  have  a  force  there  in  case  of  need  to  despatch  to  Choueguen  and  to  intercept  the  English  and 
Indians  who  may  want  to  penetrate  into  the  Colony,  and  the  voyage  to  Missilimakinac  could  be  niade 
in  safety. 

Moreover,  this  establishment  is  only  thirty-live  leagues  from  Montreal ;  twenty -five  from  Fort 
Frontenac  and  thirty  three  from  Choueguen a  distance  sufficient  to  remove  the  Indians  from  the 
disorders  which  the  proximity  of  Forts  and  Towns  ordinarily  engenders  among  them.  It  is  conve- 
nient for  the  reception  of  the  Lake  Ontario,  and  more  distant,  Indians.  m 

Abbe  Picquet's  views  are  to  accustom  these  Indians  to  raise  Cows,  Hogs  and  Poultry  ;  there  are 
beautiful  prairies,  acorns  and  wild  oats. 

On  the^other  hand  it  can  be  so  regulated  that  the  batteaux  carrying  goods  to  the  posts,  may  stop 
at  La  Presentation.  The  cost  of  freight  would  become  smaller  ;  men  could  be  found  to  convey  those 
batteaux  @  fifteen  to  twenty  livres  instead  of  forty-five  and  fifty  livres  which  arc  given  for  the  whole 
voyage.  Other  batteaux  of  La  Presentation  would  convey  them  farther  on,  and  the  first  would  take 
in  return  plank,  boards  and  other  timber,  abundant  there.  This  timber  would  not  come  to  more 
than  twelve  @  fifteen  livres,  whilst  they  are  purchased  at  sixty-eight  livres  at  Montreal  and  some- 
times more.  Eventually  this  post  will  be  able  to  supply  Fort  Frontenac  with  provisions  which  will 
save  the  King  considerable  expense. 

The  Abbe  Picquet  adds  hi  his  letter,  that  he  examined  in  his  voyage  the  nature  of  the  rapids  of 
tiie  Fort  Frontenac  river,  very  important  to  secure  to  us  the  possession  of  Lake  Ontario  on  which 
the  English  have  an  eye.  The  most  dangerous  of  those  rapids,  in  number  fourteen,  are  the  Trou 
(the  Hole)  and  the  Buisson  (the  Thicket).  Abbe  Picquet  points  out  a  mode  of  rendering  this  River 
navigable  ;  and  to  meet  the  expense  he  proposes  a  tax  of  ten  livres  on  each  canoe  sent  up  and  an 
ecu  (fifty  cents)  on  each  of  the  crew,  which  according  to  him  will  produce  three  thousand  livres,  a 
sum  sufficient  for  the  workmen. 

Mess1'3  de  la  Jonquitfre  and  Eigot  remark  that  they  find  this  establishment  necessary  as  well  as  the 
erection  of  a  saw  mill,  as  it  will  diminish  the  expense  in  the  purchase  of  timber ;  but  as  regards  the 
Rapids  they  will  verily  them  in  order  to  ascertain  if  in  fact  the  river  can  be  rendered  navigable  and 
they  will  send  an  estimate  of  the  works. 

They  have  caused  five  cannon  of  two  pound  calibre  to  be  sent  to  Abbe  Picquet  for  his  little  fort 
so  as  to  give  confidence  to  his  Indians  and  to  persuade  them  that  they  will  be  in  security  there. 

M.  de  la  Jonquiere  in  particular  says,  he  will  see  if  the  proprietors  of  batteaux  would  contribute 
to  the  expense  necessary  to  be  incurred  for  the  Rapids  ;  but  he  asks  that  convicts  from  the  galleys 
<>r  people  out  of  work  {gens  inutilcs)  be  sent  every  year  to  him  to  cultivate  the  ground.  He  is  in 
want  of  men,  and  the  few  he  has  exact  high  wages. 

1st  8ber,  1749.  Mr.  Eigot  also  sends  a  special  memoir  ol  the  expense  incurred  by  Abbe  Picquet 
for  improvements  (defrichemens)  amounting  to  three  thousand  four  hundred  and  eighty  five  livres 

1  Ogdcnsburgh  is  105  miles  from  Montreal  |  80  from  Kingston,  Can.,  and  about  90  from  Oswego.  The  distances  laid  down 
in  the  Text  aro  very  accurate,  considering  the  time  and  the  circumstances. 


EARLY  SETTLEMENT  AT  OGDENSBUHGH. 


279 


t  en  sous.1  Provisions  were  also  furnished  him  for  himself  and  workmen,  and  this  settlement  is  only 
commenced.  M.  de  la  Jonquiere  cannot  dispense  with  sending  an  officer  there  and  some  soldiers. 
Sieur  de  la  Morandiere,  Engineer,  is  to  be  sent  there  this  winter  to  draw  out  a  plan  of  quarters  for 
these  soldiers  and  a  store  for  provisions,  if  there  be  not  a  garrison  at  that  post,  a  considerable  foreign 
trade  will  be  carried  on  there. 

7th  Qber  1749.  Since  all  these  letters  M.  de  la  Jonquiere  has  written  another  in  which  he  states 
that  M.  de  Longueuil  informed  him  that  a  band  of  Savages  believed  to  be  Mohawks  liad  attacked 
Sieur  Picquet's  Mission  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  October  last — that  Sieur  de  Vassau,  commandant  of 
Fort  Frontenac,  had  sent  a  detachment  thither  which  could  not  prevent  the  burning  of  two  vessels 
loaded  with  hay  and  the  palisades  of  the  fort.    Abbe  Picquet's  house  alone  was  saved. 

The  loss  by  this  fire  is  considerable.  It  would  have  been  greater  were  it  not  Ibr  four  Abenakis 
who  furnished  on  this  occasion  a  proof  of  their  fidelity.  The  man  named  Pedreaux  had  half  the 
hand  carried  away.  His  arm  had  to  be  cut  off.  One  of  the  Abenakis  received  the  discharge  of  a 
gun  the  ball  of  which  remained  in  his  blanket. 

M.  de  Longueuil  has  provided  everything  necessary.  M.  de  la  Jonquiere  gave  him  orders  to  have 
a  detachment  of  ten  soldiers  sent  there,  and  he  will  take  measures,  next  spring,  to  secure  that  post. 
M.  de  la  Jonquiere  adds  that  the  Savages  were  instigated  to  this  attack  by  the  English.  The  Iro- 
quois who  were  on  a  complimentary  visit  at  Montreal  were  surprized  at  it  and  assured  M.  de  Lon- 
gueuil that  it  could  only  be  Colonel  Amson  [Johnson?]  who  could  have  induced  them.  He  omitted 
nothing  to  persuade  those  same  Iroquois  to  undertake  this  expedition  and  to  prevent  them  going  to 
compliment  the  Governor,  having  offered  them  Belts  which  they  refused. 


COL.  JOHNSON  TO  GOV.  CLINTON,  18  AUG.  1750. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XXTX.  ] 

The  next  thing  of  consequence  he  (an  Indian  Sachem)  told  me  was,  that  he  had  heard  from 
several  Indians  that  the  Governor  had  given  orders  to  the  Priest  who  is  now  settled  below  Cadaraqui 
to  use  all  means  possible  to  induce  the  five  Nations  to  settle  there,  for  which  end  they  have  a  large 
magazine  of  all  kinds  of  clothing  fitted  for  Indians  as  also  Arms,  Ammunition  Provision  See  which 
they  distribute  very  liberally. 


THE  SAME  TO  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE,  28  AUG.  1756. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XXXIII.  ] 

The  Onnondagas  and  Oneidas  are  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Swegatchie  a  French  settlement  on  the 
River  St.  Lawrence,  whither  numbers  of  those  two  Nations  have  of  late  years  been  debauched  and 
gone  to  live.    Tho'  our  Indians  do  not  now  resort  to  those  places  as  frequently  and  familiarly  as 

1  Equal  to  $653.23. 


280  EARLY  SETTLEMENT  AT  OGDENSBURGH. 

they  formerly  did,  yet  some  among  them  do  occasionally  visit  there,  when  the  French  and  the  Indians 
in  their  interest  poison  the  minds  of  ours  with  stories  not  only  to  the  disadvantage  of  our  good 
intentions  towards  them,  but  endeavour  to  frighten  them  with  pompous  accounts  of  the  superior 
prowess  and  martial  abilities  of  the  French. 


BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCH  OF  THE  REV.  ABBE  PICQUET. 

[  Abridged  from  Leitres  Edifiantes  et  Curieuses,  XIV.  ] 

Francois  Picquet,  doctor  of  the  Sorbonne,  King's  Missionary  and  Prefect  Apostolic  to  Canada 
was  born  at  Bourg  in  Breese  on  the  6th  December,  1708  ...  As  early  as  the  seventeenth  year 
of  his  age,  he  successfully  commenced  the  functions  of  a  missionary  in  his  country  and  at  twenty 
years  the  Bishop  of  Sinope,  Suffragan  of  the  Diocese  of  Lyon,  gave  him,  by  a  nattering  exception, 
permission  to  preach  in  all  the  parishes  of  Breese  aud  Franche-Conite"  which  depended  on  his  diocese. 
The  enthusiasm  of  his  new  state  rendered  him  desirous  to  go  to  Rome,  but  the  Archbishop  of  Lyons 
advised  him  to  study  theology  at  Paris.  He  followed  this  advice  and  entered  the  Congregation  of 
Saint  Sulpice.  The  direction  of  the  new  converts  was  soon  proposed  to  him  ;  but  the  activity  of  his 
zeal  induced  him  to  seek  a  wider  field,  and  led  him  beyond  the  seas  in  1733,  to  the  Missions  of 
North  America  where  he  remained  thirty  years,  and  where  his  constitution  debilitated  by  labor, 
acquired  a  force  and  vigor  which  secured  for  him  a  robust  health  to  the  end  of  his  life. 

M.  Picquet  was  among  the  first  to  foresee  the  war  which  sprung  up  about  1742  between  the  English 
and  the  French.  He  prepared  himself  lor  it  a  long  time  beforehand.  He  began  by  drawing  to  his 
Mission  (at  the  Lake  of  the  Two  Mountains)  all  the  French  scattered  in  the  vicinity,  to  strengthen 
themselves  and  afford  more  liberty  to  the  savages.  These  furnished  all  the  necessary  detachments  ; 
they  were  continually  on  the  frontiers  to  spy  the  enemy's  movements.  M.  Picquet  learned,  by  one 
of  these  detachments  that  the  English  were  making  warlike  preparations  at  Sarasto  [Saratoga?]  and 
were  pushing  their  settlements  up  to  Lake  St.  Sacrement.1  He  informed  the  General  of  the  circum- 
stance and  proposed  to  him  to  send  a  body  of  troops  there  at  least  to  intimidate  the  enemy,  if  we 
could  do  no  more.  The  expedition  was  formed.  M.  Picquet  accompanied  M.  Marin  who  com- 
manded this  detachment.  They  burnt  the  fort,  the  Lydius  establishments,2  several  saw  mills,  the 
planks,  boards  and  other  building  timber,  the  stock  of  supplies,  provisions,  the  herds  of  cattle  along 
nearly  fifteen  leagues  of  settlement  and  made  one  hundred  and  forty  five  prisoners  without  having 
lost  a  single  Frenchman  or  without  having  any  even  wounded.3  This  expedition  alone  prevented 
the  English  undertaking  anything  at  that  side  d  uing  the  war. 

Peace  having  been  re-established  in  1718,  our  Missionary  occupied  himself  with  the  means  of 
remedying,  for  the  future,  the  inconveniences  which  he  had  witnessed.  The  road  he  saw  taken  by 
the  Savages  and  other  parties  of  the  enemy  sent  by  the  English  against  us,  caused  him  to  select  a 

1  "\  am  building  a  Fort  at  this  Lake  which  the  French  call  Lake  St.  Sacrement,  but  I  have  given  it  the  name  of  Lake  George, 
not  only  in  honour  to  his  Majesty  but  to  ascertain  his  undoubted  dominion  nere."  Sir  William  Jvhnson  to  the  Board  of  Trade, 
Sep'..  3d,  1755.    Lond.  Dot.  xxxii.,  178. 

2  Now  Fort  Edward,  Washington  County. 

3  "  I  received  an  account  on  the  19th  inst.,  by  ex-press  from  Albany,  that  a  party  of  French  and  their  Indians  had  cut  off 
a  settlement  in  this  Province  called  Saraghtoge,  about  fifty  miles  from  Albanv,  and  that  about  twenty  houses  with  a  Fort 
(which  the  publick  would  not  repair)  were  burned  to  ashes,  thirty  persons  killed  and  scalped  and  about  sixty  taken  prisoner* . 
Quo.  CUntjn  to  the  Board,  30  Nov.  1745.    Lind.  Doc.  xxvii.,  187,  235. 


EARLY  SETTLEMENT  AT  OGDENSBURGII. 


281 


post  which  could,  hereafter,  intercept  the  passage  of  the  English.  He  proposed  to  M.  de  la  Calisso- 
niere  to  make  a  settlement  of  the  Mission  of  La  Presentation,  near  Lake  Ontario,  an  establishment 
which  succeded  beyond  his  hopes,  and  has  been  the  most  useful  of  all  those  of  Canada. 

Mr.  Rouille,  Minister  of  the  Marine  wrote  on  the  4th  May  1749;  "A  large  number  of  Iroquois 
having  declared  that  they  were  desirous  of  embracing  Christianity,  it  has  been  proposed  to  establish 
a  Mission  towards  Fort  Frontenac  in  order  to  attract  the  greatest  number  possible  thither.  It  is 
Abbe  Picquet,  a  zealous  Missionary  and  in  whom  these  Nations  seem  to  have  confidence,  who  has 
been  entrusted  with  this  negotiation.  He  was  to  have  gone  last  year,  to  select  a  suitable  site  for  the 
establishment  of  the  Mission,  and  verify  as  precisely  as  was  possible  what  can  be  depended  upon 
relative  to  the  dispositions  of  these  same  nations.  In  a  letter  of  the  5,h  October  last,  M.  de  la  Gal- 
lisonniere  stated  that  though  an  entire  confidence  cannot  be  placed  in  those  they  have  manifested,  it 
is  notwithstanding  of  so  much  importance  to  succeed  in  dividing  them,  that  nothing  must  be  neglected 
that  can  contribute  to  it.  It  is  for  this  reason  that  His  Majesty  desires  you  shall  prosecute  the  design 
of  the  proposed  settlement.  If  it  could  attain  a  certain  success,  it  would  not  be  difficult  then  to 
make  the  savages  understand  that  the  only  means  of  extricating  themselves  from  the  pretensions  of 
the  English  to  them  and  their  lands,  is  to  destroy  Choueguen,1  so  as  to  deprive  them  thereby  of  a 
Post  which  they  established  chiefly  with  a  view  to  control  their  tribes.  This  destruction  is  of  such 
great  importance,  both  as  regards  our  possessions  and  the  attachment  of  the  savages  and  their  Trade, 
that  it  is  proper  to  use  every  means  to  engage  the  Iroquois  to  undertake  it.  This  is  actually  the  only 
means  that  can  be  employed, but  you  must  feel  that  it  requires  much  prudence  and  circumspection." 

Mr.  Picquet  eminently  possessed  the  qualities  requisite  to  effect  the  removal  of  the  English  from 
our  neighbourhood.  Therefore  the  General,  the  Intendant,  and  the  Bishop  deferred  absolutely  to 
him  in  the  selection  of  the  settlement  for  this  new  Mission,  and  despite  the  efforts  of  those  who  had 
opposite  interests,  he  was  entrusted  with  the  undertaking. 

The  Fort  of  La  Presentation  is  situated  at  302  deg.  40  min.  Longitude,  and  at  44  deg.  50  min. 
Latitude  on  the  Presentation  River,  which  the  Indians  name  Soegasti,  uiirty  leagues  above  Mont- 
Real  ;  fifteen  leagues  from  Lake  Ontario  or  Lake  Frontenac,  which  with  Lake  Champlain  gives  rise- 
to  the  River  St.  Laurence ;  1 5  leagues  west  of  the  source  of  the  River  Hudson  which  falls  into  the 
sea  at  New  York.  Fort  Frontenac  had  been  built  near  there  in  1671,  to  arrest  the  incursions  of  the 
English  and  the  Iroquois ;  the  bay  served  as  a  port  for  the  Mercantile  and  Military  Marine  which 
had  been  formed  there  on  that  sort  of  sea  where  the  tempests  are  as  frequent  and  as  dangerous  as  on 
the  ocean.  But  the  Post  of  La  Presentation  appeared  still  more  important,  because  the  harbour  is 
very  good,  the  river  freezes  there  rarely,  the  barks  can  leave  with  northern,  eastern  and  southern 
winds,  the  lands  are  excellent,  and  that  quarter  can  be  fortified  most  advantageously. 

Besides,  that  Mission  was  adapted  by  its  situation  to  reconcile  to  us  the  Iroquois  savages  of  the 
Five  Nations  who  inhabit  between  Virginia  and  Lake  Ontario.  The  Marquis  of  Beauharnois  and 
afterwards  M.  de  la  Jonquiere,  Governor  General  of  New  FrarfCe,  were  very  desirous  that  we  should 
occupy  it,  especially  at  a  time  when  English  jealousy  irritated  by  a  war  of  many  years,  sought  to 
alienate  from  us  the  Tribes  of  Canada. 

This  establishment  was  as  if  the  key  of  the  Colony, because  the  English,  French  and  Upper  Canada 
savages  could  not  pass  elsewhere  than  under  the  cannon  of  Fort  Presentation  when  coming  down 
from  the  South;  the  Iroquois  to  the  South  and  the  Micissagues  to  the  North  were  within  its  reach. 
Thus  it  eventually  succeeded  in  collecting  them  together  from  over  a  distance  of  one  hundred 
leagues.  The  officers,  interpreters  and  traders,  notwithstanding,  then  regarded  that  establishment  as 
chimerical.    Envy  and  opposition  had  effected  its  failure  had  it  not  been  for  the  firmness  of  the  Abbe 


[Voi.  I.] 


1  Ciwego. 

36 


282 


EARLY  SETTLEMENT  AT  OGDENSBURGH. 


Picquet  supported  by  that  of  the  Administration.  This  establishment  served  to  protect,  aid,  and 
comfort  the  Posts  already  erected  on  Lake  Ontario.  The  Barks  and  Canoes  for  the  Transportation 
of  the  King's  effects  could  be  constructed  thereat  a  third  less  expense  than  elsewhere  because  timber 
is  in  greater  quantity  and  more  accessible,  especially  when  M.  Picquet  had  had  a  saw  mill  erected 
there  for  preparing  and  manufacturing  the  timber.  In  line  lie  could  establish  a  very  important  set- 
tlement for  the  French  Colonists  and  a  point  of  reunion  for  Europeans  and  savages,  where  they  would 
find  themselves  very  convenient  to  the  hunting  and  fishing  in  the  upper  part  of  Canada. 

M.  Picquet  left  with  a  detachment  of  soldiers,  mechanics  and  some  savages.  He  placed  himself 
at  first  in  as  great  security  as  possible  against  the  insults  of  the  enemy,  which  availed  him  ever  since. 
On  the  20"'  October  1749,  he  had  built  a  Fort  of  palisades,  a  house,  a  barn,  a  stable,  a  redoubt  and 
an  oven.  He  had  lands  cleared  for  the  savages.  His  improvements  were  estimated  as  thirty  to  forty 
thousand  livres,  but  he  introduced  as  much  judgment  as  economy.  He  animated  the  workmen  and 
they  laboured  from  three  o'clock  in  the  morning  until  nine  at  night.  As  for  himself  his  disinterest- 
edness was  extreme.  He  received  at  that  time  neither  allowance  nor  presents ;  he  supported  himself 
by  his  industry  and  credit.  From  the  King  he  had  but  one  ration  of  two  pounds  of  bread  and  one 
half  pound  of  pork,  which  made  the  savages  say,  when  they  brought  him  a  Buck  and  some  Part- 
ridges, "We  doubt  not,  Father,  but  that  there  have  been  disagreeable  expostulations  in  your  stomach, 
because  you  have  had  nothing  but  pork  to  eat.  Here's  something  to  put  your  affairs  in  order."  The 
hunters  furnished  him  wherewithal  to  support  the  Frenchmen, and  to  treat  the  Generals  occasionally. 
The  savages  brought  him  trout  weighing  as  many  as  eighty  pounds. 

When  the  Court  had  granted  him  a  pension  he  employed  it  only  for  the  benefit  for  his  establish- 
ment. At  first,  he  had  six  heads  of  families  in  1749,  eighty-seven  the  year  following,  and  three 
hundred  and  ninety-six  in  1751.  All  these  were  of  the  most  antient  and  most  influential  families, 
so  that  this  Mission  was,  from  that  time  sufficiently  powerful  to  attach  the  Five  Nations  to  us,  amount- 
ing to  twenty -five  thousand  inhabitants,  and  he  reckoned  as  many  as  three  thousand  in  his  Colony. 
By  attaching  the  Iroquois  Cantons  to  France  and  establishing  them  fully  in  our  interest,  we  were 
certain  of  having  nothing  to  fear  from  the  other  savage  tribes  and  thus  a  limit  could  be  put  to  the 
ambition  of  the  English.  Mr.  Picquet  took  considerable  advantage  of  the  peace  to  increase  that 
settlement,  and  he  carried  it  in  less  than  four  years  to  the  most  desirable  perfection,  despite  of  the 
contradictions  that  he  had  to  combat  against ;  the  obstacles  he  had  to  surmount ;  the  jibes  and  unbe- 
coming jokes  which  he  was  obliged  to  bear ;  but  his  happiness  and  glory  suffered  nothing  therefrom. 
People  saw  with  astonishment  several  villages  start  up  almost  at  once ;  a  convenient,  habitable  and 
pleasantly  situated  tort ;  vast  clearances  covered  almost  at  the  same  time  with  the  finest  maize.  More 
than  five  hundred  families,  still  all  infidels,  who  congregated  there,  soon  rendered  this  settlement  the 
most  beautiful,  the  most  charming  and  the  most  abundant  of  the  Colony.  Depending  on  it  were  La 
Presentation,  La  Galette,  Suegatzf,  L'isle  au  Galop,  and  L'isle  Picquet  in  the  River  St.  Lawrence. 
There  were  in  the  Fort,  seven  small«tone  guns  and  eleven  four  to  six  pounders. 

The  most  distinguished  of  the  Iroquois  families  were  distributed  at  La  Presentation  in  three  vil- 
lages :  that  which  adjoined  the  French  fort  contained,  in  1754,  forty-nine  bark  cabins  some  of  which 
were  from  sixty  to  eighty  feet  long  and  accommodated  three  to  lour  families.  The  place  pleased 
them  on  account  of  the  abundance  of  hunting  and  fishing.  This  Mission  could  no  doubt  be  increased, 
but  cleared  land  sufficient  to  allow  all  the  families  to  plant  and  to  aid  them  to  subsist  would  be 

necessary  and  each  Tribe  should  have  a  separate  location  The  Bishop  of  Quebec 

wishing  to  witness  and  assure  himself  personally  of  the  wonders  related  to  him  of  the  establishment 
at  La  Presentation  went  thither  in  1749,  accompanied  by  some  Officers,  royal  interpreters,  Priests 
from  other  Missions  and  several  other  clergymen,  and  spent  ten  days  examining  and  causing  the 


1 


» 


EARLY  SETTLEMENT  AT  OGDENSBURGII.  283 

Catechumens  to  be  examined.  He  himself  baptized  one  hundred  and  thirty-two,  and  did  not  cease 
during  his  sojourn,  blessing  Heaven  for  the  progress  of  Religion  among  these  Infidels. 

Scarcely  were  they  baptized  when  M.  Picket  determined  to  give  them  a  form  of  Government.  He 
established  a  Council  of  Twelve  Ancients ;  chose  the  most  influential  among  the  Five  Nations ; 
brought  them  to  Mont-Real  where  at  the  hands  of  the  Marquis  Du  Quesne  they  took  the  Oath  of 
Allegiance  to  the  King  to  the  great  astonishment  of  the  whole  Colony  where  no  person  dared  to  hope 
for  such  an  event. 

In  the  month  of  June  1751,  M.  Picquet  made  a  voyage  around  Lake  Ontario  with  a  King's  Canoe 
and  one  of  Bark  in  which  he  had  five  trusty  Savages,  with  the  design  of  attracting  some  Indian 
families  to  the  new  settlement  of  La  Presentation.  There  is  a  memoir,  among  his  papers  on  the 
subject,  from  which  it  is  proposed  to  give  an  extract. 

He  visited  Fort  Frontenac  or  Cataracoui,  situate  twelve  leagues  west  of  La  Presentation.  He 
found  no  Indians  there  though  it  was  formerly  the  rendezvous  of  the  Five  Nations.  The  bread  and 
milk,  there,  were  bad ;  they  had  not  even  brandy  there  to  staunch  a  wound.    Arrived  at  a  point  of 

Lake  Ontario  called  Kaoi,  he  found  a  runaway  there  from  Virginia  At  the  Ray  of 

Quint6  he  visited  the  site  of  the  antient  Mission  which  M.  Dollieres  de  Kleus  and  Abbe"  D'Urfe, 
priests  of  the  Saint  Sulpice  Seminary  had  established  there.  The  quarter  is  beautiful  but  the  land 
is  not  good.  He  visited  Fort  Toronto,  seventy  leagues  from  Fort  Frontenac,  at  the  West  end  of  Lake 
Ontario.  He  found  good  Bread  and  good  Wine  there,  and  every  tiling  requisite  for  the  trade,  whilst 
they  were  in  want  of  these  at  all  the  other  posts.  He  found  Mississagues  there  who  flocked  around 
him ;  they  spoke  first  of  the  happiness  their  young  people,  the  women  and  children  would  feel  if  the 
King  would  be  as  good  to  them  as  to  the  Iroquois  for  whom  he  procured  Missionaries.  They  com- 
plained that  instead  of  building  a  church,  they  had  constructed  only  a  canteen  for  them.  M.  Picquet 
did  not  allow  them  to  finish  and  answered  them  that  they  had  been  treated  according  to  their  fancy ; 
that  they  had  never  evinced  the  least  zeal  for  religion  ;  that  their  conduct  was  much  opposed  to  it ; 
that  the  Iroquois  on  the  contrary  had  manifested  their  love  for  Christianity,  but  as  he  had  no  order 
to  attract  them  to  his  Mission,  he  avoided  a  more  lengthy  explanation. 

He  passed  thence  to  Niagara.  He  examined  the  situation  of  that  fort,  not  having  any  savages  to 
whom  he  could  speak.  It  is  well  located  for  defence  not  being  commanded  from  any  point.  The 
view  extends  to  a  great  distance ;  they  have  the  advantage  of  the  landing  of  all  the  canoes  and  barks 
which  land  and  are  in  safety  there.  But  the  rain  was  washing  the  soil  away  by  degrees,  notwith- 
standing the  vast  expence  which  the  King  incurred  to  sustain  it.  M.  Picquet  was  of  opinion  that 
the  space  between  the  land  and  the  wharf  might  be  filled  in  so  as  to  support  it  and  make  a  glacis 
there.  This  place  was  important  as  a  Trading  post  and  as  securing  possession  of  the  Carrying  place, 
Niagara  and  Lake  Ontario. 

From  Niagara,  Mr.  Picquet  went  to  the  Carrying  place  which  is  six  leagues  from  that  Post.  He 
visited  on  the  same  day  the  famous  Fall  of  Niagara  by  which  the  four  Great  Canada  lakes  discharge 
themselves  into  Lake  Ontario.  This  Cascade  is  as  prodigious  by  its  height  and  the  quantity  of  water 
which  falls  there, as  by  the  variety  of  its  falls  which  are  to  the  number  of  six  principal  ones  divided 
by  a  small  island,  leaving  three  to  the  North  and  three  to  the  South.  They  produce  of  themselves  a 
singular  symmetry  and  wonderful  effect.  He  measured  the  height  of  one  of  those  falls  from  the 
south  side,  and  he  found  it  about  one  hundred  and  forty  feet. 1  The  establishment  at  this  Carrying 
place,  the  most  important  in  a  commercial  point  of  view  was  the  worst  stocked.  The  Indians,  who 
came  there  in  great  numbers,  were  in  the  best  disposition  to  trade,but  not  finding  what  they  wanted, 
they  went  to  Choueguen  or  Choeguen  [Oswego]  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  of  the  same  name.  M. 


1  These  are  French  feet.    The  falls  on  the  American  side  are  164  feet  high.— Burr's  Atlas,  Introd.  p.  31. 


• 


284  EARLY  SETTLEMENT  AT  OGDENSBURGH. 

Picquet  counted  there  as  many  as  fifty  canoes.  There  was  notwithstanding  at  Niagara  a  Trading 
House  where  the  Commandant  and  Trader  lodged,  but  it  was  too  small,  and  the  King's  property  was 
not  safe  there. 

M.  Picquet  negotiated  with  the  Senecas  w  ho  promised  to  repair  to  his  Mission  and  gave  him  twelve 
children  as  hostages,  saying  to  him  that  their  parents  had  nothing  dearer  to  them  and  followed  him 

immediately,  as  well  as  the  Chief  of  the  Little  Rapid  with  all  his  family  He  set  out 

with  all  those  Savages  to  return  to  Fort  Niagara.  M.  Chabert  de  Joncaire  would  not  abandon  him. 
At  eacli  place  where  they  encountered  camps, cabins  and  entrepots, they  were  saluted  with  musquetry 
by  the  Indians  who  never  ceased  testifying  their  consideration  for  the  Missionary.  M.  Picquet  took 
the  lead  with  the  Savages  of  the  hills  ;  Messrs  Joncaire  and  Rigouille  following  with  the  recruits.  He 
embarked  witli  thirty-nine  Savages  in  his  large  canoe  and  was  received  on  arriving  at  the  fort  with 
the  greatest  ceremony,  even  with  the  discharge  of  cannon  which  greatly  pleased  the  Indians.  On 
the  iuorrow  he  assembled  the  Senecas,  for  the  first  time,  in  the  chapel  of  the  Fort  for  religious  ser- 
vices. 

M.  Picquet  returned  along  the  south  coast  of  Lake  Ontario.  Alongside  of  Chocguen,  a  young 
Seneca  met  her  Uncle  who  was  coming  from  his  village  with  his  w  ife  and  children.  This  young  girl 
spoke  so  well  to  her  Uncle,  though  she  had  but  little  knowledge  of  Religion  that  lie  promised  to  re- 
pair to  La  Presentation  early  the  follow  ing  spring,  and  that  he  hoped  to  gain  over  also  seven  other 
cabins  of  Senecas  of  which  he  was  chief.  Twenty-five  leagues  from  Niagara  he  visited  the  River 
Gascouchagou1  where  he  met  a  number  of  Rattlesnakes.  The  young  Indians  jumped  into  the  midst 
of  them  and  killed  forty-two  without  having  been  bitten  by  any. 

He  next  visited  the  Falls  of  this  River.  The  first  which  appear  in  sight  in  ascending  resemble 
much  the  great  Cascade  at  Saint  Cloud,  except  that  they  have  not  been  ornamented  and  do  not  seem 
so  high,  but  they  possess  natural  beauties  which  render  them  very  curious.  The  second,  a  quarter 
of  a  mile  higher,  are  less  considerable,  yet  are  remarkable.  The  third,  also  a  quarter  of  a  league 
higher,  has  beauties  truly  admirable  by  its  curtains  and  falls  which  form  also,  as  at  Niagara,  a  charm- 
ing proportion  and  variety.  They  may  be  one  hundred  and  some  feet  high.3  In  the  intervals  be- 
tween the  falls,  there  are  a  hundred  little  cascades  which  present  likewise  a  curious  spectacle  •  and 
if  the  altitudes  of  each  chute  were  joined  together,  and  they  made  but  one  as  at  Niagara,  the  height 
would,  perhaps,  be  four  hundred  feet ;  but  there  is  four  times  less  water  than  at  the  Niagara  Fall 
which  will  cause  the  latter  to  pass,  for  ever,  as  a  Wonder  perhaps  unique  in  the  World. 

The  English  to  throw  disorder  into  this  new  levy  sent  a  good  deal  of  brandy.  Some  savages  did, 
in  fact  get  drunk  whom  M.  Picquet  could  not  bring  along.  He  therefore  desired  much  that  Choegucn 
were  destroyed  and  the  English  prevented  rebuilding  it;  and  in  order  that  we  should  be  absolutely 
masters  of  the  south  side  of  Lake  Ontario,  he  proposed  erecting  a  Fort  near  there  at  the  bay  of  the 
Cayugas3  which  would  make  a  very  good  harbour  and  furnish  very  fine  anchorage.  No  place  is 
better  adapted  for  a  Fort. 

He  examined  attentively  the  Fort  of  Choeguen,  a  post  the  most  pernicious  to  France  that  the 
English  could  erect.  It  was  commanded  almost  from  all  sides  and  could  be  very  easily  approached 
in  time  of  war.  It  was  a  two  story  very  lowr  building ;  decked  like  a  ship  and  surmounted  on  the 
top  by  a  gallery;  the  whole  was  surrounded  by  a  stone  wall,  flanked  only  with  two  bastions  at  the 
side  towards  the  nearest  hill.  Two  batteries  each  of  three  twelve  pounders,  would  have  been  more 
than  sufficient  to  reduce  that  establishment  to  ashes.    It  was  prejudicial  to  us  by  the  facility  it  af- 

1  The  Genesee  River.  In  nelin's  Map  of  Parlie  Otcidtntalc  de  la  NowtUt  France,  1755  (No.  992  W.  C.  State  Lib.)  it  is  de- 
icribcil  as  a  "  Kivcr  unknown  to  Geographer*,  filled  with  Rapids  and  Waterfalls." 

2  The  highest  fall  on  the  river  is  lUj  feet. 
3Sodus bay. 


EARLY  SETTLEMENT  AT  OGDENSBURGH. 


285 


forded  the  English  of  communicating  with  all  the  tribes  of  Canada  still  more  than  by  the  trade  car- 
ried on  there  as  well  by  the  French  of  the  Colony  as  by  the  savages  :  for  Choeguen  was  supplied  with 
merchandize  adapted  only  to  the  French,  at  least  as  much  as  with  what  suited  to  the  savages,  a  cir- 
cumstance that  indicated  an  illicit  trade.  Had  the  Minister's  orders  been  executed,  the  Choeguen 
trade  at  least  with  the  savages  of  Upper  Canada  would  be  almost  ruined.  But  it  was  necessary  to 
supply  Niagara,  especially  the  Portage,  rather  than  Toronto.  The  difference  between  the  two  first 
of  these  posts  and  the  last  is,  that  three  or  four  hundred  canoes  could  come  loaded  with  furs  to  the 
Portage,  and  that  no  canoes  could  go  to  Toronto  except  those  which  cannot  pass  before  Niagara  and 
to  Fort  Frontenac,  such  as  the  Otaois  of  the  head  of  the  Lake  (Fond  du  Lac)  and  the  Mississa°ues  • 
so  that  Toronto  could  not  but  diminish  the  trade  of  these  two  antient  posts,  which  would  have  been 
sufficient  to  stop  all  the  savages  had  the  stores  been  furnished  with  goods  to  their  liking.  There  was 
a  wish  to  imitate  the  English  in  the  trifles  they  sold  the  savages  such  a  silver  bracelets  etc.  The  In- 
dians compared  &  weighed  them,  as  the  storekeeper  at  Niagara  stated,  and  the  Choeguen  bracelets 
which  were  found  as  heavy, of  a  purer  silver  and  more  elegant, did  not  cost  them  two  beavers,  whilst 
those  at  the  King's  post  wanted  to  sell  them  for  ten  beavers.  Thus  we  were  discredited,  and  this  silver 
ware  remained  a  pure  loss  in  the  King's  stores.  French  brandy  was  preferred  to  the  English,  but 
that  did  not  prevent  the  Indians  going  to  Choeguen.  To  destroy  the  Trade  the  King's  posts  ought 
to  have  been  supplied  with  the  same  goods  as  Choeguen  and  at  the  same  price.  The  French  ought 
also  have  been  forbidden  to  send  the  domiciliated  Indians  thither  :  but  that  would  have  been  very 
dfficult. 

Mr.  Picquet  next  returned  to  Frontenac.  Never  was  a  reception  more  imposing.  The  Nipissings 
and  Algonquins  who  were  going  to  war  with  M.  de  Bellestre,  drew  up  in  a  line  of  their  own  accord 
above  Fort  Frontenac  where  three  standards  were  hoisted.  They  fired  several  volleys  of  musketry 
and  cheered  incessantly.  They  were  answered  in  the  same  style  from  all  the  little  craft  of  bark. 
M.  de  Verchere  and  M.  de  la  Valtrie  caused  the  guns  of  the  Fort  to  be  discharged  at  the  same  time, 
and  the  Indians  transported  with  joy  at  the  honors  paid  them  also  kv  ot  up  a  continual  fire  with 
shouts  and  acclamations  which  made  every  one  rejoice.  The  commandants  and  officers  received  our 
Missionary  at  the  landing.  No  sooner  had  he  debarked  than  all  the  Algoquins  and  Nipissings  of  the 
Lake  came  to  embrace  him,  saying  that  they  had  been  told  that  the  English  had  arrested  him,  and 
had  that  news  been  confirmed  they  would  soon  have  themselves  relieved  him.  Finally  when  he 
returned  to  La  Presentation,  he  was  received  with  that  affection,  that  tenderness  which  children 
would  experience  in  recovering  a  father  whom  they  had  lost. 

War  was  no  sooner  declared  in  1754  than  the  new  children  of  God,  of  the  King  and  of  M.  Picquet, 
thought  only  of  giving  fresh  proofs  of  their  fidelity  and  valor,  as  those  of  the  Lake  of  the  Two  Moun- 
tains had  done  in  the  war  preceding.  The  generals  were  indebted  to  M.  Picquet  for  the  destruction 
of  all  the  Forts  as  well  on  the  river  Corlac  (Corlear)  as  on  that  of  Choeguen.  His  Indians  distin- 
guished themselves  especially  at  Fort  George  on  Lake  Ontario  where  the  warriors  of  La  Presentation 
alone  with  their  bark  canoes  destroyed  the  English  fleet  commanded  by  Capt.  Beccan  who  was  made 
prisoner  with  a  number  of  others  and  that  in  sight  of  the  French  army,  commanded  by  M.  de  Villiers 
who  was  at  the  Isle  Galop.  The  war  parties  which  departed  and  returned  continually,  filled  the 
Mission  with  so  many  prisoners  that  their  numbers  frequently  surpassed  that  of  the  warriors,  ren- 
dering it  necessary  to  empty  the  villages  and  send  them  to  Headquarters.  In  fine  a  number  of  other 
expeditions  of  which  M.  Picquet  was  the  principal  author  have  procured  the  promotion  of  several 

officers  He  frequently  found  himself  in  the  vanguard  when  the  King's 

troops  were  ordered  to  attack  the  enemy.  He  distinguished  himself  particularly  in  the  expeditions 
of  Sarasto  (Saratoga),  Lake  Champlain,  Pointe  a  la  Chevelure  (Crown  Point),  the  Cascades,  Carillon 
(Ticonderoga)  Choeguen  (Oswego),  River  Corlac  (Mohawk),  Isle  au  Galop  etc.    The  posts  he  estab- 


286 


EARLY  SETTLEMENT  AT  OODEN'SBIRGn. 


lished  for  the  King  protected  the  Colony  pending  the  entire  war.  M.  du  Qucsne  said  that  the  Abbe 
Picquet  was  worth  more  than  ten  regiments. 

In  the  month  of  May  1756  M.  de  Vaudreuil  got  M.  Picquet  to  depute  the  Chiefs  of  his  Missions  to 
the  Five  Nations  of  Senecas,  Cayugas,  Onontagurs,  Tuscaroras  and  Oneidas  to  attach  them  more  and 
more  to  the  French.  The  English  had  surprised  and  killed  their  nephews  in  the  three  villages  of 
the  Loups  (Mohegans  X)  M.  de  Vaudreuil  requested  him  to  form  parties  which  could  succeed  each 
other  in  disquieting  and  harassing  the  English.  In  1758  he  destroyed  the  English  forts  on  the  banks 
of  Corlac,  butat  length  the  battle  of  the  13  Sept.  1759,  in  which  the  Marquis  of  Montcalm  was  killed, 
brought  ruin  on  Quebec  and  that  of  Canada  followed.  When  he  saw  all  thus  lost,  M.  Picquet  ter- 
minated his  long  and  laborious  career  by  his  retreat  on  the  8th  May  1760,  with  the  advice  and  con- 
sent of  the  General,  the  Bishop  and  Intendant,  in  order  not  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  English.  He 
had  determined  never  to  swear  allegiance  to  another  power. 

He  passed  to  Michilimachina  between  Lake  Huron  and  Lake  Michigan  ;  proceeded  thus  by  way 
of  Upper  Canada  to  the  Illinois  country  &  Louisiana,  and  sojourned  twenty  two  months  at  New  Or- 
leans. On  his  return  to  France,  he  passed  several  years  in  Paris.  A  hernia  which  afflicted  him  a 
long  time,  having  become  aggravated,  finally  caused  his  death  at  Verjon  on  the  15th  July  1781.  In 
his  life  time  he  was  complimented  with  the  title  of  "  Apostle  of  the  Iroquois." 


Note. — Fort  la  Presentation,  with  the  River,  under  the  names  of  Wegatchi,  Swegatchi,  Oswegatchi, 
will  be  found  laid  down  in  the  following  Maps  and  Charts,  viz1 

A  Map  of  that  part  of  America  which  was  the  principal  seat  of  War  in  1756,  published  in  the 

Gentleman's  Magazine  for  1757,  Vol.  xxvii. ; 
An  Exact  Chart  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence  from  Fort  Frontenac  to  the  Island  of  Anticosti  by  Tho8 

Jeffereys,  London  1775  ;  with  the  River  St.  Lawrence  from  Quebec  to  Lake  Ontario  copied  from 

D'Anvills  Map  of  1755  ; 
Sauthiers  Map  of  the  Inhabited  parts  of  Canada  and  Frontiers  of  New  York,  &c.  London  1777 ; 
Sauthiers  Map  of  the  Province  of  New  York,  Lond.  1779  and  in  Carte  Generale  des  (14)  Etats 

Unis  de  I'Amerique  Septentrionale  renfernant  quelques  Provinces  Angloises  adjacentes,  being 

No.  30  in  Atlas  of  Maps  on  America  in  State  Lib. 
Reference  to  this  settlement  will  be  also  found  in  Gent.  Mag.  xxiv,  593.    It  is  sometimes,  though 
corruptly,  called  Fort  Patterson. 


XVII. 

PAPERS 

RELATING  TO  THE 

jfirst  Settlement  auD  Capture  of  jfort  ©eiuega. 


1727— 


17513. 


FIRST  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  ENGLISH  IN  WESTERN  NEW-YORK. 


[  Lond.  Doc.  XXII.  ] 
Gov.  Burnet  to  the  Board  of  Trade. 

New  York,  Oct.  16,  1721. 

That  I  might  improve  their  (the  Indians')  present  good  humor  to  the  best  advantage  I  have 
employed  the  five  hundred  pounds  granted  this  year  by  the  Assembly  ehiefiy  to  the  erecting  and 
encouraging  a  settlement  a  Tirandaquet  a  Creek  on  the  Lake  Ontario  about  sixty  miles  on  this  side 
Niagara1  whither  there  are  now  actually  gone  a  company  of  ten  persons  with  the  approbation  of  our 
Indians  and  with  the  assurance  of  a  sufficient  number  of  themselves  to  live  with  them  and  be  a 
guard  to  them  against  any  surprize,  and  because  the  late  President  of  the  Council  Peter  Schuyler's 
son  2  first  offered  his  service  to  go  at  the  head  of  this  expedition  I  readily  accepted  him  and  have 
made  him  several  presents  to  Equip  him  and  given  him  a  handsome  allowance  for  his  own  salary 
and  a  Commission  of  Captain  over  the  rest  that  are  or  may  be  there  with  him  and  Agent  to  treat 
with  the  Indians  from  me  for  purchasing  Land  and  other  things  which  I  the  rather  did  that  I  might 
shew  that  I  had  no  personal  dislike  to  the  family. 

This  Company  have  undertaken  to  remain  on  this  Settlement  and  that  never  above  two  shall  be 
absent  at  once,  and  tho'  these  have  the  sole  encouragement  at  present  c  ;.t  of  the  public  money  yet 
there  is  nothing  that  hinders  as  many  more  to  go  and  settle  there  or  any  where  else  on  their  own 
account  as  please. 

This  place  is  indisputably  in  the  Indians  possession  and  lies  very  convenient  for  all  the  tar  Indians 
to  come  on  account  of  Trade  from  which  the  French  at  Niagara  will  not  easily  hinder  them  because 
first  it  must  be  soon  known  and  is  against  the  Treaty  and  besides  they  may  easily  slip  by  them  in 
canoes  and  get  to  this  place  before  the  French  can  catch  them  in  the  pursuit  if  they  should  attempt 
to  hinder  them. 

This,  my  Lords  is  the  beginning  of  a  great  Trade  that  may  be  maintained  with  all  the  Indians 
upon  the  Lakes  and  the  cheapness  of  all  our  goods  except  Powder  above  the  French  will  by  de- 
grees draw  all  that  Trade  to  us  which  can  not  better  appear  than  by  the  French  having  found  it 
worth  while  to  buy  our  Goods  at  Albany  to  sell  again  to  the  Indians.  Wherefore  to  break  that  Prac- 
tice more  effectually  I  have  placed  a  sufficient  Guard  of  Soldiers  on  the  Carrying  Place  to  Canada 
and  built  a  small  Blockhouse  there3  with  the  remainder  of  the  five  hundred  pounds  before  men- 
tioned. 

As  to  Niagara  I  did  write  to  the  Governor  of  Canada  to  complain  of  all  the  unwarrantable  steps 
he  has  taken  and  among  others  of  his  erecting  a  Blockhouse  at  Niagara  before  the  Treaty  of  Limits 
had  settled  who  it  belong  to 

I  received  his  answer  at  Albany  in  which  he  flatly  denies  most  of  the  Facts  I  complain  of. 

But  as  to  Niagara  he  pretends  possession  for  above  fifty  years  first  taken  by  Mr  de  la  Sale. 


1.  Irondequoit  bay,  Monroe  Co.  2.  Major  Abraham  Schuyler. 

3.  Now  Fort  Edward,  originally  Fort  Lydius,  Washington  Co. 

[Vol.  l.J  37 


290 


PAPERS   RELATING   TO  OSWEGO. 


EXTRACTS  FROM  FRENCH  LETTERS. 

[  Paris  Doc.  VII.  ] 

Letter,  dated  22  May  1725.  M.  the  Marquis  of  Vaudreuil  writes  that  he  received  advice  the  8th 
December  that  the  English  and  the  Dutch  had  projected  an  establishment  at  the  mouth  of  the  River 
Chouaguen  on  the  borders  of  Lake  Ontario  and  very  near  the  post  we  have  at  Niagara. 

The  news  of  this  establishment  on  soil  always  considered  as  belonging  to  France  appeared  to  him 
the  more  important  as  he  felt  the  difficulty  of  preserving  the  post  of  Niagara  where  there  is  no  fort, 
should  the  English  once  fortify  Chouaguen  ;  and  that  in  losing  Niagara  the  Colony  is  lost  and  at  the 
same  time  all  the  trade  with  the  upper  Country  Indians,  who  go  the  more  willingly  to  the  English 
since  they  obtain  goods  there  much  cheaper  and  get  as  much  brandy  as  they  like,  which  we  cannot 
absolutely  dispense  furnishing  the  upper  country  Indians,  though  with  prudence,  if  it  be  desirable  to 
prevent  them  carrying  their  furs  and  surrendering  themselves  to  the  English. 

M.  deLongueuil  wrote  in  the  month  of  February  that  the  Iroquois  of  theSault  had  appointed  four 
of  their  chiefs  and  one  of  the  Lake  of  the  Two  Mountains  to  go  to  Orange  to  represent  to  the  Dutch 
that  they  would  not  suffer  their  settling  at  Chouaguen  and  that  they  would  declare  war  against  them 
if  they  established  themselves  there. 

He  repaired  on  the  ice  to  Montreal  on  the  12  March  where  he  received  the  confirmation  of  the 
news  of  the  English,  and  learned  that  they  and  the  Dutch  had  started  with  a  great  many  canoes  for 
Lake  Ontario  to  make  a  settlement  at  the  mouth  of  the  River  Choueguen  in  concert  with  the  Iroquois ; 
that  he  was  afraid  he  could  not  prevent  it  if  they  be  supported  by  those  Indians,  to  a  war  with  whom, 
he  knows,  the  King  does  not  intend  to  expose  himself. 

The  Indians  of  the  Sault  returned  from  Orange  dissatisfied  with  their  reception.  He  immediately 
despatched  M.  de  Longueuil  to  the  Iroquois  and  thence  to  Choueguen.  He  commanded  him  to 
induce  the  savages  not  to  suffer  this  Establishment,  and  in  case  he  could  not  prevail  on  them  to 
oppose  it  openly,  to  persuade  them  to  remain  neuter  and  to  suggest  to  them  at  the  same  time,  that  it 
is  their  interest  to  maintain  us  at  Niagara  or  to  consent  to  our  building  a  more  solid  and  secure  house 
than  the  one  that  is  here. 

In  regard  to  the  English  he  ordered  M.  de  Longueuil,  should  he  find  them  settled  at  Choueguen,  to 
summon  them  to  withdraw  from  their  lands  until  the  boundaries  were  regulated,  failing  which  he 
should  adopt  proper  measures  to  constrain  them. 

Letter  dated  10  June  1725.  M.  de  Longueuil  writes  to  him  (M.  Begon)  from  Fort  Frontenac  the 
ninth  of  May  that  there  was  no  Trading  Post  as  yet  at  Choueguen. 

Letter  dated  31  October,  1725.  Mess™  de  Longueuil  &  Begon  send  particulars  of  said  Sieur  de 
Longneuil's  voyage.  He  found  100  English  at  the  portage  of  the  River,  four  leagues  from  Lake 
Ontario,  with  more  than  CO  canoes  ;  that  they  made  him  exhibit  his  passport  and  shewed  him  an  order 
from  the  Governor  of  New  York  not  to  allow  any  Frenchmen  to  go  by  without  a  passport. 

M.  de  Longueuil  took  occasion  to  reproach  the  Iroquois  Chiefs  who  were  present  that  they  were  no 
longer  masters  of  their  lands.  This  succeeded;  they  blew  out  against  the  English  ;  told  them  they 
would  bear  with  them  no  longer,  having  permitted  them  to  come  to  trade.  They  even  promised  him 
they  should  remain  neuter  in  case  of  war  against  the  English. 

He  next  repaired  to  Onontague,  an  Iroquois  Village  and  there  found  the  Deputies  of  the  other  four 
Iroquois  Villages  who  were  waiting  for  him  there.  He  made  them  consent  to  the  construction  of  2 
barks  and  the  erection  of  a  stone  house  at  Niagara,  of  which  he  took  the  plan  which  they  send  with 
an  estimate  amounting  to  29,295  livres  (=$5,592.) 

Nota.    The  two  barks  were  built  in  1720. 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


291 


The  House  (Niagara)  was  commenced  the  same  year  and  finished  in  1720. 

Not  a.  Sieur  Chaussegross,  engineer,  writes  that  he  erected  this  House  cn  the  same  spot  where  an 
antient  Fort  had  been  built  by  order  of  M.  d'Enonville  former  Governor  and  Lieutenant  General  of 
New  France  in  1G86. 

25  July,  1726.  (M.  de  Longueuil  writes  that)  he  has  given  orders  to  Chevalier  de  Longueuil  his 
son  who  commanded  there  (at  Niagara)  not  to  return  until  the  English  and  Dutcli  retire  from  Chou- 
guen  where  they  have  been  all  summer  to  the  number  of  300  men,  and  should  he  meet  their  canoes 
on  the  lake,  to  plunder  them. 

18  Sept  1726.  M  the  Marquis  of  Beauharnois  sends  an  extract  of  a  letter  from  Chevalier  de 
Longueuil  dated  Niagara  the  5th  of  7ber  1726,  in  which  he  states  that  there  are  no  more  English  at 
Choueguen,  along  the  Lake  nor  in  the  River  and  if  he  meet  any  of  them  in  the  Lake  he'll  plunder 
them. 


GOV.  BURNET  TO  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XXIir.  ] 

New  York  May  9th  1727. 

I  have  this  Spring  sent  up  workmen  to  build  a  stone  house  of  strength  at  a  place  called  Oswego, 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Onondage  River  where  our  principal  trade  with  the  far  Nations  is  carried  on.  I 
have  obtained  the  consent  of  the  Six  Nations  to  build  it,  and  having  intelligence  that  a  party  of  French 
of  ninety  men  were  going  up  towards  Niagara  I  suspected  that  they  might  have  orders  to  interrupt 
this  work,  and  therefore  I  have  sent  up  a  detachment  of  Sixty  Souldieis  with  a  Captain  and  two 
Lieutenants,  to  protect  the  building  from  any  disturbance  that  any  French  or  Indians  may  offer  to  it. 
There  are  'besides  about  two  hundred  traders  now  at  the  same  place,  who  are  all  armed  as  Militia, 
and  ready  to  join  in  defence  of  the  Building  and  their  Trade,  in  case  they  are  attacked  :  The  French 
can  have  no  just  pretence  for  doing  it,  but  their  lately  building  a  Fort  at  Niagara,  contrary  to  the  last 
Treaty  makes  me  think  it  necessary  for  us  to  be  on  our  guard  against  any  attempts  they  may  make. 

When  the  house  is  finished  it  will  be  sufficiently  strong  against  an  attack  with  small  arms,  which 
is  all  that  can  be  brought  thither,  and  I  intend  to  keep  an  Officer  and  twenty  men  always  in  Garriscn 
there,  which  will  be  of  the  greatest  use  to  keep  our  Indians  true  to  us,  it  being  near  the  centre  of  all 
the  Six  Nations,  &  lying  most  conveniently  to  receive  all  the  far  Indians  who  come  to  trade  with  us. 

My  Lord  Bellomont  formerly  intended  to  build  a  Fort  by  King  William's  order  near  this  place,  and 
it  went  so  far  that  even  plate  and  furniture  for  a  chappie  there,  were  sent  over  from  England,  but  the 
Design  was  laid  by  upon  his  Death,  and  has  never  been  resumed  since  'till  now.1 

The  Assembly  provided  three  hundred  pounds  last  fall  for  this  service,  of  which  I  then  acquainted 
Your  Lordships,  but  I  have  been  obliged  to  lay  out  more  than  double  that  value  upon  my  own  credit, 
to  furnish  necessaries  and  provisions,  and  hire  workmen,  &  make  Battoes  to  carry  up  the  men,  for  it 
is  all  Water  carriage  from  our  outmost  Town  called  Schenectady  to  this  place,  which  is  about  two 
hundred  miles,  except  five  miles,  wiiere  they  must  draw  their  Battoes  over  Land,  which  is  easily 
enough  done,  and  this  makes  the  communication  much  more  convenient  than  by  Land. 

1  Smith  Hist.  N.  Y.  Ed.  1828,  i.  253,  represents  the  erection  of  the  above  Fort  as  having  been  begun  in  1722;  an  crro- 
which  has  been  copied  by  McAuley,  Dunlap  and  others  who  have  followed  him  without  enquiry.  Gov.  Burnet's  despatch 
and  the  preceding  Docs.,  correct  the  mistake  and  furnish  the  precise  date. 


292 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


I  hope  the  Assembly  will  supply  this  Deficiency  when  they  meet,  but  I  was  so  convinced  of  the 
benefit  of  the  undertaking  that  I  was  resolved  not  to  let  it  fail  for  want  of  a  present  supply  of  money. 

I  am  with  great  Respect, 
My  Lords,  Your  Lordships  most  dutifull  and 

most  obliged  humble  servant 

W.  B  :.-tt. 


GOV.  BURNET  TO  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE. 

[Lond.  Doo.  XXIII.  ] 

New  York  29th  June  1727. 

Extract. — The  province  is  much  obliged  to  your  Lordships  for  representing  the  French  building 
a  Fort  at  Niagara,  and  in  order  to  obtain  Redress  the  same  fort  which  I  have  been  building  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Onnondage's  River  called  Oswego  this  Spring,  goes  on  successfully  hitherto,  and  without 
any  interruption  from  the  French  or  their  Indians,  and  with  the  fidl  consent  and  approbation  of  our 
own  Indians. 

The  Detachment  of  Souldiers  which  I  sent  to  up  arrived  safely  there  the  beginning  of  this  month, 
so  that  it  is  not  likely  that  any  attempt  will  now  be  made  to  hinder  it,  and  I  depend  upon  its 
being  of  the  best  use  of  anything  that  has  ever  been  undertaken  on  that  side  either  to  preserve  our 
own  Indians  in  our  Interest,  or  to  promote  and  fix  a  constant  Trade  with  the  remote  Indians. 


GOVERNOR  OF  CANADA  TO  THE  GOV.  OF  NEW-YORK. 

[  Par.  Doc.  VII.;  Lond.  Doc.  XXIII. 

July  20th,  1727. 

Sir — I  am  very  well  persuaded  that  you  have  been  informed  that  the  King  my  master  has  done 
me  the  honor  to  name  me  Governour  and  his  Lieutenant  General  in  all  New  France,  and  that  you 
have  likewise  been  so  of  my  arrival  to  this  country. 

I  find  myself,  Sir,  in  a  juncture  when  the  close  union  that  subsists  between  our  Sovereigns  ought 
to  flatter  me  with  the  hopes  of  the  like  between  you  and  me.  But  I  cannot  avoid  observing  to  you 
my  surprise  at  the  permission  which  you  have  given  to  the  English  Merchants  to  carry  on  a  trade  at 
the  River  of  Oswego,  and  that  you  have  ordered  a  Redoubt  with  Galleries  (Machicoulies)  and  full  of 
Loop  holes  and  other  works  belonging  to  fortification,  to  be  built  at  the  Mouth  of  that  River,  in 
which  you  have  placed  a  Garrison  of  Regular  Troops. 

I  have  been,  Sir,  the  more  astonished  at  it,  since  you  should  have  considered  your  Undertaking  as 
a  thing  capable  of  disturbing  the  Union  of  the  two  Crowns ;  You  cannot  be  ignorant  of  the  pos- 
session during  a  very  considerable  time,  which  the  King  my  Master  has  of  all  the  Lands  of  Canada, 
of  which  those  of  the  lake  Ontario  and  the  adjacent  Lands  make  a  part,  and  in  which  he  has  built 
Forts  and  made  other  Settlements  in  different  places  as  are  those  of  Denonville  at  the  Entrance  of 


PI  an    of  Oswego  1727 

'    .from  Fan  s  J) or  I'JIL  ' 


Ucitxcncc 


I    Plttn  i/i  fit  rt  f/i</ttf  if  ■  l/tu/i/it;////x  c/llt' 
lis.  ln//ltt/s  mil  fait  ct'/istruire  a  I'etttre'e 
itiln/i'iinn  ('/wnatfui' n  mec  maconnerie 
it,  /in  i/t  us  i  /  h  i  i  t  >  t//aise 

li   Pltittlii'/i  ifi  In  ititr  /liiii'iiti 

C  It  in//  tuiti mis  ifi  tiris-  iih.i .  -liitj/iais 

I)   llu 1 1  (  uni  ts  cL'Ecorce, 

/;'    70  (  a /hi in  s  i/ii.i .  Ila/ 1  tia/iifs ^inglois 
i  t  Ffiinii/i/its- 

W  Tenths  cUs  Troupes  ou  tit/iif/ena^O Sold/its- 

t;    Sri  tint  tio/i  ifi  itt  riitit/tty 

u  :>/>(>  Pi /■//./•  f/r  Cffli'i'fff-2!>piedsdeion0 

i/ hi  it  emit-  flrf  ift'stints  it  fhirt>  u-v  fort 

I      .  Ill  tt/lflll/l     ill's    /llll  l/ltl  s 


Eiti/ci'  ///'  fit  Rip  tare 
Choiuit/ttet/ ,  scitu-e'e  ez 
lai  ("if/   /tit  .Sit/i.  dw 

JOatC  Ft  en  /it/tit 


\ 


\ 


Translation  offfu 

■l   MlanoftheHedoit/  n  il/,  t., ill,  ri,  s  h 

the £t,ij/ 1 sh  Imili  with  tv ugh, masonry  and 
clay  eitthe  mouth  of  t/„  River  Cfwuai/uen 
y  H    Elevation  efsaid  Redeml 

C    Twenty JSittt, ■„„.,  helcni/mi/  /nth,  Ena/ish 
D   Ei'/ht  Jlur/e  Canoi  s 
JZ    ft?  Caoins  oelerrujinef  b>lhe English  ,,,,,/ 

Dutch  Traders 
IF    Ten  ts  of  l/mTtvo/es  whir,  6V  Soldiers  /„,,,/, 
C     Situation  of' the  Redout 
IT    20O  Cedar  pickets  16  Jeetlcmg  intended 
'tis  supposed  f  ir  t/ie  erection  of  ajbrt 
D    I    .in,  horn, ft  eft/,,  77. vs,  /s 


JPartie  /hi  Lac  F/  />  //  7/  //  ///■   t/n  <  / /n t //< in  t 


1  ppt  (it;    e  /t  f  tt  t '  i ic 


30      4t>  SC 


PAPERS   RELATING    TO  OSWEGO. 


293 


the  River  of  Niagara,  that  of  Frontenac,  another  called  La  Famine,  that  which  is  called  the  Fort 
des  Sables,  another  at  the  Bay  of  the  Cayougas  at  Oswego,  &c,  without  any  opposition,  they  having 
been  one  and  all  of  them  possessed  by  the  French,  who  alone  have  had  a  right,  and  have  had  the 
possession  of  carrying  on  the  Trade  there. 

I  look,  Sir,  upon  the  Settlements  that  you  are  beginning  and  pretending  to  make  at  the  Entrance 
of  the  Lake  Ontario  into  the  River  of  Oswego,  the  fortifications  that  you  have  made  there,  and  the 
Garrison  that  you  have  posted  there,  as  a  manifest  infraction  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  it  being 
expressly  settled  by  that  Treaty,  that  the  subjects  of  each  Crown  shall  not  molest  nor  encroach  upon 
one  another,  'till  the  Limits  have  been  fixed  by  Commissaries,  to  be  named  for  that  purpose. 

This  it  is,  Sir,  which  determines  me  at  present  to  send  away  M.  De  la  Chassaigne  Governour  of 
the  Town  of  trois  Rivieres,  with  an  Officer,  to  deliver  this  letter  to  you,  and  to  inform  you  of  my 
Intentions. 

I  send  away  at  the  same  time  a  Major  to  summon  the  Officer  who  commands  at  Oswego,  to  retire 
with  his  Garrison  and  other  persons  who  are  there,  to  demolish  the  fortifications  and  other  works, 
and  to  evacuate  entirely  that  post  and  to  retire  home. 

The  Court  of  France  which  I  have  the  honour  to  inform  of  it  this  moment,  will  have  Room  to 
look  upon  this  undertaking  as  an  act  of  hostility  on  your  part,  and  I  dont  doubt  but  you  will  give 
attention  to  the  justice  of  my  Demand. 

I  desire  you  to  honour  me  with  a  positive  answer  which  I  expect  without  delay  by  the  return  of 
these  Gentlemen,  I  am  persuaded  that  on  your  side  you  will  do  nothing  that  may  trouble  the  har- 
mony that  prevails  among  our  two  Crowns,  and  that  you  will  not  act  against  their  true  Interests. 

I  should  be  extremely  pleased,  Sir,  if  you  would  give  me  some  occasion  to  show  you  particularly 
the  sentiments  of  Respect  with  which  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  Sir, 

Your  most  humble  and 

most  obednt  servant 

At  Montreal,  Beauharnois. 
this  20{h  July  1727. 

P.  S.  M.  De  la  Chassaigne  who  did  not  at  first  intend  to  carry  with  him  any  but  the  Officer  of 
whom  I  had  the  honour  to  inform  you  in  my  Letter,  has  since  desired  me  to  let  him  have  the  four 
Gentlemen  named  in  the  Passport  which  I  have  ordered  to  be  made  out  for  him.  I  dont  doubt, 
Sir,  but  you  will  have  the  same  Regard  for  them  as  for  the  King's  Officer  who  goes  along  with  them. 


COPY  OF  THE  SUMMONS 

TO  THE  COMMANDANT  OF  THE  FORT  BUILT  BY  THE  ENGLISH  ON  THE  SHORE  OF  LAKE  ONTARIO  AT  THE  MOUTH 
OF  THE  RIVER  CHOUEGUEN  TO  WITHDRAW  WrITH  THE  GARRISON  OF  SAID  FORT,  SERVED  BY  Mr  BEGON  MAJOR 
OF  THE  TOWN  AND  CASTLE  OF  QUEBEC  ON  BEHALF  OF  THE  MARQUIS  OF  BEAUHARNOIS,  GOVERNOR 
GENERAL  IN  CANADA. 

[Paris  Doc.  VII.] 

His  Lordship  the  Marcpuis  of  Beauharnois  appointed  by  His  Most  Christian  Majesty  Governour 
General  in  and  over  Canada  and  the  whole  Dependencies  of  New  France,  being  informed  of  your 
Governour's  enterprise  at  the  Mouth  of  Choueguen  River,  where  he  ordered  a  Stone  Redoubt  to  be 
built  on  the  shore  of  Lake  Ontario  where  the  French  only  have  traded,  and  of  which  they  have  been 


294 


PAPERS   RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


possessors  for  a  very  great  while,  and  considering  that  Enterprise  as  a  plain  Contravention  to  the 
Treaty  of  Utrecht,  which  mentions  that  the  subjects  of  the  two  Crowns  shall  not  intrench  upon  one 
anothers  Land,  'till  the  Decision  of  the  Limits  by  the  Judges  delegated  to  that  End, has  sent  me  with 
orders  to  summon  you  to  draw  out  at  furthest  within  a  fortnight  the  Garrison  of  this  place  with  arms, 
munitions  and  other  effects  belonging  to  the  people  of  Albany  or  other  places,  to  cast  down  the  block 
house  and  all  pieces  of  work  you  raised  up  contrary  to  all  law,  leaving  you  if  you  think  tit  to  es- 
tablish yourselves  at  Lake  Thechiroguen,  or  the  Oneida  River  where  you  formerly  traded  and  to 
leave  the  mouth  of  this  river  free,  as  it  has  always  been,  to  the  French,  failing  which  his  Loidship 
the  Marquis  of  Beauharnois  will  take  measures  against  you  and  against  your  unjust  usurpation  as 
he  will  think  fit. 

(Signed)  Begon. 

Montreal  the  14"»  0f  July  1727. 


COPY  OF  THE  PROCES  VERBAL  OF  THE  SERVICE  OF  SAID  SUMMONS. 

[Paris  Doc.  VII.] 

This  day  the  first  of  August  1727,  we  the  undersigned,  Knight  of  the  Military  Order  of  St.  Louis, 
Major  of  the  Town,  Castle  and  Government  of  Quebec,  having  in  execution  of  the  orders  to  us  given 
by  the  Marquis  of  Beauharnois  Governor  and  Lieutenant  General  for  the  King  in  all  New  France, 
arrived  before  the  Fort  built  by  the  English  on  the  borders  of  Lake  Ontario,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
River  Choueguen,  sent  to  advise  Mr.  Bancker  Commanding  the  Garrison  of  our  arrival  and  had  him 
informed,  at  the  same  time,  that  we  came  on  the  part  of  the  Governor  General  Commanding  in  Chief 
over  all  New  France,  to  summon  him  to  withdraw  at  latest  within  fifteen  days  the  garrison  of  said 
fort,  with  the  arms,  ammunition  and  other  effects  belonging  to  individuals  at  Orange  and  other  places, 
and  to  demolish  said  fort  and  other  work  he  had  there  constructed. 

He  sent  to  invite  us  on  shore  and  came  to  meet  us  on  the  bank  of  said  river  Choueguen,  accom- 
panied by  two  ^officers  of  the  garrison,  he  conducted  us  into  the  fort  with  much  courtesy  and  after 
service  on  the  said  Commandant  in  the  usual  manner  of  the  said  summons  which  we  left  him  in 
writing  in  French  and  in  English,  he  answered  us  that  he  was  on  his  land  and  in  his  house  ;  that  he 
had  been  sent  thither  by  his  General  Government  to  build  the  said  fort  there  with  the  consent  of  the 
Six  Nations  and  even  under  valid  contracts  with  them ;  that  if  we  wished,  he  would  cause  the  Chiefs 
of  the  Onondaga  Indians  then  on  the  spot,  to  come  who  would  inform  us  of  it;  whom  we  refused  to 
hear  being  unwilling  to  have  any  discussion  with  them.  After  which  he  added,  that  he  was  but  a 
subordinate  officer  like  ourselves,  and  consequently  equally  obliged  to  follow  the  orders  of  his  Gen- 
eral ;  that  we  had  an  order  in  writing  from  the  Marquis  of  Beauharnois ;  it  would  be  necessary  for 
him  to  have  one  also  from  Mr.  Burnet,  his  General,  so  as  to  be  able  to  furnish  bis  reply  ;  whereupon 
we  asked^to  have  his  refusal  in  writing,  but  having  communicated  to  us  that  a  little  time  would  be 
necessary  to  consider  of  it,  and  if  we  wished  he  would  leave  us  at  liberty  to  walk  wherever  we 
pleased  ;  and  having  kept  us  waiting  about  three  quarters  of  an  hour  and  consulted  with  his  officers, 
he  persistedjn  his  original  sentiments  and  said  that  lie  had  as  much  right  to  summon  the  Command- 
ant of  Niagara;  finally  he  should  send  the  summons  to  his  Governor  General,  promising  to  give  an 
answer  so  soon  as  he  should  receive  orders.    Done  at  Choueguen  the  1st  August  1707. 

(Signed)  Begon.  ' 

1.  In  Lond.  Doc.  XXIII.  are  paper*  purporting  (o  bo  Tran»lation»  of  the  two  preceding  Doo's,  but  they  are  essentially 
imperfect  and  Incorrect. 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


295 


GOV.  BURNET  TO  THE  GOVERNOR  OF  CANADA. 

[Lond.  Doc.  XXIII.] 

New  York,  8th  August,  1727. 

Sir — I  have  received  the  letter  which  you  have  done  me  the  honour  to  write  to  me,  and  which 
was  delivered  to  me  by  Mr.  De  la  Chassaigne.  You  have  done  me  a  singular  pleasure  in  taking  this 
occasion  to  make  me  acquainted  with  a  person  of  so  distinguished  merit,  and  in  sending  along  with 
thern  Gentlemen  who  do  honour  to  their  country.  I  could  have  wished  that  these  marks  of  your 
good  will  had  not  been  attended  with  a  proceeding  so  little  suitable  to  them. 

You  perceive,  Sir,  that  I  would  complain  of  the  sudden  and  peremptory  summons  that  you  have 
sent  to  my  Officer  posted  at  Oswego  ;  and  which  was  brought  to  me  by  an  express,  before  the  arrival 
of  Mr  De  la  Chassaigne. 

I  should  think,  Sir,  that  you  might  have  waited  for  my  reasons  in  answer  to  what  you  were 
pleased  to  write  to  me,  before  you  took  so  Extraordinary  a  step,  and  that  in  giving  so  short  a  time, 
that  my  Officer  could  not  possibly  receive  my  orders  before  it  expired. 

I  agree  with  you,  sir,  that  the  close  union  that  prevails  between  our  Sovereigns  ought  naturally  to 
produce  the  like  between  you  and  me,  and  it  shall  never  be  through  my  fault  if  it  does  not  subsist 
in  all  its  extent.  It  was,  Sir,  with  the  same  Intention  that  I  made  my  complaint  in  the  modestest 
manner  I  could  to  Mr.  De  Longueuil,  then  Commander  in  Chief  in  Canada,  of  a  Fort  that  had  been 
built  at  Niagara  and  tho'  I  received  no  answer  from  him  by  the  bearer  of  my  letter  and  at  last  re- 
ceived one  that  was  not  at  all  satisfactory,  I  contented  myself  with  writing  to  our  Court  about  it, 
whence  I  am  informed  that  our  Ambassadors  at  the  Court  of  France,  has  orders  to  represent  this 
undertaking  as  contrary  to  the  treaty  of  Utrecht. 

This,  Sir,  was  all  that  I  did  upon  that  occasion.  I  did  not  send  any  summons  to  Niagara,  I  did 
not  make  any  warlike  preparations  to  interrupt  the  work,  and  I  did  not  stir  up  the  Five  Nations  to 
make  use  of  force  to  demolish  it,  which  I  might  have  done  easily  enough,  since  at  the  very  time  I 
received  Mr.  de  LongueuiPs  letter,  they  were  all  come  to  complain  to  me  of  this  undertaking,  as  the 
justest  cause  of  uneasiness  that  could  have  been  given  them.  I  won't  tire  you  with  repeating  all 
that  I  writ  to  Mr.  de  Longueuil  upon  that  subject  which  he  has  no  doubt  shown  to  you. 

I  come  now,  Sir,  to  the  subject  of  your  Letter,  there  are  two  things  which  you  complain  of,  first 
of  the  trade  at  Oswego,  secondly  of  the  Redoubt  as  you  call  it,  and  of  the  Garrison  that  is  in  it ;  as 
for  the  Trade  I  cannot  understand  how  you  could  be  surprised  at  it,  since  we  have  carried  on  a  trade 
there  regularly  for  more  than  five  years  running  without  opposition,  and  I  have  reason  to  wonder 
how  you  can  call  that  an  Infraction  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  since  it  is  expressly  stipulated  in  that 
very  15th  Article  which  you  cite,  That  on  both  sides  the  subjects  of  each  Crown  shall  enjoy  full 
liberty  of  going  and  coming  on  account  of  Trade. 

Going  and  coming  must  imply  (as  appears  clearly  by  what  goes  before)  among  all  the  American 
subjects  or  allies  or  friends  of  Great  Britain  and  of  France.  It  is  upon  this,  Sir,  that  we  pretend  to 
have  an  equal  right  with  you  of  trading  thro'  all  the  Lakes  and  all  the  Continent,  and  that  incontes- 
tably,  by  virtue  of  the  Terms  of  the  Treaty. 

It  follows  therein  that  also  the  Natives  of  those  Countries  shall  with  the  same  liberty  resort  as  they 
please  to  the  British  and  French  Colonies,  for  promoting  a  Trade  on  one  side  or  the  other,  without 
any  Molestation  or  hindrance  either  on  the  part  of  the  British  subjects  or  the  French. 

I  cited  to  you  before  the  Right  which  we  have  to  carry  on  a  Trade  every  where  among  the  Indians. 
In  these  last  words  is  contained  the  Right  which  all  the  Indians  have  to  come  and  trade  with  us, 
and  I  leave  it  to  you  to  reflect  sincerely  upon  the  conduct  of  the  People  of  Canada,  and  to  consider 


296  PAPERS    RELATING   TO  OSWEGO. 

whether  they  have  not  done  all  they  could  and  do  not  continue  still  to  hinder  the  Indians  from 
coming  to  trade  with  us.  But  as  for  our  Right  to  carry  a  Trade  every  where  among  the  Indians, 
one  cannot  find  expressions  more  contrary  to  the  terms  of  the  Treaty  than  those  in  your  letter, 
where  you  name  several  places  occupied  by  the  French,  who  alone,  say  you,  have  had  the  Right 
and  been  in  possession  of  trading  there. 

You  will  oblige  extremely  if  you  will  shew  me  how  to  reconcile  that  with  a  full  liberty  on  both 
sides  of  going  and  coming  on  account  of  trade  which  the  subjects  of  both  crowns  shall  enjoy.  But 
if  you  say  that  formerly  it  was  as  you  pretend,  that  will  signify  nothing,  since  at  present  the  Treaty 
alone  ought  to  regulate  the  matters. 

I  hope,  Sir,  I  have  said  enough  upon  the  first  subject  of  Complaint  which  relates  to  the  Trade, 
for  to  shew  you  the  right  we  have  to  it,  and  to  make  you  sensible  that  the  future  Regulation  of 
Limits,  can  never  make  any  alteration  in  the  general  liberty  which  there  is  of  Trade. 

I  come  now  to  the  second  subject  of  Complaint  which  relates  to  the  Redoubt  and  Garrison  at 
Oswego.  It  is  true,  Sir,  that  I  have  ordered  a  Stone  house  to  be  built  there,  with  some  contrivances 
to  hinder  its  being  Surprized,  and  that  I  have  posted  some  Souldiers  in  it,  but  that  which  gave  me 
the  first  thought  of  it,  was  the  fortified  and  much  larger  house  which  the  French  have  built  at 
Niagara,  upon  the  lands  of  the  Five  Nations,  as  it  appears  even  by  the  Confession  of  M.  de  Longueuil, 
in  his  letter  to  me  of  the  10th  of  August  11*26,  for  he  pretends  that  the  Five  Nations  had  agreed  to 
it  by  an  unanimous  consent.  If  that  Post  was  not  upon  their  Land,  but  upon  Land  that  belongs 
incontestably  to  the  French,  I  believe,  Sir,  that  you  would  be  very  far  from  asking  their  consent  to 
do  what  you  had  a  mind  to  do  there. 

It  has  been  always  the  same  case  with  all  the  posts  you  mention  and  which  besides  had  been 
abandoned  many  years  before  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  except  Fort  Fvontenac  only,  which  is  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Lake.  It  is  certain  that  the  French  never  built  any  of  them  but  by  the  permission 
of  the  Five  Nations,  and  always  on  pretence  that  they  were  only  to  be  houses  for  the  conveniency  of 
Trade  with  them  and  without  ever  pretending  to  claim  the  Property  of  those  places :  And  you  seem, 
Sir,  to  allow  almost  as  much  yourself  for  you  say,  That  His  Most  Christian  Majesty  had  ordered 
Forts  and  other  Establishments  to  be  built  in  ditfercnt  places,  &C.,  without  any  opposition.  What 
has  been  built  without  opposition  can  never  be  looked  on  as  a  conquest,  as  Mr.  De  la  Chassaigne 
would  maintain,  and  I  should  be  very  glad  to  learn  by  what  Treaty  or  Agreement  the  five  Nations 
ever  yielded  to  you  any  of  their  lands,  On  the  eontrary  those  Nations  have  always  maintained  that 
the  Lands  on  both  sides  of  the  Lake  Ontario  are  theirs  and  will  always  maintain  it. 

I  can't  comprehend  what  use  the  Article  of  the  Treaty  to  which  you  allude,  can  be  to  you,  and  I 
can't  find  the  words  in  the  Treaty  as  you  have  cited  them,  nor  even  the  sense  entirely  agreeable  to 
them.  You  call  the  post  which  we  have  settled  at  Oswego  a  manifest  infraction  of  the  Treaty  of 
Utrecht,  it  being  mentioned  expressly  in  the  Treaty  that  the  Subjects  of  one  and  the  other  Crown 
shall  not  molest  nor  incroach  upon  one  another,  'till  the  Limits  shall  be  regulated  by  Commis- 
saries to  be  named  by  them  for  that  purpose.  I  dont  know,  Sir,  what  copy  of  the  Treaty  you 
make  use  of,  but  for  my  part,  I  have  compared  the  French  translation  which  I  have  quoted, 
with  the  Original  Latin,  which  is  printed  at  London  by  Royal  Authority  and  have  found  it 
entirely  agreeable  to  it. 

The  words  we  are  now  upon  are  these  as  follows,  The  Subjects  of  France  inhabiting  Canada 
and  others,  shall  hereafter  give  no  hindrance  or  Molestation  to  the  five  Nations  or  Cantons  of 
Indians,  subject  to  the  Dominion  of  Great  Britain,  nor  to  the  other  Natives  of  America  who  are 
friends  to  the  same,  in  like  manner  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain  shall  behave  themselves  peace- 
ably towards  the  Americans,  who  are  subjects  or  friends  to  France. 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


297 


This  is  the  first  part  at  full  length  of  what  you  refer  to ;  the  second  part  is  at  the  end  of  the  Article 
in  these  words,  But  it  [is]  to  be  exactly  and  distinctly  settled  by  Commissaries,  who  are  and  who 
ought  to  be  accounted  the  Subjects  and  friends  of  Britain  or  of  France. 

Upon  reading  all  this  together  it  is  impossible  to  imagine  that  the  last  clause  of  this  Article  can 
relate  to  the  Five  Nations,  as  if  Commissaries  were  yet  to  determine  whether  they  are  our  subjects 
or  yours,  as  Mr.  de  Longueuil  writ  to  me  that  they  were  neither. 

This  would  be  directly  opposite  to  the  first  part  of  the  same  Article  which  declares  them  expressly 
subject  to  the  Dominion  of  Great  Britain.  But  as  there  is  mention  made  of  other  Americans  Allies 
of  Great  Britain  and  of  American  Subjects  or  friends  to  France,  without  naming  them,  it  is  as  clear 
as  daylight  that  the  Commissaries  are  only  to  determine  about  these  last. 

You  have  now,  Sir,  my  reasons  for  acting  as  I  have  done,  and  of  which  I  have  given  an  account  to 
the  Court  at  the  same  time  that  I  represented  the  aifair  of  Niagara,  I  expect  every  day  a  compleat 
answer  upon  both  these  points,  &  I  think  myself  obliged,  not  withstanding  all  the  reasons  which  M. 
De  la  Chassaigne  has  given  me  to  the  contrary,  to  maintain  the  post  of  Oswego,  till  I  receive  new 
orders  from  the  King  my  Master. 

You  may,  Sir,  make  such  complaints  hereupon  as  you  judge  proper,  as  you  have  informed  me  that 
you  have  already  made  some,  and  at  the  same  time  you  will  not  think  it  strange  that  on  my  part  I 
inform  the  Court,  in  what  manner  you  have  summoned  the  Kings  Officer  posted  at  Oswego,  without 
waiting  for  any  Explanation  from  me  upon  it.  This  is  a  step  which  the  King  my  Master  may  perhaps 
be  offended  at,  and  which  His  Most  Christian  Majesty  may  perhaps  think  fit  to  disown. 

I  am  very  sorry,  Sir  to  find  myself  under  a  necessity  to  have  sentiments  so  opposite  to  yours.  I 
should  be  glad  to  see  all  these  differences  end  in  a  good  understanding,  &  that  you  would  honour  me 
with  your  friendship,  and  it  is  with  a  great  deal  of  respect  that  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  Sir,  Your 
most  humble 

and  most  obedient  Servant. 


GOV.  BURNET  TO  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XXIII.  ] 

New  York  24th  August  1727. 

I  had  News  that  the  Fort  which  I  have  been  building  this  Spring  at  Oswego,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Onnondages  River,  was  upon  the  point  of  being  finished,  when  at  the  same  time  I  learnt  by  an 
Express  that  the  Governour  of  Canada  had  sent  a  summons  to  the  said  Fort  to  have  it  Demolished 
and  abandoned  in  15  days,  copies  whereof  in  French  &.  English  both  as  they  were  delivered  to 
the  commanding  officer  there,  are  herewith  transmitted.  Soon  after  my  receiving  this  Summons 
arrived  here  the  Governour  of  trois  rivieres  in  Canada,  who  is  next  in  rank  to  the  Governour 
of  Montreal,  as  he  is  to  the  Governour  General  of  Canada.  This  Gentleman  with  his  attendants 
was  sent  by  the  Governour  of  Canada  to  deliver  a  letter  from  him  to  me,  and  to  persuade  me 
to  abandon  this  Fort  for  the  present  and  to  leave  it  to  be  afterwards  settled  between  the  two 
Crowns,  who  had  the  Right  to  that  place.  I  agreed  to  leave  it  to  be  decided  between  the  two 
Crowns  as  he  proposed  but  in  the  mean  time  thought  myself  obliged  to  hold  and  maintain  it. 

I  have  enclosed  copies  of  the  Governour  of  Canada's  letter  to  me  in  French  and  my  answer 
to  him  in  the  same  language,  together  with  my  own  translation  of  both  letters,  wherein  Your 

[Vol.1.|  38 


298 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


Lordships  will  find  the  whole  argument  stated  on  both  sides.  There  is  no  variation  between 
the  French  &  English  but  what  was  necessary  to  be  made  according  to  the  different  Transla- 
tions of  the  Treaty  from  the  Original  Latin^  but  I  think  my  argument  holds  equally  in  either 
translation  and  as  strongly  in  the  Latin  as  in  either. 

Your  Lordships  know  very  well  how  backward  the  French  have  been  to  name  Commissaries, 
and  in  the  mean  time  if  they  are  permitted  they  would  seize  upon  everything.  But  t!*is  new 
house  at  Oswego  will  make  a  stand  that  will  embolden  our  Five  nations,  &  will  not  easily  be 
taken  without  great  Cannon,  the  wall  being  four  foot  thick  of  gooti,  large  stone,  and  it  is  repre- 
sented to  me  that  the  French  cannot  bring  large  cannon  against  it,  since  they  have  no  way  but 
to  come  up  from  Montreal  to  the  Lake  against  a  Violent  stream,  all  full  of  Rifts  &  Falls  &  Shal- 
lows, where  they  are  forced  to  set  up  with  poles  most  part  of  the  way  in  light  Canoes,  or 
Battoes,  &  if  they  had  cannon  to  carry,  it  is  thought  they  could  not  set  them  along,  &  by  land 
it  is  all  over  precipices  &  mountains,  and  Rivers  to  cross  on  both  sides  of  the  great  river,  so 
that  it  is  not  believed  practicable  for  them  to  bring  battering  Cannon  any  way.  The  French 
have  a  Fort  on  the  Lake  at  Cadaraqui,  where  the  biggest  Guns  they  have  are  patereros,  that 
one  man  can  carry  about  in  his  arms    So  that  probably  they  could  bring  no  bigger  thither. 

I  have  had  a  report  from  some  New  England  captives  lately  redeemed  from  Canada  that  the  Gov- 
ernour  of  Canada  was  preparing  400  French  &  S00  Indians  to  attack  this  Fort.  But  there  is  reason 
to  believe  that  this  is  more  given  out  to  intimidate  us  than  really  intended,  and  when  I  charged  the 
Governour  of  trois  Rivieres  with  it  he  utterly  denyed  it,  but  I  thought  I  had  ground  enough  to  hint 
at  it  by  way  of  Reproach  in  my  letter  tho'  without  asserting  it  positively.  However  if  they  should 
come  we  are  provided  with  a  double  Garrison  at  Oswego,  provisions  for  six  months  and  powder  and 
Ball  sufficient  for  their  Defence,  and  I  have  sent  proper  persons  among  our  five  nations  with  presents 
to  them  to  engage  them  to  stand  by  us,  and  not  to  suffer  any  Indians  to  molest  us  upon  their  Lands, 
as  we  shall  be  ready  to  defend  ourselves  against  the  French,  so  that  I  am  in  good  hopes  to  be  able  to 
hold  this  place,  in  case  we  are  attacked,  and  I  hope  Your  Lordships  will  support  me  in  taking  ttese 
measures  for  securing  our  right  to  the  five  nations  against  the  Encroachments  and  Pretensions  of  the 
French,  and  represent  the  whole  affair  to  His  Majesty,  both  of  the  French  building  at  Niagara,  con- 
trary to  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  and  of  their  disturbing  our  undoubted  right  of  Trading  and  building 
upon  the  land  of  the  five  Nations  at  Oswego. 


EXTRACT  FROM  THE  PARTICULARS 

OF  THE  VOYAGE  OF  M.  DE  LA  CHAUVIGNILIE,  OFFICER,  INTERPRETER  OF  THE  FIVE  IROQUOIS  NATIONS, 
SENT  BY  ORDER  OF  THE  GENERAL  WITH  A  MESSAGE  TO  THE  NONTAGUES  (ONONUAGAS).  1728 

[Paris  Doc.  VIII.] 

Three  leagues  from  Choueguen  I  sent  three  Wampum  belts  to  notify  the  Nontague"  Chiefs  to  meet 
me  on  business  which  brought  me  among  them  ;  and  with  three  other  belts  I  invited  the  four  other 
Iroquois  Nations  their  allies  to  repair  to  the  Nontagues  to  hear  the  message  of  their  Father  of  which 
I  was  the  bearer  to  them. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  Nontagues  at  my  tent,  they  told  me  on  the  part  of  the  Commandant  of  Choue- 
guen, that  as  I  was  passing  his  place  on  public  business,  I  must  fire  the  first  salute  and  lower  my 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO.  299 

ilag.  This  proposition  surprised  me  ;  my  people  would  persuade  me  to  do  so.  I  therefore  suddenly 
stood  up  and  said  to  them — Ye  know  such  is  not  the  intention  of  your  Father  Onontio  whose  mes- 
sage I  carry.  A  young  fool  in  the  canoe  of  those  of  the  Lake  said  to  me  aloud,  that  he  would  lire 
and  salute  the  fort.  I  replied  to  him,  Indian  fashion,  that  he  lied  and  that  I  should  not  suffer  it, 
being  unwilling  either  to  witness  or  be  accomplice  to  such  a  folly  ;  that  I  was  surprized  he  had  so 
soon  forgotten  the  words  of  his  father  Onontio  wnose  intentions  I  had  communicated  to  him  during 
our  voyage  ;  that  I  had  no  manner  of  business  with  him  who  was  Commandant  of  the  house  at 
Choueguen. 

They  returned  to  said  fort  and  reported  to  me  that  the  Commandant  insisted  on  what  they  had 
first  communicated  to  me.  I  asked  them  whose  was  the  land  over  which  I  wished  to  pass  1  This 
question  caused  them  to  droop  their  heads  and  they  remained  in  pensive  silence.  It  was  not  until 
I  told  them  that  I  wanted  a  decisive  and  substantial  answer,  that  they  replied — The  ground  over 
which  I  wished  to  walk  was  theirs.  I  then  said  to  them,  since  it  was  their  property  I,  as  a  child  of 
their  father  Onontio  and  bearer  of  his  message  to  them,  wished  a  clear  road  and  that  all  the  brandies 
overhanging  the  river,  be  cut  away  so  that  my  flag  might  pass  without  being  obliged  to  remove  it 
from  where  their  Father  Onontio  had  placed  it ;  and  that  I  should  not  fire  a  salute  until  others  had 
saluted  me.    Willingly  or  unwillingly  they  approved  and|we  proceeded. 

When  I  arrived  opposite  the  house  of  Chouguen  we  found,  at  the  Mouth  of  the  river  a  canoe  with 
people  of  the  Sault  who  were  returning  from  war.  This  obliged  us  to  land  to  give  our  folks  an  op- 
portunity to  learn  the  news  and  to  cause  the  Prisoners  to  dance,  as  is  the  custom  among  the  tribes. 
During  this  interval  the  Commandant  of  Choueguen  sent  for  six  of  the  principal  Chiefs  including 
me.  My  Chiefs  invited  me  to  follow  them.  I  answered  that  I  had  no  business  at  that  house ;  they 
were  masters  to  go  since  they  wished  it ;  I  should  keep  my  tent  with  the  young  men.  Tegarioguen 
wished  to  remain  with  me ;  I  persuaded  him  to  accompany  the  others,  so  that  I  may  learn  from  him 
what  transpired.  He  is,  moreover,  a  man  on  whom  I  have  great  reliance.  They,  therefore,  set  out 
for  the  fort.  In  the  interval  of  their  visit  three  cannon  were  fired  the  meaning  of  which  I  did  not 
understand.  On  their  return  I  learned  that  it  was  to  honor  the  Toasts.  They  began  by — The  King 
of  England ;  The  Commandant  of  the  Fort,  and  The  General  of  the  French  of  Canada.  These  are 
the  terms  they  made  use  of.    Here  is  what  was  said  to  them  by  the  Commandant  of  the  Fort. 

Brothers,  I  never  failed  to  assist  the  people  of  your  Nation  and  you  in  particular  when  you  pass 
by  my  house  and  come  to  see  me.  I  will  always  act  so  towards  you.  I  invite  you  to  peace  and 
tranquillity  between  you  and  us. 

He  gave  them  three  pots  of  Rum,  a  large  piece  of  Pork  and  a  bushel  of  peas  which  they  brought 
to  the  Camp.  I  found  them  in  a  state  of  great  Drunkenness,  except  Tegarioguen.  He  assured  that 
the  Choueguen  Sachem  had  been  charmed  to  see  them  and  that  he  gave  them  milk  to  drink  to  their 
Brother's  health.  But  the  excitement  they  were  in  led  them,  notwithstanding  all  the  entreaties  I 
could  make,  to  finish  what  liquor  they  brought.  This  delayed  me  three  days  before  the  Fort,  they 
being  drunk  so  that  I  was  unable  to  do  any  thing.  I  was  not  free  from  uneasiness  having  only  Te- 
garioguen for  support,  if  I  were  insulted. 

When  the  Chiefs  of  the  Lake  of  the  Two  Mountains  and  of  Sault  St.  Louis  returned  to  my  tent, 
the  Nontague  Chiefs  came  to  summon  me,  on  the  part  of  the  Commandant  of  the  Fort,  to  strike  my 
flag  which  I  had  hoisted  over  my  Tent,  inasmuch  as  I  was  under  the  guns  of  the  Fort.  I  always 
answered  Indian  fashion ;  I  knew  no  flag  but  that  of  their  Father  Onontio  which  I  carried,  and  it 
should  not  be  lowered  until  I  was  tied.  Contrary  to  the  custom  of  lowering  it  at  sundown,  it  re- 
mained flying  night  and  day  the  whole  of  the  time  I  was  constrained  to  remain  at  that  post. 

On  the  day  of  our  departure  it  was  again  the  same  tune.  I  must  absolutely  fire  first  and  strike 
my  flag.    This  I  would  not  do ;  therefore  no  salute  on  the  one  side  nor  the  other,  and  we  set  out  to 


300 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


proceed.  A  Nontagu£  Chief  carrying  a  British  flag  in  his  hand,  called  out  to  me  to  embark.  I 
forbid  my  people  to  do  so,  telling  them  I  would  not  march  under  an  English  flag,  and  they  heard  me. 
I  told  them  we  should  start  when  the  English  flag  was  no  longer  to  be  seen,  which  we  did.  I  re- 
proached the  Nontagues  with  their  weakness  and  the  little  respect  they  paid  their  Father  and  his 
Flag  since  they  dared  not  pass  Choueguen  without  a  British  flag.  They  answered — You're  right, 
Father ;  but  you  know  we  have  every  thing  to  manage  here.  I  replied — Under  their  Father's  flag, 
there  was  nothing  to  be  feared.  And  forthwith  they  furled  the  British  flag  which  has  not  made  its 
appearance  since. 


GOV.  CLARKE  TO  THE  COMMANDER  AT  OSWEGO. 

[Lond.  Doc.  XXV.] 

New  York  Nov'r  1st  1736. 

Sir — I  am  truly  sorry  to  hear  so  many  complaints  of  your  conduct  at  Oswego.  I  hope  for  better 
things, but  am  now  in  fear,  if  some  better  care  be  not  taken,  that  the  Garrison  will  all  desert  or  perish 
for  want  of  provision  of  which  I  am  told  there  is  no  manner  of  Oconemy ;  it  behooves  you,  Sir,  to 
be  very  circumspect,  and  I  earnestly  recommend  to  you,  to  keep  good  dissipline,  and  to  take  care  of 
the  provissions  and  of  the  security  of  the  house  and  garrison. 

Mr  Beauharnois  complained  to  me  of  your  Commanding  a  French  Canoe  a  shore,  which  was  pass- 
ing by,  I  assured  him  I  wo'd  enquire  into  it,  and  I  hope  you  will  be  able  to  acquit  yourself  of  what 
he  lays  to  your  charge. 

I  desire  you  will  be  very  vigilant  and  guard  carefully  against  all  surprizes  of  the  Indians  or  others, 
Capt:  Dick  will  convey  this  to  you  to  whom  you  ought  to  give  an  account  of  your  Garrison  by  all 
opportunity's  as  he  is  the  Commanding  Officer  on  the  Frontiers.  Sr  &c 

Capt.  Congreve.  G.  C. 


[Journ.  of  General  Ais.] 

Die  Sabatii  May  23.  1741. 

Resolved,  That  there  be  allowed  a  sum  not  exceeding  the  sum  of  Six  Hundred  Pounds,  to  and  for 
erecting  a  sufficient  stone  Wall,  at  a  proper  Distance,  round  the  Trading  House  at  Osivego,  either  in 
a  Triangular  or  Quadrangular  Form,  as  the  Ground  will  best  admit  of,  with  a  Bastion  or  Block  House 
in  each  Corner,  to  flank  the  Curtains,  which  are  to  be  single  for  the  Accommodation  of  Men,  if 
need  be. 


PAPERS   RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


301 


MR.  CLARKE  TO  THE  BOARD. 

[Lond.  Doc.  XXVI.] 

New  York  Aug :  the  20th  1742. 

My  Lords — If  the  loss  of  Oswego  (which  I  much  fear  will  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  French  on  the 
first  rupture)  does  not  stagger  the  best  resolutions  of  the  Six  Nations,  who  at  present  fear  more  than 
they  love  the  French ;  that  Fortress,  or  rather  Trading  house,  for  it  is  no  better,  is  in  a  very  defence- 
less condition,  the  Garrison  consists  but  of  a  Lieutenant,  Sergeant,  Corporal  and  20  men  it  is  and  has 
been  without  Ammunition,  the  Assembly  refusing  to  be  at  the  expense,  as  well  as  to  make  provision 
for  victualling  a  larger  Garrison ;  it  is  true  they  have  given  money  to  build  a  wall  round  the  house, 
but  the  Director  of  the  works,  instead  of  laying  the  stones  in  lime  and  sand,  as  by  the  Act  he  was 
to  do,  is  laying  them  in  clay  ;>  it  is,  as  it  is  managed  a  jobb  calculated  rather  to  put  money  in  the 
Pockets  of  those  who  have  the  management  of  the  business,  than  for  any  real  service  to  the  publick ; 
tho'  it  is  a  tiling  of  the  utmost  importance,  as  the  loss  of  it  will  certainly  be  followed  by  the  loss  of 
the  furr  trade,  and  very  probably  may  by  a  defection  of  the  Six  Nations,  the  consequence  whereof 
your  Lordpp8  know  perfectly  well. 


GOV.  CLARK'S  REPORT 

ON  THE  STATE  OF  THE  BRITISH  PROVINCES  WITH  RESPECT  TO  THE  FRENCH  •>  HO  SURROUND  THEM.  1713. 

[Lond.  Doc.  XXVII.] 

Tho'  it  has  been  my  duty  to  consult  in  a  more  particular  manner  the  welfare  of  the  Province  > 
which  I  have  had  the  honour  to  Govern  some  years,  yet  I  never  took  myself  to  be  thereby  discharged 
from  carrying  my  thoughts  to  things  of  a  more  extensive  nature,  especially  to  such  whereon  the 
peace  &  happiness  of  the  Plantations,  and  the  Trade  of  England,  if  not  the  very  being  of  His  Ma- 
jesty's Dominion  on  this  Continent  depend,  I  have  often  reflected  on  the  progress  that  our  natural 
Enemies  the  French  have  made  in  their  settlements  on  the  back  of  us,  Chiefly  since  the  peace  of 
Utrecht,  the  vast  increase  of  their  Indian  Trade,  the  interruption  of  ours  by  the  power  which  their 
communication  between  Canada  and  Messassippi,  (by  means  of  the  Lake  Cadaraque  or  Ontario)  gives 
them  over  all  the  Indian  Nations,  living  on  that,  and  all  the  other  Lakes,  which  disembogue  into  Ca- 
daraqui,  k  from  thence  into  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  &  by  what  means  that  communication  may  be 
cut  off,  &  those  Indian  Nations  brought  to  an  absolute  dependence  on  His  Majesties  Provinces,  who 
will  thereby  be  possesst  of  a  very  great  additional  Trade,  and  (winch  is  principally  to  be  considered) 
be  for  ever  secured  from  the  annoyance  of  the  French,  and  may  without  danger  or  interruptions, 
extend  their  settlements  as  far  back  as  they  please. 

The  French  had  lately  three,  and  have  now  twro  sailing  vessells,  each  of  about  50  or  60  Tons,  on 
the  Lake  Cadaraqui :  On  the  North  East  end  whereof,  near  the  entrance  into  the  River  of  St.  Law- 
rence, they  have  a  small  stone  Fort  called  Frontenac,  with  a  Garrison  of  about  thirty  or  thirty  five 

1  "He  pretended  that  there  was  not  Limestone  to  be  gotten  and  without  giving  himself  much  trouble  to  search  went  on 
his  own  way."— Lond.  Doc.  xxvii.  3.  The  wall  above  alluded  to,  cost  when  finished  £630.11.11$  Cury.— Journal  of  N.  Y. 
Assemb.  1744. 


302 


PAPERS    RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


men,  and  on  the  Southwest  End,  near  the  fall  of  Niagra,  another  with  the  like  garrison,  a  trading 
house  under  the  cover  of  it,  and  are  now  building  there  one  or  two  more  trading  houses.  In  those 
vessells  they  carry  the  Soldiers,  Artillery,  Ammunition  and  Provision  to  the  Forts,  and  transport  to 
&  fro  the  goods  they  sell  to  &  buy  from  the  Indians  :  It  is  through  this  Lake  they  pass  from  Canada 
to  Messasippi,  &  from  thence  back  again  to  Canada  :  By  means  only  of  their  Mastery  on  that  Lake 
it  is  that,  they  have  acquired,  and  still  hold  their  power  over  all  the  Indian  Nations,  from  Canada  to 
Messasippi,  except  only  the  Indians  who  are  next  adjoining  to  our  Provinces,  and  have  all  along  been 
dependent  on  them,  (of  which  the  Five  Nations  or  Cantons  are  the  most  considerable)  and  in  all 
those  they  have  of  late  gotten  too  great  an  influence,  especially  among  the  five  Nations  whose  youth 
being  of  a  martial  spirit,  they  intice  (contrary  to  the  Public  Engagements  of  those  Nations)  to  join 
them  in  their  Expeditions  against  the  Indian  Nations,  subject  to  His  Majesty,  and  depending  on  the 
Governments  of  Virginia,  the  two  Carolina's  &  Georgia,  who  have  it  in  their  power  (by  their  situa- 
tion, if  their  strength  were  equal,  as  it  would  be,  were  they  united  and  resolved)  to  interrupt  the 
march  of  the  French  from  Niagra  to  Messasippi :  this  the  French  know  full  well,  and  fearing  that 
they  may  sometime  or  other  confederate  against  them  for  that  purpose,  they  seldom  fail  once  a  year, 
to  attack  one  of  those  Nations  while  they  are  disjoined,  thereby  to  exterpate,  or  bring  them  over  to 
their  Interest,  and  they  have  gone  but  too  great  a  length  towards  it,  none  of  those  Nations  daring 
now  to  give  them  any  interruption  &  thinking  themselves  happy  when  they  are  not  annoyed  by  the 
French.  We  have  a  trading  House  and  a  Garrison  of  20  men  in  it  at  Oswego,  almost  opposite  to 
jFort  Frontenac,  which  in  our  present  situation  will  inevitably  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  French,  on 
the  first  opening  of  a  War,  &  with  it  the  Five  Nations,  the  only  Barrier  against  the  French  to  all  the 
Provinces  from  this  to  Georgia,  for  tho'  they  now  intice  some  of  their  youth  to  join  them  in  their 
hostile  marches,  yet  the  Body  of  those  Nations  oppose  it  all  they  can,  &  live  in  a  good  intelligence 
with  us,  professing  to  observe  inviolably  their  original  Allyance,  (or  Covenant  Chain  as  they  phrase 
it)  which  has  subsisted  ever  since  we  first  settled  this  Country,  yet  if  Oswego  be  taken,  (as  nothing 
can  hinder  it  wrhile  the  French  are  masters  of  the  Lake)  the  Five  Nations  will,  and  must  of  course, 
submit  to  our  Enemy,  who  will  oblige  them  to  assist  in  all  their  expeditions  :  In  which  Event  every 
one  of  our  Provinces  may  be  so  attacked,  that  the  Planters  will  be  obliged  for  the  security  of  their 
Persons  to  quit  their  settlements,  retire  into  the  Towns,  wherever  they  are,  or  under  the  cover  of 
Forts,  of  which  we  have  very  lew  on  the  whole  Continent,  or,  wrhat  is  worse,  leave  the  Country  to 
seek  a  living  elsewhere,  the  consequences  whereof  to  England  are  but  too  obvious,  &  this  the  Enemy 
will  more  easify  do,  as  they  have  a  line  of  Forts  from  Canada  to  Messasippi. 

As  a  remedy  for  these  Evils,  which  are  almost  as  great  as  can  befall  the  Nation,  I  propose  that  a 
Regiment  of  eight  hundred  men  be  sent  from  England  (or  if  half  the  number  of  private  men  be 
sent,  the  other  half  I  believe  may  be  raised  here)  with  an  Engineer,  Artillery,  and  Ammunition,  & 
posted  in  the  Sineca's  Country  on  the  Lake  Cadaraqui,  at  a  proper  Harbour  for  building  of  Vessells 
there  being  more  than  one  of  sufficient  depth  of  Water,  That  the  Harbour  be  fortifyed  and  Barracks 
erected  for  the  men.  That  there  be  then  built  two  or  three  Vessels  of  superior  force  to  those  of 
the  French,  on  board  whereof  a  few  sailors,  &  a  sufficient  number  of  soldiers  being  put  with  proper 
Ollicers,  we  may  take,  sink  or  otherwise  destroy  the  French  Vessells,  and  then  easily  take  their  Forts 
on  the  Lake,  &  for  ever  hinder  them  from  building  more  on  those  shores,  or  any  Vessells  on  the  Lake, 
nor  (if  they  should  build  any  in  the  River  St.  Lawrence)  can  they  carry  them  against  that  rapid 
stream  into  the  Lake.  The  consequences  whereof  will  be  of  the  greatest  moment.  All  our  Colonies 
from  this  to  Georgia,  will  be  secure  from  the  incursions  of  the  French  in  time  of  War.  The  Indians 
depending  on  the  Governments  of  Virginia,  Carolina  and  Georgia,  who  are  now  almost  every  year 
attacked  by  the  French,  and  their  Indians  will  live  unmolested;  AU  the  Indian  Nations  living  on 
or  near  the  Lakes,  and  all  those  over  whom  the  French  at  present  have  a  very  great  power,  will  no 


PAPERS  RELATING   TO  OSWEGO. 


303 


sooner  hear  of  our  conquests,  than  they  will  submit  to,  &  trade  altogether  with  us,  The  Five  Nations 
will  no  longer  be  divided  by  French  Intrigues,  but  will  be  absolutely  at  our  Devotion,  and  the  Trade 
&  Influence  of  our  Enemy  will  be  con  lined  to  the  Cold  Country  of  Canada,  which  will  scarce  be 
worth  keeping,  and  to  the  Banks  of  the  River  Messasippi,  Nay,  no  sooner  will  the  Five  Nations  see 
us  masters  on  the  Lake,  than  they  will  assist  us  to  take  the  two  Forts  of  Frontenac,  &  Niagra,  for 
they  are  now  complaisant  to  the  French  only  through  Fear,  knowing  them  to  be  a  treacherous  k  en- 
terprising people.  It  was  I  presume  to  think,  a  very  great  Oversight,  to  suffer  the  French  to  build 
those  two  Forts,  &  I  am  persuaded  if  it  had  been  strongly  Sc  rightly  represented  by  the  Governors 
of  this  &  the  other  Provinces  a  stop  would  have  been  put  to  it.  Those  Forts  being  built  on  the 
Lands  of  the  Five  Nations  (whose  native  and  conquered  countries  encompass  the  Lake  on  the  shore 
whereon  they  are  built)  who  by  the  15th  Article  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  are  explicitly  acknowledged 
to  be  subject  to  the  dominion  of  Great  Britain,  I  am  sensible  that  by  the  same  article  it  is  stipulated 
that  both^the  English  &  French,  shall  have  a  free  Intercourse  for  Trade  with  all  the  Indians  &  the 
Indians  with  them,  let  them  enjoy  it,  (when  we  are  Masters  of  the  Lake)  in  the  like  manner  that 
ours  is  now  carried  on,  viz1  By  Canoes  and  small  rowing  Boats,  but  I  am  pretty  sure  that  when  the 
French  yoke  is  taken  off  their  necks,  the  Indians  will  no  longer  trade  with  them,  for  the  English 
Manufactures  are  much  better,  and  they  prefer  them  to  French  goods,  but  supposing  that  they  should 
still  trade  with  them,  it  will  be  in  a  much  smaller  proportion  than  they  now  do,  &  besides  they  can- 
not then  march  in  any  numbers  to  disturb  our  Provinces,  or  the  Indians,  now  &  of  old  depending 
on  them.  An  Event  of  the  highest  importance,  nor  can  Canada  supply  Messasippi,  or  Messasippi 
Canada,  with  forces  or  merchandize  in  time  of  need :  Before  the  French  begun  to  build  the  Fort  at 
Niagra,  which  is  about  20  years  ago,  they  cajoled  some  few  of  the  young  fellows  of  the  Five  Nations, 
to  give  them  permission  to  build  a  trading  House  there,  but  so  soon  as  it  reached  the  ears  of  the 
Sachims  or  Rulers  of  those  Nations,  they  resented  it,  acquainted  the  Governor  of  this  Province,  that 
the  French  had  begun  to  build,  &  offered  to  join  any  force  he  should  sevd  to  demolish  the  works, 
and  to  drive  the  French  from  thence,  but  this  was  unhappily  neglected :  incouraged  by  their  success 
there,  they  did,  about  twelve  years  ago,  erect  another  Fort,  and  much  stronger  (on  the  Lands  like- 
wise of  the  Five  Nations)  at  a  place  called  the  Crown  Point,  about  160  miles  from  Albany  between 
that  &  Canada.  In  that  part  of  the  Country,  where  the  Senecas  chiefly  dwell,  &  where  I  propose 
our  Vessells  should  be  built,  &  the  Regiment  quartered,  the  Climate  is  temperate,  &  the  lands  ex- 
ceeding Fertile,  so  that  in  three  years  time  from  their  going  thither,  provisions  of  all  kinds  (sufficient 
for  the  Regiment  &  Vessells)  may  be  raised,  Except  only  Beef,  which  will  require  a  year  or  two  more, 
in  the  mean  time  cattle  may  be  drove  thither  from  the  County  of  Albany,  with  as  much  ease  as  they 
are  now  to  the  Garrison  at  Oswego,  &  no  sooner  will  the  Regiment  march  towards  it,  than  farmers 
will  go  thither  under  their  cover  to  settle  in  that  Country,  being  sure  both  of  protection,  &  of  a 
market  for  what  they  raise,  The  Five  Nations  being  acknowledged  by  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  to  be 
subject  to  the  Dominion  of  Great  Britain,  &  the  Lake  lying  in  their  Country,  it  being  surrounded  by 
their  Lands,  I  humbly  submit  it,  whether  we  have  not  a  Right,  even  before  a  Rupture  to  assume  the 
Dominion  thereof,  and  to  destroy  the  Forts  the  French  have  built  in  the  Country  of  those  Cantons, 
especially  if  we  have  their  concurrence,  of  which  &  of  their  assistance  too,  I  make  no  doubt,  when 
they  see  the  Regiment  among  them. 

When  we  have  thus  vindicated  our  Right  &  established  our  Dominion  on  the  Lake,  the  Regiment 
may  then  be  employed  in  the  reduction  of  the  Fort  at  the  Crown  Point,  wherein,  if  there  be  need, 
we  may  I  believe  have  assistance  from  the  Provinces  of  Massachusetts  Bay  and  New  Hampshire,  who 
have  settlements  not  far  from  thence,  and  who  claim  the  lands  adjoining  to  it,  &  one  of  them  even 
that  whereon  the  Fort  is  built. 


304 


PAPIRS  RELATING   TO  0SWE60. 


If  this  or  something  else  (of  which  I  own  I  can  think  of  nothing  so  effectual)  be  not  soon  done  to 
put  a  stop  to  the  French  Encroachments  farewell  to  the  English  Colonies  and  to  that  most  valuable 
Trade  of  the  Nation. 

If  it  ever  be  thought  advisable  to  attempt  again  to  take  Canada,  the  dispossessing  the  French  of  their 
mastery  on  the  Lake  &  of  the  Fort  at  the  Crown  point,  will  greatly  facilitate  the  Enterprize,  but 
before  we  begin  that  work  I  presume  to  think  we  ought  to  take  Cape  Breton,  a  Place  well  fortifyed, 
&  from  whence  the  French  can  annoy  our  Fishery  at  Newfoundland,  &  guard  their  own  navigation 
to  &  from  Canada.  That  place  is  such  a  Thorn  in  the  sides  of  the  New  England  people,  that  it  is 
very  probable  a  large  body  of  men  may  be  raised  there  to  assist  in  any  such  design,  and  if  proper 
officers  are  sent  from  England  in  the  summer  to  exercise  them,  they  may  by  the  ensuing  spring  be 
well  disciplined,  as  all  their  youth  are  expert  in  the  use  of  fire  arms,  from  the  unrestrained  liberty 
of  Fowling,  which  obtains  in  all  the  Provinces,  k  I  conceive  the  spring  is  the  most  proper  season  to 
attack  the  place,  before  the  Men  of  War  &  Fishing  Vessells  come  from  France,  for  in  the  Winter 
they  have  few  men  except  the  Garrisons,  &  Boston  being  a  proper  Fort  for  our  Fleet  to  harbour  in 
the  Winter,  we  may  block  up  the  Harbour  of  Breton  before  the  Ships  from  France  can  come  upon 
the  coast. 

New  York  1743. 


GOV.  CLINTON  TO  THE  N.  Y.  ASSEMBLY. 

['Journals  of  Gen.  Assembly.  ] 

Die  Lunse  Aug.  20,  1744. 

Gentlemen,  From  the  Examination  herewith  laid  before  You,  it  must  be  inferred,  that  the  Province 
has  suffered  Considerable  damage  this  summer,  by  the  precipitate  Retreat  of  our  Indian  Traders  from 
Oswego,  upon  Notice  of  the  French  War  ;  most  of  them  you  will  find,  left  the  Place  immediately 
upon  the  Alarm,  sold  what  they  could  of  their  Goods,  to  those  few  of  their  Brethren,  that  had  Sense, 
Courage  and  Resolution,  to  stay  behind,  and  brought  the  Remainder  back  with  them.  You  will 
judge  what  a  Baulk  and  Discouragement,  this  Instance  of  Pusilanimity  has  occasioned  to  those 
Number  of  Indians,  of  the  far  Nations,  who  have  rarely  come  to  Trade  with  us  ;  but  perhaps  finding 
the  French,  had  no  Goods  to  supply  them  at  Niagara,  resolved  to  proceed  to  Oswego,  where  some  of 
them  found  the  place  was  basely  deserted  by  most  of  the  People,  and  no  Goods  to  exchange  for  their 
Furs  ;  upon  Information  whereof,  many  other  Indian  Canoes  were  turned  back  before  they  reached 
that  Place. 

How  mean  an  Opinion,  must  the  Savages  entertain  of  us,  when  they  find  our  People  so  easily 
frightened,  as  it  were  with  a  Shadow,  and  that  the  great  Gains,  which  are  constantly  reaped  by  this 
Advantageous  Traffick,  are  not  sufficient  to  excite  a  Resolution  in  our  Traders,  to  stand  to  the  Defence 
of  this  Fortress,  the  Loss  of  which,  would  determine  that  Trade,  and  it  is  to  be  feared  the  Indians  too, 
in  favour  of  our  natural  Enemies  the  French  ;  how  fatal  such  an  Event  would  prove  to  this  Colony 
in  particular,  and  the  British  Interest  upon  the  Continent  in  general,  may  be  easily  foreseen. 

The  pernicious  Consequences  which  must  inevitably  How  from  this  sort  of  Demeanour,  I  persuade 
myself,  you  will  think  deserving  of  your  serious  Attention,  and  that  you  will  put  this  most  profitable 
Branch  of  our  Trade,  into  such  a  Method  for  the  Future,  as  may  encourage  and  invite  the  most 
distant  Nations  to  come  yearly  to  trade  at  that  Mart  ;  when  by  the  Wisdom  and  Justice  of  the 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


305 


Legislature,  Matters  are  so  regulated  for  the  future,  that  the  Indians  may  be  assured,  that  not  only 
their  Occasions,  will  always  be  plentifully  supplied  there  with  Goods,  the  best  of  their  kind,  but  also 
at  the  most  reasonable  Rates  ;  touching  which  last  Article  the  Six  Nations  have  made  frequent  com- 
plaints ;  by  these  Measures,  we  shall  establish  such  a  Credit  amongst  our  own,  and  the  remotest 
Indians,  that  it  will  not  be  in  the  power  of  the  French  to  rival  us  in  that  Point. 


[  Paris  Doc.  X.  ] 

April  4,  1748.  Nanangousy,  Chief  of  the  Iroquois  at  the  Sault  has  returned  from  Choueguen 
where  he  has  been  to  spy.  He  reports  that  outside  Fort  Choueguen  there  is  but  one  Trader's  house ; 
that  there  was  a  great  number  of  Dutch  and  Palatine  traders  at  the  place  called  Theyaoguin  who 
were  preparing  to  come  and  make  a  considerable  trade  at  Choueguen,  and  that  there  was  nothing  at 
that  fort  to  betoken  any  expedition  on  the  part  of  the  English  among  the  5  Nations. 


[  Council  Minutes  XXV.  ] 

Fort  George,  New  York,  23.  April  1755. 

The  Governor  acquainted  the  Board  that  among  the  other  measures  concerted  at  Alexandria,  the 
Fort  at  Oswego,  as  a  Post  of  great  Importance,  is  to  be  strengthened  by  a  detachment  of  all  the 
effective  Men  belonging  to  the  two  independent  Companies  at  Albany,  and  two  Companies  from  S1' 
William  Pepperel's  Regim1  who  are  to  throw  up  Intrenchments  and  make  Such  additional  Works  as 
may  be  thought  wanting  lor  its  Security.  That  he  signified  to  the  General  [Braddock]  that  the  Pro- 
vince would  not  he  apprehended,  supply  Provisions  for  so  many  Men,  unless  the  Expense  might  be 
taken  out  of  the  Fund  of  £5000  granted  for  Transportation  and  Refreshment  of  the  King's  Troops, 
and  for  other  extraordinary  Services  Necessary  for  the  Use  and  Security  of  the  Colony,  in  the  present 
Juncture ;  and  that  if  he  was  willing  it  Should  be  taken  out  of  that  Fund,  he  would  advise  with  the 
Council  upon  it,  on  his  Return.  To  which  General  Braddock  had  agreed.  And  thereupon  the 
Governor  desired  the  opinion  of  the  Board. 

The  Board  were  of  Opinion  His  Honour  might  draw  out  of  that  Fund  for  Six  Months  Provisions 
for  those  Troops  and  for  One  hundred  Battoes  and  a  sufficient  Number  of  Steersmen,  to  be  employed 
in  transporting  them  and  their  Provisions  &  Stores.  And  also  for  Pickaxes,  Spades,  Shovells  and 
other  necessaries  for  making  Intrenchments,  if  such  proper  Implements  could  not  be  supplied  out  of 
the  King's  Stores  here. 


M.  DE  VAUDREUIL  TO  THE  MINISTER. 

[  Paris  Doc.  11.  ] 

Quebec,  10  July,  1756. 

My  lord,— I  had  the  honour  to  inform  you  by  my  letter  of  the  2d  inst.  that  the  English  were 
deploying  a  large  force  towards  Chouaguen  ;  that  they  had  built  some  10  gun  brigs  there  and  two 
descriptions  of  galleys  ;l  that  a  body  of  3000  men  were  also  assembling  at  Fort  Necessity  about  40 
leagues  from  Fort  Duquesne  and  that  its  vanguard  of  700  men  had  already  arrived  there. 

1  The  first  English  vessel  on  Lake  Ontario  was  a  little  schooner  40  feet  keel  with  14  sweeps  or  oars  and  12  swivels.  She 
was  launched  on  28th  June,  1755. 

[Vol.  I.]  39 


306 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


We  had  confirmation  of  this  news  from  reliable  Indians  of  different  villages  and  they  gave  us 
assurances  sufficiently  convincing  not  to  allow  us  to  doubt  it.  They  even  added,  as  a  matter  of 
certainty  that  4000  men  were  going  to  Choueguen  ;  that  the  live  nations  were  spread  on  the  wings 
of  this  army  ;  that  the  English  would  seize  Niagara  and  Fort  Frontenac,  and  moreover  that  they  had 
constructed  600  batteaux  at  Orange  ;  that  they  were  still  busy  at  a  great  many  others ;  that  there 
were,  likewise,  5000  men  encamped  outside  Orange  covering  two  leagues  of  Country  ;  that  this  army 
was  to  inarch  against  Fort  St.  Frederic  [Crown  Point]  and  finally  advance  on  our  settlements  on  this 
Continent.  I  am,  my  lord,  about  to  send  some  reinlbrcements  to  this  last  fort,  but  this  diversion  will 
not  cause  me  to  change  my  design  on  Lake  Ontario  which  I  had  the  honour  to  communicate  to  you. 
The  preservation  of  Niagara  is  what  interests  us  the  most ;  if  our  enemies  became  masters  of  it  and 
keep  Chouaguen,  the  Upper  Countries  would  be  lost  to  us,  and  besides,  we  should  have  no  more 
communication  with  the  river  Oyo. 


;the  same  to  the  same. 

Montreal  24  July  1736 

However  great  the  evil  [the  backward  state  of  Canada  and  the  low  state  of  its  finances  J  I  must 
remedy  it  and  in  carrying  out  my  views  and  my  zeal  in  this  regard,  I  must  not  lose  sight  of  my 
design  against  Chouaguen,  since  on  the  success  of  this  depends  the  tranquility  of  the  Colony. 

The  expedition  against  Chouaguen  which  had  at  all  times  been  easy,  is  to-day  unfortunately  very 
difficult  and  that,  I  cannot  help  repeating,  because  the  English  experienced  no  opposition  in  their 
undertaking  and  preparations.  The  quiet  state  of  the  Colony  had,  even,  rendered  them  so  haughty 
that  having  arrived  at  the  degree  of  perfection  they  aspired  to,  they  boldly  raised  the  mask,  and  were 
daring  enough,  in  the  beginning  of  June,  to  send  three  balls  through  the  King's  Flag  flying  from  a 
batteau  of  an  Officer  who  was  conducting  a  detachment  to  the  Belle  Riviere. 

They  have  actually  two  and  perhaps  three  flat  bottomed  gun  brigs  witli  sweeps,  which  cruise  from 
day  to  day,  on  Lake  Ontario.  They  are  about  to  launch  others  for  similar  purposes.  I  have  advices 
of  the  20th  of  this  month  stating  that  those  two  barks  have  been  with  several  Batteaux  as  far  as  be- 
yond Quinte  where  the  English  landed  and  that  it  is  certain  they  will  go  to  Niagara. 

Chouaguen  is  no  longer  a  Trading  house ;  it  is  regularly  fortified  and  suitably  furnished  with 
pieces  of  artillery.  There  is  a  second  Fort  equally  provided  with  cannon.  The  Woods  that  sur- 
rounded Chouaguen  and  militated  against  its  defence,  no  longer  exist.  They  have  rendered  its  ap- 
proaches dilficult. 1 

They  are  in  strength  there  and  become  stronger  every  moment  by  the  troops  that  arrive  from 
Orange.    Yet,  My  Lord,  I  act  with  confidence,  and  dare  flatter  myself  to  have  Chouaguen  razed. 

The  army  will  be  composed  of  about  4300  men,  2000  of  whom  will  be  regular  troops,  1800  Cana- 
dians  and  500  domiciliated  Indians.    I  perceive  with  joy  that  the  one  and  the  other  greatly  exert 

1  "  When  it  was  determined  that  the  Army  at  Oswego  should  go  into  winter  quarters,  they  began  a  new  fort  upon  a'hill 
on  the  cast  side  of  the  river  about  470  yards  from  the  old  one  ;  it  is  MIX)  feet  in  circumference,  and  will  command  the  har- 
bour; it  is  built  of  logg  from  20  to  30  inches  thick  ;  the  wall  is  14  feet  high  and  is  encompassed  by  a  ditch  14  feet  broad  and 
ten  deep;  it  is  to  contain  barracks  for  300  men,  and  to  mount  16  guns.  On  the  other  side  of  the  river,  west  from  the  old 
fort,  another  new  fort  is  erecting;  this  is  170  feet  square,  tho  rampart  is  of  Earth  and  Stone,  211  feet  thick  and  IS  feet  high, 
besides  the  parapet;  this  is  also  encompassed  with  a  ditch  14  feet  broad  and  ten  feet  deep,  and  is  to  contain  barracks  for 
200  men.  An  hospital  of  framed  work,  150  feet  by  30,  is  already  built,  which  may  serve  as  a  barrack  for  200  men;  and  ano- 
ther barrack  is  preparing  of  150  feet  by  24."— Account  of  American  affairs  in  1755,  in  Gentleman's  Magazine,  xxvi.  6. 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


307 


themselves  to  accomplish  my  wishes.  This  army  will  be  furnished  witli  portable  cannon  nnd  muni- 
tions of  war  and  implements  generally  requisite  for  a  siege.  Since  the  12"1  instant  the  troops  file  off 
by  brigades  for  Fort  Frontenac.  I  expect  the  remainder  of  the  army  will  have  left  Montreal  by  the 
10th  of  next  month  ;  and  that  all  my  forces  will  be  collected  at  Fort  Frontenac  by  the  25th  of  the 
same  month,  unless  the  weather  be  unfavorable. 

I  should  have  been  highly  gratified,  My  Lord,  to  march  at  the  head  of  the  army,  persuaded  of  the 
effect  my  zeal  for  the  Kings  service  and  my  country  would  have  produced  on  the  Canadian  soldiers 
and  more  particularly  the  Savages.  But  Fort  St.  Frederick  [Crown  Point]  being  equally  menaced, 
my  presence  is  necessary  at  Montreal. 

Baron  Dieskaw  will  command  this  army.  I  confer  daily  with  him  and  see  with  pleasure  that  he 
ardently  desires  to  accomplish  my  views. 

As  for  the  five  Nations  I  reckon  not  on  their  aid,  but  I  do  not  despair  of  their  neutrality.  From 
the  hour  of  its  foundation,  Chouaguen  is  the  rendezvous  of  the  different  Indian  tribes.  It  is  from 
Chouaguan  proceed  all  the  Belts  and  messages  that  the  English  scatter  among  the  Far  Nations.  It 
was  alway  at  Chouaguen  that  the  English  held  Councils  with  the  Indians  and  by  means  of  presents, 
principally  of  intoxicating  liquors,  persuaded  them  to  assassinate  the  French.  In  fine,  Chouaguen 
is,  consequently,  the  direct  cause  of  all  the  troubles  that  have  supervened  in  the  Colony,  and  of  the 
infinitude  of  expences  these  have  entailed  on  the  King.  From  the  destruction  of  Chouaguen  will 
follow : 

On  the  one  hand  the  complete  attachment  of  all  the  upper  country  Indians  ;  on  the  other,  a  con- 
siderable diminution  in  the  expenditure  incurred  at  present  by  the  King  for  the  Colony.  Should 
the  Five  Nations  take  sides  with  the  English,  they  would  abandon  them  the  moment  Chouaguen  was 
no  more.  The  Indian  tribes  having  no  longer  a  resource  with  the  English  to  obtain  intoxicating 
liquors,  I  shall  insensibly  destroy  the  trade  in  Brandy  at  certain  posts,  so  destructive  to  the  prosperity 
of  the  service  and  of  commerce.  These  same  tribes  acknowledging  and  from  that  moment  unable  to 
have  any  other  communication  except  with  the  French,  the  prodigious  q  uantity  of  Beaver  and  Peltry 
which  went  to  the  English  will  return  to  the  trade  of  France. 

I  request  you,  My  Lord,  to  be  assured  of  my  punctuality  in  obeying  all  that  is  prescribed  by  my 
instructions  and  that  I  shall  do  everything  in  my  power  to  signalize  my  zeal  for  the  King's  service. 
With  the  most  profound  respect,  I  am,  My  Lord, 

Your  very  humble  and  very  Obedient  Servant 

Vaudreuil. 


THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 

[Par.  Doc.  XII.] 

Montreal  2  Feb.  1756. 

Chouaguen  is  now  in  a  state  of  defence ;  it  would  be  impossible  to  undertake  besieging  it  unless 
with  a  strong  army  and  considerable  artillery.    The  English  have  three  forts  there,  each  of  which 
has  cannon  and  bombs.    The  garrison  consists  of  COO  men  who  are  constantly  on  the  alert.    I  know 
less  of  the  situation  of  Chouguen  through  the  reports  of  prisoners  and  deserters,  than  through  a  re 
connoissance  I  caused  to  be  made  of  it  this  winter  by  two  small  parties  I  sent  thither. 


308 


PAPERS   RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


The  lirst  of  these  parties  brought  rue  two  prisoners,  the  second  commanded  by  M  ModeLouvigny, 
Ensign  has  completely  fulfilled  its  mission.  That  officer  remained  several  days  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Chouaguen  and  did,  himself,  examine  everything.  He  could  not  burn  the  basks  because  they 
were  under  the  cannon  of  the  Fort  and  well  guarded.  He  made  two  prisoners,  and  „u  his  return 
rendered  60  @  80  batteaux  unfit  for  service. 


[From  Council  Minutes  XXV.] 

At  a  Council  held  at  Fort  George  in  the  City  of  New- 
York  on  Wednesday  the  21  day  of  April  1756. 

His  Excellency  (Gov.  Hardy)  communicated  a  Letter  from  Sir  William  Johnson  of  the  16th  Inst, 
advising  that  he  had  just  recd  a  letter  from  Colonel  Bradstreet  in  which  he  writes  "  This  moment  ar- 
rived two  Indians  of  the  Onondaga's  to  give  Notice  that  Oswego  was  surrounded  four  days  since  by 
a  considerable  Number  of  French  and  Indians  from  Cadaraqui  and  Niagara.  That  they  had  heard 
the  Cannon  of  Oswego  for  half  a  day  after  they  left  their  Castle,  and  that  the  General  Rendezvous  of 
the  Enemy  was  about  twelve  Miles  from  Oswego. 

That  upon  the  receipt  of  Col.  Bradstreet's  Letter  he  had  determined  to  set  off  with  what  Militia 
he  could  get  together  immediately,  and  to  order  the  rest  to  follow  him  to  the  German  Flats,  and  in 
his  way  to  take  the  two  Mohawk  Castles  with  him.  That  he  hath  been  informed  of  the  Weak  state 
of  the  Forts  Edward  and  William  Henry  and  that  the  Garrisons  apprehended  an  attack,  and  had 
therefore  ordered  the  Militia  to  March  to  the  Relief  of  these  Forts  on  Notice  of  the  approach  of  an 
Enemy. 

His  Excellency  informed  the  Council  that  he  had  upon  former  Intelligence  which  he  had  received 
of  the  danger  the  Garrison  of  Oswego  was  exposed  to,  wrote  to  the  Commanding  Officers  of  the 
King's  Troops  at  Albany  and  Schenectady,  representing  the  great  importance  of  that  Post,  and  the 
bad  consequences  the  loss  of  it  must  be  attended  with, and  therefore  that  he  hop'd  they  would  march 
the  Troops  or  such  part  of  them  as  they  should  find  necessary  for  the  relief  of  that  place. 

The  Council  declared  His  Excellency  had  taken  all  the  measures  in  his  power  on  tliis  Occasion. 


[N.  Y.  Mercury  May  31.  1756.] 

Oswego  May  17.  1756. 

I  arrived  here  three  days  ago,  after  a  Tedious  Time  occasioned  by  the  large  Train  I  was  with, 
consisting  of  200  Whale  Boats,  and  200  Battoes,  excepting  two  Whale  Boats,  and  two  Battoes  that 
were  lost  at  the  Falls,  twelve  Miles  from  hence,  &  four  Men  drowned  in  them.  On  my  arrival  I 
heard,  thai  a  fow  days  before,  ;i  Party  of  Indians  came  on  some  ship  Carpenters  cutting  Timber  not 
300  yards  from  the  Town;  &  before  a  Party  could  be  turned  out,  Killed  and  carried  off  Twelve: 
Th  v  were  pursued  by  the  Parly,  but  they  could  not  get  sight  of  them  :  Our  People  found  one  Killed, 
which  they  Scalped,  So  threw  his  Body  in  the  River,  besides  several  Blankets  shot  thro',  Knives, 
Muskets  &c.  by  which  'tis  thought  some  more  of  the  Enemy  have  been  Killed.    About  eight  o'clock 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


309 


this  Day  we  heard  a  firing  up  the  River  wrhich  we  took  to  be  an  attack  on  one  Lieut  Blair,  who  wrent 
up  this  Morning  to  the  Reefs,  with  24  Men,  two  miles  olf,  for  a  Guard  to  the  Battoes  at  that  Place ; 
upon  which  Numbers  of  People,  with  a  few  Mohawks  run  from  the  Town  that  Way.  The  Firing 
still  continued;  and  soon  after  a  man  came  in  with  an  Indian  Scalp,  and  brought  Word,  that  Blair's 
Party  was  attacked  by  a  Party  of  French  &  Indians,  himself  and  one  Soldier  Killed :  Upon  which 
upwards  of  500  Battoe  Men  were  sent  different  Ways  into  the  Woods.  We  soon  further  heard,  that 
a  brave  Mohawk,  who  went  out  on  the  Alarm,  with  some  Battoe  Men,  was  Killed  by  a  French  In- 
dian, after  he  (the  French  Indian)  had  received  a  Wound  in  the  Thigh,  the  Mohawk  attempting  to 
take  him  alive,  and  by  that  Means  he  lost  his  Life ;  but  a  Battoe  man  that  stood  next  to  him  soon 
despatched  the  French  Indian,  and  Scalped  him  ;  another  they  found  dead,  which  they  Scalped  also ; 
two  more  they  are  certain  are  Killed,  as  they  saw  them  drawn  off.  Lieut  Blair,  though  a  Young 
Gentleman  not  more  than  18  or  19,  behaved  like  a  brave  Soldier;  for  being  wrounded  the  first  Fire, 
he  begged  his  Men  to  Tree  all,  and  fight  on,  for  he  was  a  dead  Man,  and  that  they  might  soon  ex- 
pect assistance ;  Soon  after  he  received  another  Ball  in  his  Throat,  when  he  immediately  fell.  The 
Sergeant,  with  the  Men,  bravely  maintained  their  Ground,  till  they  were  relieved  by  Numbers,  on 
whose  Approach,  the  Enemy  soon  made  off,  and  the  Woods  being  now  green,  our  People  stood 
no  chance  in  following  them.  Another  Soldier  is  mortally  wounded,  one  slightly,  and  a  Ship  Car- 
penter, who  wrent  out  without  any  Fire  Arms  some  Time  after  the  Attack,  was  shot  in  the  Leg,  the 
Bone  not  hurt.  Our  People  have  brought  in  several  Blankets,  Knives,  Small  Arms  &c.  by  which  we 
hope  they  have  had  a  warm  Reception.  They  had  not  Time  to  Scalp  our  Dead.  Lieut  Blair,  the 
Mohawk  &  Soldier  were  interred  this  afternoon,  with  all  the  Honors  of  War. 

We  are  busy  getting  the  Vessels  here  ready  for  the  Lake,  and  hope  to  be  out  in  Eight  Days.  As 
yet,  little  is  done  to  the  new  Ones,  and  will  not,  till  we  are  reinforced,  that  we  may  have  a  Strong 
Guard  to  cover  our  Men  in  the  Woods.  At  the  Falls,  (12  Miles  from  hence)  a  good  Stockaded  Fort 
is  building,  to  defend  that  Pass.  Plenty  of  fresh  Beef  and  Fish,  the  latter  of  which,  in  three  Hawls 
of  a  Seine,  filled  a  Battoe,  so  hope  soon  to  have  a  very  healthy  Garrison 


[  From  the  same,  14  June  1756.  ] 

The  Names  of  the  Carpenters  &  Sawyers  that  w  ere  Killed  &  Missing  at  Oswego  about  a  Month 
since,  are,  Edmond  Banton,  John  Mitchell,  Henry  Jackson  &  Philip  Philips  of  New  York ;  the  three 
former  Killed  &  Scalped,  &  the  latter  Missing ;  John  Jordan,  Samuel  Mash  &  Lewis  Dunham  of 
Brunswick,  the  two  former  Killed,  the  latter  Missing ;  Michael  Murray,  Killed ;  James  Grant,  John 
English  &  Charles  Carter,  of  Philadelphia,  the  two  former  Killed,  &  the  latter  Missing ;  James  Flana- 
gan missing,  one  Soldier  Killed  and  another  Shot  in  the  Knee. 


[  From  the  same,  June  28,  1756.  ] 

By  Several  Letters  received  from  Albany  we  have  the  following  Intelligence  from  Oswego  vizt 
That  on  the  16th  Instant,  about  4  o'clock  in  the  Morning,  a  Party  of  3  or  400  French  &  Indians, 
attacked  the  Forts  Oswego  and  Ontario  and  Killed  &  Scalped  five  of  the  Battoe  Guard,  sent  from  Fort 
Ontario  on  that  side  of  the  River :  That  they  took  one  Prisoner,  mortally  wounded  another,  and 
slightly  wounded  a  third,  but  were  repulsed,  and  not  without  considerable  Loss,  as  the  Cannon  play'd 
upon  them  for  an  Hour  and  a  Half;  that  they  went  quite  off  about  Eleven  o'clock  :  That  two  Whale 
Boats  were  sent  to  make  Discoveries  on  the  French  Shore,  the  same  Day,  and  after  rowing  about  11 
miles,  they  saw  a  Smoak,  and  about  100  Yards  farther,  a  man  running  from  the  Shore  into  the 


310 


PAPERS  RELATING   TO  OSWEGO. 


Woods;  that  they  immediately  fired  a  Volley  from  the  Boats,  when  the  Smoak  was  put  out,  &  about 
ten  Minutes  after,  upwards  of  1000  French  and  Indians  appeared  upon  the  Beech,  and  drew  up  in  a 
Line  three  deep,  reaching  almost  a  Mile,  and  gave  the  Boats  a  Volley,  some  of  their  Shot  droping 
within  5  yards  of  them  :  That  they  fired  about  five  Minutes,  when  the  Boat  gave  them  another  Fire, 
three  Huzza's  &  row'd  off',  and  returned  to  Oswego  about  5  o'clock  :  That  the  three  Vessels  were 
returned  from  a  Cruize  of  about  two  weeks,  but  have  made  no  Discoveries  :  And  that  another,  and 
more  formidable  Attack  was  hourly  Expected. 

Albany  June  27.  1756. 

Friday  last  Harkamers  Son  came  down  from  Oswego,  with  Letters  from  Col.  Merser,  for  General 
Shirley  :  He  says,  there  had  been  a  smart  Skirmish  at  Fort  Ontario ;  that  a  Body  of  about  a  thousand 
French  and  Indians  had  attacked  the  Fort,  but  were  beat  off'  by  Colonel  Schuyler,  and  those  that 
were  in  Garrison  there,  after  an  engagement  of  two  Hours;  that  Col.  Schuyler  lost  20.  Men  and  the 
Regulars,  G. 


EARLY  NAVAL  OPERATIONS  ON  LAKE  ONTARIO. 

[  From  the  same.  ] 

His  Majesty's  Sloop  Oswego ;  i 
Oswego,  July  2d,  1756.  \ 

I  have  been  out  with  Commodore  Bradley  on  two  cruises.  On  the  first  we  were  out  twelve  days, 
endeavoring  to  get  to  Niagara,  but  the  wind  blowing  constantly  from  the  westward,  were  forced  to 
return,  having  made  no  discovery  but  what  related  to  a  further  knowledge  of  the  Lake.  Last  Wed- 
nesday, seven  nights,  we  sailed  on  a  second  cruise,  and  the  Sunday  following,  at  day  dawn,  as  we 
were  steering  a  course  for  Oswego,  (having  promised  Col.  Mercer  to  return  off  the  harbor  in  four 
days,)  we  saw  four  sail  of  French  vessels,  from  whom  we  were  glad  to  make  all  the  sail  we  could. 
As  I  make  no  doubt  this  affair  will  be  variously  represented  at  New  York,  I  shall  give  an  impartial 
account  of  the  same,  which  is  as  follows  :  At  half  past  two,  A.  M.,  we  saw  two  sail  standing  towards 
us  from  the  N.  W.,  on  which  we  immediately  made  the  signal  for  the  Ontario  to  chase,  and  got  all 
ready  for  action,  wore  ship,  and  stood  for  them.  At  three  quarters  past  three,  we  saw  two  more  sail 
from  the  same  quarter.  At  this  time,  one  of  the  two  vessels,  which  proved  to  be  the  Commodore, 
fired  two  guns  to  leeward  and  hoisted  a  French  flag  at  his  foretop  mast  head,  which  we  took  for  a 
signal  for  the  two  sternmost  vessels  to  make  sail  and  join,  as  he  and  the  next  to  liim  directly  hauled 
on  the  wind,  and  clewed  up  their  main  top  sails.  At  5  o'clock,  being  then  about  one  and  a  half 
miles  from  them,  we  found  they  were  all  four  schooners,  and  the  two  whose  distance  I  have  just 
mentioned,  very  large  vessels  with  several  guns  of  a  side.  The  other  two  appeared  as  large,  but  of 
what  force  we  could  not  see,  they  being  farther  off  On  which,  Capt.  Lafory  came  on  board  and  a 
council  being  called,  it  was  thought  most  prudent  to  avoid  an  engagement,  the  enemy  being  lar 
superior  to  us,  and  the  utmost  consequence  our  welfare  was  to  Oswego.  Our  force  consisted  :  first, 
the  Oswego,  Com.  Bradley,  with  only  4  pounders,  1  three  pounder,  and  45  seamen  and  soldiers ; 
the  Ontario,  Capt.  Lafory,  with  4  four  pounders,  1  three  pounder,  and  45  seamen  and  soldiers ;  a 
small  schooner  not  bigger  than  a  four  cord  boat,  under  the  command  of  Mr.  Farmer,  with  G  swivels, 
and  13  seamen  and  soldiers.    At  half  past  five,  wore  ami  made  the  best  of  our  way  to  Oswego.  On 


PAPERS   RELATING    TO  OSWESO.  311 

which  the  enemy  gave  chase,  and  had  the  French  Commodore  behaved  at  the  time  as  he  ought,  he 
must  have  brought  us  to  action  very  soon  and  taken  us  :  but  lie  was  unwilling  to  attack  without  his 
little  fleet  close  together,  and  in  chasing  fired  single  shot  at  us;  to  do  which,  he  was  obliged  to  luff' 
up  in  the  wind,  having  no  bow  chase,  by  which  means  he  lost  every  time,  twice  his  length.  At  7 
o'clock,  he  being  little  better  than  half  a  mile  off,  first  luffed  up  in  the  wind,  then  clapt  his  helm  hard 
a-wreather,  wore  round,  and  fired  his  broadside  at  Capt.  Lafory,  astern  of  us,  and  left  off'  chase — none 
of  which,  or  those  before,  did  any  execution.  At  our  first  making  off,  we  found  Mr.  Farmer  to  drop 
astern  very  fast,  on  which  the  Commodore  hailed  the  Ontario  to  tell  him  to  bear  up  more  large.  The 
two  sternmost  schooners  gave  chase  to  him,  and  soon  after  saw  him  haul  up  to  the  northward,  for 
what  reason  we  know  not,  and  the  two  vessels  in  chase  of  him  firing  at  him,  which  guns  by  the  re- 
port they  made  were  heavy.  We  soon  after  lost  sight  of  him  and  the  chase  and  at  11  o'clock  heard 
firing  again.    At  three  P.  M.  we  got  into  Oswego. 

The  new  brigantine  and  sloop  are  to  be  launched  to  morrow ;  the  Snow  in  ten  or  twelve  days. 
But  we  are  greatly  disappointed  in  guns  for  them,  for  Col.  Bradstreet  arrived  here  yesterday  with 
600  battoes,  and  with  him  came  only  sixteen  carriage  guns  and  sixteen  swivels,  whereas  the  Brigan- 
tine only  should  mount  sixteen  carriage  guns.  However,  we  shall  get  some  small  guns  from  the 
Fort  the  sloop,  and  directly  go  and  look  for  Monsieur,  who  I  am  afraid  will  not  give  us  the  oppor- 
tunity of  speaking  with  him,  as  they  have  been  to  Niagara  and  I  suppose  have  carried  provisions 
sufficient  for  the  garrison. 

We  are  yet  much  troubled  by  scalping  parties — large  bodies  lying  within  six  or  seven  miles  of 
us,  and  as  our  garrison  is  not  sufficient  to  dislodge  them,  they  do  us  much  damage.  We  are  obliged 
to  have  large  parties  to  cover  the  carpenters  ;  others  to  clear  the  woods  around  the  garrison — that  it 
would  be  imprudent  to  attempt  it  till  we  are  stronger.  For  these  ten  days  past  we  have  quitted  the 
Fort  on  the  hill,  on  the  Oswego  side,  it  not  being  tenable  ;  but  as  some  troops  (about  200)  are  come 
up  with  Col.  Bradstreet,  we  expect  it  to  be  immediately  put  in  a  posture  of  defence.  Provisions  we 
abound  in,  but  now  the  cry  is  Men ,!  So  believe  we  shall  rest  on  the  defensive  this  summer  and 
winter.  What  is  the  occasion,  time  may  discover  ;  and  may  the  enemies  of  our  country  meet  their 
just  deserts  is  my  sincere  wish. 


M.  DE  VAUDREUIL  TO  THE  MINISTER. 

[  Paris  Doc.  XII.  ] 

Montreal,  5  July,  1756. 

My  lord, — English  vessels  have  appeared  several  times  on  Lake  Ontario  ;  our's  occupied  with  the 
freight  to  Niagara,  could  not  chase  them.  Nevertheless,  our  two  barks  returning  from  Niagara  on 
the  26th  of  June  perceived  across  the  Bay  of  Quintee  some  coming  towards  them.  We  gave  them 
chase,  all  our  sails  set,  but  the  enemy  immediately  sheered  off".  He  was  pursued  so  close  that  he 
was  obliged  to  abandon  his  sloop,  which  was  his  third  vessel.  We  left  this  to  our  two  barks  ;  our 
two  Corsairs  continued  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy  who  seeing  himself  gained  on  cut  his  boat  loose  and 
threw  a  number  of  other  things  overboard.  In  vain  wre  fired  our  chasers  after  him  he  made  no  re- 
sponse, taken  up  altogether  in  pushing  himself  ahead,  and  the  wind  having  fallen  he  gained  on  our 
Corsairs  by  means  of  the  quantity  of  sail  he  carried.    Having  chased  him  into  Chouaguen  we  tacked 


312 


PAPERS   RELATING   TO  OSWEGO. 


to  overhaul  the  sloop  our  barks  had  missed.  She  struck  at  once.  This  prize  is  about  20  tous, 
armed  with  b  patereros,  12  muskets,  6  sailors  and  8  soldiers. 

On  the  25th  June,  as  our  two  Corsairs  were  cruising  between  the  Islands  of  Couis  and  the  Galops, 
one  of  them  being  near  the  Bay  of  Niagara,1  got  intelligence  of  a  schooner  returning  to  Chouaguen. 
He  gave  chase  and  found  himself  in  doubling  a  point  quite  close  on  Chouaguen.  The  Schooner  had 
time  to  enter  the  River,  were  it  not  for  which  she  would  not  have  escaped  this  Corsair. 
|  This,  My  lord,  is  what  the  movements  and  exploits  of  our  little  Nav  y  of  Lake  Ontario  is  at  present 
reduced  to. 

I  am  with  most  profound  respect,  My  Lord, 

Your  very  humble  and  very  obl  Servant, 

Vaudreuil. 


ACTION  BETWEEN  THE  FRENCH  AND  ENGLISH. 

[N.  Y.  Mercury,  July  19.] 

Albany,  13  July,  1756. 

On  Monday  Colonel  Bradstreet  arrived  here  from  Oswego.  On  the  3d,  about  3  o'Clock  in  the  Af- 
ternoon, nine  Miles  on  this  side  that  place,  having  about  300  Battoemen  with  him,  in  their  Battoes, 
he  was  attacked  from  the  North  side  of  the  River  by  about  700  of  the  Enemy,  of  which  200  were 
Regulars,  the  Rest  Canadians  and  Indians.  Col.  Bradstreet,  who  at  that  time  was  near  the  Front  of 
his  Party,  proceeded  with  six  Men  to  a  small  Island  near  the  Enemy,  and  ordered  a  few  more  to 
follow  him  there,  to  keep  back  the  Enemy  from  fording  the  River,  till  the  rest  of  his  Men  could  land 
on  the  South  side  of  it.  He  had  no  sooner  landed  with  the  Six  Men,  but  he  was  attacked  by  Twenty 
of  the  Enemy,  whom  his  Party  beat  back,  kept  Possession  of  the  Island  and  were  joined  by  six  more 
Battoemen.  They  were  then  attacked  by  about  40  of  the  Enemy,  who  stood  their  Ground  very  well, 
and  wounded  eight  out  of  the  Twelve  ;  yet  as  our  People  never  fired,  without  each  killing  his  Man, 
the  Enemy  gave  Way.  The  Party  on  the  Island  were  then  increased  to  about  Twenty,  besides  the 
Wounded,  and  were  again  attacked  by  70  of  the  Enemy,  whom  our  Folks  also  beat  back  a  third 
time.  This  Affair  on  the  Island  lasted  near  an  Hour,  and  had  given  the  Rest  of  our  Battoemen  Time 
to  land  on  the  South  side  of  the  River  and  those  on  the  Island  perceiving  the  Enemy  were  coming 
to  surround  them  with  their  whole  strength,  retired  to  the  South  side  of  the  River,  and  were  followed 
by  the  Enemy.  Our  People  made  a  feint  Flight  until  the  chief  of  the  Enemy  had  lorded  the  River, 
then  faced  about,  and  push'd  the  Enemy  back  into  the  River,  where  they  killed  great  numbers  of 
them  ;  the  Rest  took  to  their  Heels  ;  and  were  so  closely  pursued,  that  they  left  all  their  Packs, 
Blankets  &.  Provisions  behind,  and  many  of  them  their  Guns.  About  forty  of  our  People  are  killed 
&.  missing  &  21  slightly  wounded.  The  number  of  the  Enemy  killed  is  not  Exactly  known,  as  most 
of  them  fell  in  the  River,  but  it  must  be  at  least  triple  the  Number  of  Ours.  Col.  Bradstreet  has 
brought  two  prisoners  with  him. 

1  Incorrectly  w  ritten  for  tfeaouri  or  Hungry  Bay,  Jefferson  Co.,  at  the  entrance  of  which  are  the  Galop  Islands.  On  the 
opposite  or  north  side  arc  the  Islands  of  Couis,  near  the  bay  of  Kenti.    They  are  to  be  seen  in  Sauthier's  Map  1777,  1779. 


English  jlUait  of&u  /vv/v 
with  pari  oflhs  Riv&r  Ojiondat/o 


0,„ 


V/, 


/V//  //  ^  /  //  l        /  / ->  / 


2k*  I 


REFERENCE      TO     THE  PLAN 


A.    lake  Ciita.rio.       B    yvv/  Ontario. 

C   .  I    inn  H  // a rt' i  n r  )i  r  ir/in/i  boa,ts 

D     //"  rft  o  //  r     /•  .  >'//  /p  x 

E     Ship  carpenters  houses. 

W     Fori  Oswego.  (V     Osweao  Town  . 

Li  i-i  tirir  f/urirtt  ri'orn 

I     Oswego  rift.  K    .4  iargr  hiU 

H  . -/« ,  Island. 

M       small  Island  Here  Col  Broadstreet  beat  off 

40  French  with  szccmen  <n/\ 
77/ is  was  r//,  ///si  sliirm  is  It 
■7i/lp-inl17/>(i. 

N  iAf</r</t  sira/np  //in  ll/rrl//ot //u  st ootid skirmish 
» /it  ri  BroadstreetjSrslJfitli 
•lUt/ieti  bealo/f 200 asidqfler 
with  400 routed:  6GO. 

<)   .  In- Island-.  V    .  icarrjrinaplaci. 

Q     77/i  /; n  /i/  t 'sit'i  i/i '/■!/// s 

S    Onondaao  River. 


J '  I  a  res 
Ontario  Fort 
Cswiof  Hi  ft 


"Dista  ncf  from  Oswego 
2  English. Mil  rs 


.3 


Whole  boat  harbour  li 


Hi//  K 


Ix/,/,,,/  L 


Island  M 

Swamp  \ 


T.s/a/id  () 
Oswryo  falls 
Camyi  //  n  /da  /  v 


4^ 
JZ 


i/itfi 

ditto 

ditto. 

ditto 

ditto 

ditto 

ditto. 

/lift/'. 

ditto 


PAPERS  EELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


313 


[From  the  same,  July  26.  1756.] 

Since  our  last,  many  letters  are  come  to  Town  from  Albany,  all  confirming  the  Account  we  had  of 
the  Defeat  of  the  French  and  Indians  by  the  Battoemen  under  the  Command  of  Col.  Bradstreet  and 
all  doing  Honour  to  the  active,  brave  and  circumspect  Behaviour  of  that  Gentleman,  during  the 
whole  aifair.  They  also  all  agree  in  this,  That  after  the  Repulse  of  the  Enemy  in  their  three  several 
Attacks  on  the  Island,  it  was  discovered  that  the  Enemy  in  great  Numbers  were  passing  from  the 
North  to  the  South  side  of  the  River,  at  a  Ford  about  a  mile  above,  on  which  Col.  Bradstreet  imme- 
diately marched  with  250  men,  to  meet  them.  He  found  that  the  Enemy  to  the  number  of  about 
400  had  possessed  themselves  of  a  thick  Pine  Swamp,  on  which  he  attacked  them  in  their  own  way, 
behind  Trees,  but  finding  that  to  little  purpose,  while  the  Enemy  remained  covered,  he  prevailed  on 
his  Men  to  rush  in  upon  them,  which  had  so  good  an  effect  that  the  Enemy  were  soon  dispossessed 
of  the  swamp,  but  still  made  a  running  Fight  from  Tree  to  Tree.  In  this  manner  they  were  pushed 
backwards  for  near  two  Miles,  when  having  the  River  in  their  Rear,  they  were  obliged  to  cross, 
which  they  did  in  a  Manner  most  terrible  to  themselves.  It  was  either  to  drown  or  be  shot :  De- 
struction stareel  them  in  the  Face  on  all  sides, and  it  soon  laiel  hold  of  them, for  the  Battoemen  having 
now  a  fair  View  of  them,  took  them  down  fast ;  and  here  it  was  that  the  Enemy  sustained  their 
greatest  Loss.  One  of  the  Prisoners  taken  in  this  pursuit,  informed  Colonel  Bradstreet,  that  one  of 
our  Indians  had,  during  the  Engagement,  deserted  to  the  Enemy,  and  informed  them  of  our  Dispo- 
sition, on  which  a  Party  of  the  Enemy  was  ordered  to  cross  the  River,  a  little  higher  up,  and  to  come 
down  upon  our  Flanks  or  Rear.  Col.  Bradstreet  marched  up  to  the  Place  described  by  the  Prisoner, 
and  fell  in  with  a  few  of  them  straggling  before  the  Rest ;  but  the  whole  party  soon  took  to  their 
Heels,  and  with  the  utmost  Precipitation  and  Confusion,  repassed  the  River,  some  leaving  behind 
them  their  Arms,  others  their  Blankets,  and  many  Indian  Implements  of  War.  The  first  attack  of 
the  Enemy  was  made  about  3  O'clock,  the  Action  ended  about  6  in  the  Evening.  A  Scouting  Party 
was  then  sent  out  on  the  North  side  of  the  River,  to  see  if  any  of  the  Enemy  were  remaining,  but 
found  that  they  were  gone  off,  and  that  in  the  utmost  Haste  and  Confusion,  for  they  had  left  behind 
them  their  Packs,  Blankets,  and  Provisions.  About  half  an  hour  after  the  Action  ended,  Capt. 
Patten,  with  one  Hundred  Grenadiers  of  the  50th  Reg1  joined  the  Battoemen.  The  former  being  on 
their  March  from  Onondago  to  Oswego,  about  4  Miles  from  the  place  of  Action,  heard  the  Fire,  and 
made  all  the  Haste  they  could  to  come  up,  but  they  came  a  little  too  late.  However  with  this  Rein- 
forcement it  was  determined  to  pursue  the  Enemy  to  their  Camp  about  12  Miles  off,  if  they  could,  by 
the  next  Morning,  have  200  Men  more  from  the  Garrison  of  Oswego,  and  accordingly  an  Express 
was  dispatched  to  Col.  Mercer  for  that  Purpose,  who  sent  the  200  Men  requested ;  but  unluckily  a 
Storm  of  Rain  came  on  so  hard  as  to  render  it  impossible  to  keep  the  Men's  Ammunition  dry.  It 
continued  raining  till  next  day,  and  then  it  was  judged  too  late  to  attempt  the  pursuit. 


A  further  Account  of  the  Action  on  the  3d  of  July  last. 

[  From  the  same,  Aug.  2,  1756.  ] 

You  have  doubtless  before  this  Time,  had  the  agreeable  News  of  the  Defeat  of  the  French  by  the 
Battoemen  on  the  Onondaga  River. — Capt.  Bradstreefs  Conduct  was  much  to  his  honour,  and  will  be 
very  advantageous  to  the  English  operations  in  the  present  Campaign. — His  success  against  the  Enemy 
shews  us  the  Wisdom,  of  taking  large  numbers  of  Battoemen  into  the  service — But  for  this  Expe- 

[Vol.  I.]  40 


314 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


client,  we  should  have  been  unable  to  keep  the  Passage  open  to  Oswego ;  and  unless  our  Provi- 
sions, stores,  &c.  had  been  sent  to  that  Garrison,  in  large  Squadrons  of  Battoes,  all  other  attempts  to 
support  it,  would  have  been  ineffectual ;  for  notwithstanding  our  Interest  in  the  Six  Nations,  we 
have  undoubted  Accounts,  that  1200  of  the  Enemy  have  lain  undiscovered  in  their  Country,  not  far 
from  Oswego  ever  since  May  last. 

"When  Capt.  Bradstreet  left  Oswego,  he  gave  strict  Orders,  that  the  several  Divisions  of  the  Bat- 
toemen,  should  keep  close  together.  But  such  an  irregular  Body,  could  not  be  easily  kept  to  good 
order,  and  therefore  they  wrere  at  some  Distance  from  each  other,  when  the  Enemy  attacked  them. — 
Our  Success  was  owing  to  Capt.  Bradstreet's  taking  Possession  of  the  Island,  for  by  this  means  he 
prevented  the  Enemy  from  fording  the  River,  and  gave  the  Battoemen  who  were  fired  upon  time  to 
rally  and  collect  themselves  on  the  opposite  shore. — When  Capt.  Bradstreet  gained  the  Island,  he 
had  not  above  Eight  Men  with  him,  and  these  repulsed  about  30  of  the  Enemy.  Upon  this  he 
was  joined  by  six  more  Battoemen,  and  was  attacked  a  second  Time  by  a  Party  of  40  French, 
whom  he  also  compelled  to  give  Way. — Capt.  Bradstreet  was  after  that,  reinforced  by  six  others,  and 
a  Party  of  above  70  of  the  Enemy  then  fell  upon  him,  and  by  pouring  in  cross  Fires,  wounded  12  of 
his  Men  ;  but  after  some  Time,  the  French  were  forced  to  retire  a  third  Time. 

A  large  Body  of  about  400,  being  then  observed  to  advance  upon  the  North  Side  of  the  River, 
about  a  Mile  higher,  Capt,  Bradstreet  imagined,  that  they  intended  to  ford  the  River,  and  surround 
him.  On  this  he  quitted  the  Island,  and  with  250  Men,  Marched  up  the  Soutli  side  of  the  River,  to 
prevent  it,  but  the  Enemy  had  not  only  forded  it,  but  taken  Possession  of  a  Pine  Swamp  on  that  Side, 
before  he  came  up.  Doctor  Kirkland,  who  was  returning  from  Oswego,  in  Company  with  Capt. 
Bradstreets  command,  had  now  gathered  together  200  Battoemen,  with  Design  to  reinforce  him  ;  but 
Capt.  Bradstreet  sent  him  Orders  to  keep  his  Post,  to  cover  the  Battoes  which  were  behind  ;  and 
directed  that  Capt.  Butler  should  Command  the  farthest  Division  of  Battoes  down  the  River,  and 
post  them  in  the  most  proper  place  upon  the  same  Duty. 

"When  Capt.  Bradstreet  came  to  the  Swamp,  an  Engagement  began  in  the  Indian  Manner,  which 
lasted  above  an  hour  ;  Capt.  Bradstreet  then  animating  his  Men,  entered  the  swamp,  and  forced  the 
Enemy  out  of  it  into  the  River,  where  many  of  them  were  slain.  .  .  .  Another  Party  was  at 
that  Time,  attempting  to  ford  the  River  when  Capt.  Bradstreet  came  up  with  them,  and  after  he  fell 
in  with  them,  the  whole  Body  was  routed. 

Not  long  after  this  last  Action,  a  Company  of  Grenadiers  belonging  to  General  Shirley's  Regiment, 
which  was  upon  the  March  from  Onondaga  to  Oswego,  joined  our  Battoemen  ;  and  the  next  Morning 
200  Men  came  to  them  from  the  Garrison.  Capt.  Bradstreet  now  proposed,  to  have  gone  in  quest  of 
the  main  Body  of  the  French,  but  was  prevented  by  excessive  Rains. 

We  lost  in  these  Actions  about  20  Men,  and  24  were  wounded.  What  the  loss  of  the  Enemy  was 
is  uncertain. — All  conjecture  that  above  100  were  killed. — This  we  know,  that  above  SO  Firelocks 
were  brought  to  Schenectady  :  Seventy-four  Men  more  were  found  by  a  Party,  that  afterwards  went 
out  from  Oswego  to  patrole  the  Woods  ;  and  many  doubtless  were  lost  in  the  River.  The  Enemy 
fled  in  the  utmost  Disorder ;  for  some  Traders  were  passing  by  the  Place  of  Action  a  few  Days  liter 
were  hailed  from  the  Shore  by  20  Frenchmen,  who  being  without  Provisions  and  unable  to  find  their 
Camp,  were  stroling  about  the  Woods,  upon  the  Banks  of  the  River  in  great  Distress,  and  begged  to 
be  taken  up  and  carried  to  Oswego. — The  Traders  being  in  Number  but  about  Half  a  Dozen,  were 
fearful  of  taking  more  than  one  of  them  in,  and  him  they  delivered  to  the  Garrison. 

This  Repulse  will  doubtless  check  the  Incursions  of  the  French,  shake  their  Indian  Interest, 
strengthen  our  own,  and  secure  our  future  Convoys  in  their  Passage  to  Oswego. — Capt.  Bradstreet's 
Gallantry  and  Conduct  are  justly  Commended. — The  former,  in  his  Defence  of  the  Island,  and  the 
attack  at  the  Swamp ;  and  the  latter  in  liis  prudent  Disposition  of  the  Remainder  of  the  Battoemen, 


r 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


315 


for  securing  his  Rear,  and  preventing  the  Enemy  from  Surrounding  his  whole  Party. — Nor  did  he 
receive  any  Help  from  our  Indians. — The  whole  Number  he  had  with  him,  was  only  Twelve. — Nine 
of  these  (such  is  the  State  of  our  Interest  with'them  !)  could  not  be  brought  to  engage. — One  went 
immediately  over  to  the  French,  and  informed  them  of  our  Numbers  &  Disposition.  An  Oneida 
Indian  fought  bravely  thro'  the  whole  Dispute  but  another  Indian  escaped  to  the  Onondaga  Castle, 
and  spread  a  Report  that  Capt.  Bradstreet  was  killed,  &  all  his  Battoemen  defeated. — I  hope  we  shall 
in  the  ensuing  Campaign,  fully  avenge  the  Loss  we  sustained  on  the  Banks  of  Monaungahela. 


DESCRIPTION  OF  OSWEGO — 1756. 

[  Paris  Doc.  XII.  ] 

Fort  Ontario  is  situate  at  the  right1  of  the  River  in  the  middle  of  a  very  high  plateau.  It  consists 
of  a  square  of  30  toises  1 180  feet]  a  side,  the  faces  of  which,  broken  in  the  centre,  are  flanked  by  a 
redan  placed  at  the  point  of  the  break.  It  is  constructed  of  pickets  18  inches  in  diameter,  smooth 
on  both  sides,  very  well  joined  the  one  to  the  other  and  rising  8  @  9  feet  from  the  ground.  The 
ditch  that  encircles  the  fort,  is  18  feet  wide  by  8  deep.  The  excavated  earth  had  been  thrown  up 
en  glacis  on  the  counterscap  with  a  very  steep  slope  over  the  berm  [covered  way] .  Loop  holes  and 
embrasures  are  formed  in  the  pickets  on  a  level  with  the  earth  thrown  up  on  the  berm  and  a  scaffold- 
ing of  carpenter's  work  extends  all  around  so  as  to  fire  from  above.  It  has  eight  guns  and  4  mortars 
with  double  grenades. 

The  old  Fort  Chouaguen,  situate  on  the  left  [or  west]  bank  of  the  River,  consists  of  a  house  with 
galleries  (machecoulis)  with  loop  holes  on  the  ground  floor  and  principal  gtory,the  walls  of  which  are 
three  feet  thick  and  encompassed  at  a  distance  of  three  toises  [18  feet,]  by  another  wall  1  feet  thick 
and  10  high,  loopholed  and  flanked  by  two  large  square  towers.  It  has  likewise  a  trench  encircling, 
on  the  land  side,  the  Fort  where  the  enemy  had  placed  18  pieces  of  cannon  and  15  mortars  and 
howitzers. 

Fort  George  is  situate  300  toises  beyond  that  of  Choauguen  on  a  hill  that  commanded  it.  It  is  of 
pickets  and  badly  enough  entrenched  with  earth  on  two  sides. 


JOURNAL  OF  THE  SIEGE  OF  CHOUAGUEN, 

COMMENCED  THE  11th  AUGUST  1756,  AND  CONCLUDED  THE  14th  AT  NIGHT;  BY  THE  MARQUIS  OF  MONTCALM. 

[  Paris.  Doc.  XII.  ] 

On  the  arrival  of  the  French  Troops  in  Canada  in  the  month  of  May,  every  disposition  having  been 
made  for  the  Campaign,  the  Marquis  of  Vaudreuil  Governor  General  of  New  France  detached  a  body 
of  Colonial  Troops  and  Militia  towards  the  St.  John  River  to  harrass  the  English  and  receive  the 


1  That  is,  the  East  Bank. 


316 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


remains  of  the  Acadians  driven  from  their  Settlements,  of  whom  those  who  had  not  been  trans- 
planted to  the  more  distant  English  Colonies  were  wandering  in  the  woods.  Another  detachment  of 
observation  of  about  500  men  was  in  the  direction  of  Fort  Lydius.  The  Queen's  hatallion  and  that 
of  Languedoc  were  encamped  in  front  of  Fort  Carillon.  Barn  was  destined  for  Niagara  j  Guyenne 
for  Frontenac,  and  Sieur  de  Villiers  Captain  of  a  Colonial  Troop,  hung  on  the  enemy  and  watched 
his  movements  towards  the  river  Chouagueu,  with  a  corps  of  700  men,  Canadians  and  Indli  ns.  The 
defence  of  Fort  du  Quesne  and  the  Belle  Riviere  (Ohio)  was  confided  to  a  somewhat  considerable 
party  of  Canadians  and  Savages,  and  Sieur  Dumas,  Commandant  in  that  Quarter,  had  orders  to  retain 
with  him  all  the  Indians  of  the  Upper  Country  whose  rendezvous  was  at  Presque  isle,  in  case  his 
posts  were  threatened  ;  if  not  to  send  a  part  of  them  to  Montreal. 

Reinforcements  having  arrived  from  France,  Royal  Rousillon  was  sent  to  Lake  St  Sacrement  and 
La  Sarre  to  Frontenac  with  the  two  French  Engineers,  also  arrived  this  year,  to  the  order  of  Sieur 
Colonel  Bourlamaque,  to  erect  new  fortifications  at  that  place,  or  rather  an  entrenched  Camp  which 
would  have  placed  them  beyond  insult.  Chevalier  de  Levis,  Brigadier,  was  destined  to  command  on 
Lake  St  Sacrement,  and  the  Marquis  de  Montcalm,  Field  Marsha],  to  proceed  to  the  quarter  which 
may  apparently  be  most  threatened  by  the  enemy. 

Thus  every  tiling  seemed  arranged  for  defence  in  different  parts ;  on  Lake  Ontario,  Lake  St  Sacre- 
ment, and  the  Bell  Riviere.  Some  parties  only  of  Canadians  and  Indians  succeeded  each  other  with- 
out intermission  on  the  English  frontiers  exposed  to  their  ravages,  and  they  laid  waste  more  especially 
Pensilvania,  Virginia  and  Maryland. 

Toward  mid-June  it  clearly  appeared  from  the  report  of  the  Indians  sent  out  as  scouts;  from  the 
depositions  of  several  prisoners ;  from  the  vast  preparations  made  at  Albany  and  Fort  Lydius,  that 
the  English  had  offensive  intentions  in  the  direction  of  the  Point  of  Lake  St  Sacrement.  Upon  this 
intelligence,  the  Marquis  de  Montcalm  proposed  a  diversion  towards  Lake  Ontario  fur  the  purpose  of 
attracting  a  portion  of  the  enemy's  forces  thither,  and  consequently  relieving  La  Pointe.  This  diver- 
sion was  to  be  made,  however,  in  such  a  way  that  the  defensive  could  be  changed  into  offensive, 
according  to  circumstances. 

The  Marquis  de  Vaudrcuil  had  never  lost  sight  of  the  siege  of  Chouaguen  a  post  important  by  its 
situation  at  the  Mouth  of  the  River  of  that  name  on  Lake  Ontario,  the  key  of  the  Upper  Country  by 
its  communication  with  the  Five  Nations,  Albany  and  the  River  Hudson ;  defended  by  three  forts — 
Fort  Ontario  on  the  right  bank  of  the  River,  Forts  George  and  Chouaguen  on  the  left  bank,  as  well 
as  a  species  of  Crown  work,  in  earth,  serving  as  an  intrenched  Camp,  having  also  a  good  port  and  a 
well  sheltered  harbour.  But  this  siege  so  important  to  the  Colony  did  not  seem  feasible  this  Cam- 
paign, the  season  being  already  far  advanced,  the  preparation  which  this  expedition  required  being 
very  great,  the  distance  considerable  and  transportation  not  being  accomplished  except  with  diffi- 
culties and  endless  delays  across  a  country  having  no  other  roads  but  rivers,  filled  with  falls  and 
rapids,  and  lakes  rendered  frequently  impassable  to  batteaux  in  consequence  of  the  violence  of  the 
waves. 

Sieur  Bigot,  Intendant  of  Canada,  arrived  at  this  conjuncture  at  Montreal ;  took  upon  himself  the 
collection  of  munitions  of  war  of  all  sorts,  and  of  provisions — the  despatch  of  convoys  and  their 
uninterrupted  supply.  The  diversion  towards  Chouaguen  was  then  determined  on  with  the  design 
to  besiege  it,  if  the  condition  of  that  place,  or  the  carelessness  of  the  enemy  permitted. 

Sieur  de  Rigaud  de  Vaudreuil,  Governor  of  Three  Rivers  was,  accordingly  sent  with  a  fresh  body 
of  Colonial  troops  and  Indians  to  assume  command  of  Sieur  de  Villiers1  Camp,  established  at  Niaoure 
bay  about  15  leagues  from  Chouaguen;  Sieur  de  Bourlamaque  received  orders  to  commence  at  Fort 
Frontenac  whatever  preparations  he  may  deem  necessary ;  Sieur  Decombles,  Engineer,  to  proceed 
with  a  detachment  of  Canadians  and  Savages  to  reconnoitre  Chouaguen  ;  and  to  conceal  the  project 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


317 


from  the  enemy,  the  Marquis  de  Montcalm  departed  27th  June  with  Chevalier  de  Levis  for  Fort 
Carillon.  The  defensive  positions  to  be  adopted  in  this  quarter  ;  the  fortifications  erecting  at  Caril- 
lon ;  the  movements  of  the  enemy  at  Fort  Lydius  and  Albany ;  all  these  reasons  justified  the  Marquis 
of  Montcalm's  presence  at  Lake  St  Sacrement.  This  General  remained  there  only  long  enough  to 
make  the  necessary  arrangements  and  put  the  English  on  the  wrong  scent.  He  placed  the  defence 
of  that  frontier  in  the  hands  of  Chevalier  de  Levis  with  a  corps  of  3000  men ;  returned  on  the  15th 
July  to  Montreal  where  he  arrived  on  the  19th ;  received  there  his  last  Instructions  and  set  out  again 
on  the  21st  and  arrived  at  Frontenac  on  the  29th.  Beam's  battalion1  had  already  received  orders  to 
repair  thither  from  Niagara,  and  Sieur  Mercier  Commander  of  Artillery  had  arrived  there  two  days 
before. 

Having  made  those  preparations  inseparable  from  a  new  expedition  in  this  country,  which  conse- 
quently presents  difficulties  unknown  in  Europe,  and  provided  every  thing  necessary  to  secure  a 
retreat  in  case  superior  forces  rendered  this  inevitable,  orders  were  given  to  two  barks — one  of  12, 
and  the  other  of  16  guns — to  cruize  in  the  latitude  of  Chouaguen.  A  corps  of  Scouts,  Canadians  and 
Indians,  were  sent  on  the  road  between  the  latter  place  and  Albany,  to  intercept  Runners. 

The  Marquis  de  Montcalm  left  Frontenac  on  the  4th  August  with  the  first  division  of  the  army 
consisting  of  De  la  Sarre's  and  De  Guyenne's  batallions  and  four  pieces  of  cannon.2  He  arrived  on 
the  6th  at  the  Bay  of  Niaoure,  which  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  had  designated  as  the  rendezvous  of 
all  the  Troops,  and  where  the  second  division  composed  of  Beam's  batallion,  of  the  Militia,  of  80 
batteaux  of  Artillery  and  provisions  arrived  on  the  8th.  The  number  of  troops  destined  for  the  ex- 
pedition was  nearly  3000  men — to  wit,  de  la  Sarre's,  Guyenne's  and  Beam's  batallions  amounting  to 
only  1300  men;  the  remainder,  soldiers  of  the  Colony,  Militiamen  and  Indians. 

Sieur  de  Rigaud's  corps,  destined  as  the  vanguard,  set  out  on  the  same  day  to  advance  to  a  cove 
called,  Vanse  aux  Cabanes  (Wigwam  Cove) 3  within  three  leagues  of  Chouaguen.  The  first  division 
having  arrived  there  on  the  10th  at  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  vanguard  proceeded  four  hours 
afterwards  across  the  woods  to  another  Cove  situated  half  a  league  frc.a  Chouaguen  to  cover  the 
debarcation  of  the  artillery  and  troops.  The  first  division  reached  the  same  Cove  at  midnight.  A 
battery  from  Lake  Ontario  was  forthwith  erected  there  and  the  troops  bivouacked  during  the  night 
at  the  head  of  the  batteaux. 

On  the  11th,  at  break  of  day  the  Canadians  and  Indians  advanced  to  within  a  quarter  of  a  league 
of,  and  invested  Fort  Ontario,  situated,  as  we  have  stated,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  River  Chouaguen. 
Sieur  Decombles,  sent  at  3  o'clock  in  the  morning  to  make  arrangements  for  this  siege  and  the  attack, 
was  killed,  returning  from  his  reconnoissance,  by  one  of  our  Savages  [a  Nipissingj  who  escorted  him 
and  who  took  him  in  the  dark,  for  an  Englishman — a  mishap  which  was  rendered  of  the  greatest 
consequence  to  us  from  the  circumstance  of  carrying  on  a  siege  in  America  with  one  Engineer  only 
that  remained.  Sieur  Desandronius  the  surviving  Engineer,  ran  a  road  through  the  woods,  partly 
through  swamps  explored  the  evening  before,  for  the  purpose  of  conducting  the  artillery  across. 
This  road,  commenced  at  11  o'clock  in  the  morning  was  finished  at  night  and  thoroughly  completed 
next  morning.  The  camp  was  established  at  the  same  time,  the  right  resting  on  Lake  Ontario  covered 
by  the  same  battery  that  protected  our  batteaux  from  attack ;  the  left,  on  an  impassable  swamp. 

1  Supposed  to  be  a  part  of  the  celebrated  Irish  Brigade,  then  in  the  French  service,  and  mentioned  in  the  Deposition  of  a 
French  Deserter,  post  p.  324;  Bearn"s  battalion  was  between  410  and  500  men. 

2  Another  account  says — "  Orders  came  for  the  Regiment  of  La  Sarre  to  proceed  to  the  Bay  of  Niaoure.  .  .  Wre  pro- 
ceeded on  the  29th  to  encamp  at  l'lsle  aux  Aillo  and  arrived  at  the  rendezvous  on  the  30th.  .  .  .  We  had  orders  to  iend 
back  our  batteaux  to  Frontenac  for  Guyenne's  and  Beam's  Regiment  and  the  Artillery." 

3  Now,  Sandy  Creek  Bay.  "  We  marched  all  the  night  of  the  9th  and  10th,  (says  another  account)  when  we  joined  Mr, 
Rigaud  at  Wigwam  Cove.    The  army  bivouacked  at  the  Riviere  aux  Sables,"  now,  Sandy  Creek,  Oswego  co. 


318 


PAPERS  RELATING   TO  OSWEGO. 


The  precaution  of  marching  only  at  night  and  of  entering  rivers  when  halting  by  which  we  were 
concealed,  had  till  then  hid  our  advance  from  the  enemy.  It  was  announced  to  them  only  that  same 
day  by  the  Indians  who  went  even  to  the  foot  of  the  fort  to  fire.  Three  armed  barks  which  sailed 
at  noon  from  the  River  Chouaguen  came  cruising  in  front  of  the  Camp,  discharged  some  pieces  of 
artillery,  but  the  fire  from  our  battery  forced  them  to  sheer  off.  Since  then,  they  cruised  only  at  a 
considerable  distance. 

On  the  12th  at  day  break  Beam's  Regiment  arrived  with  the  batteaux  of  artillery  and  provisions. 
These  batteaux  were  forthwith  unloaded  in  presence  of  the  English  barks  which  cruised  in  front  of 
the  Camp.  The  battery  on  the  beach  was  increased — the  park  of  artillery  and  the  depot  of  provis- 
ions established,  and  Sieur  Pouchot,  Captain  in  Beam's  Regiment,  who  had  successfully  begun  a 
fortification  at  Niagara,  received  orders  to  act  as  Engineer  during  the  siege.  Arrangements  were 
made  to  open  the  trenches  that  very  night;  Sieur  de  Bourlamaque  superintended  them.  Six  pickets 
of  workmen,  fifty  men  each,  were  under  orders  for  that  night;  two  companies  of  grenadiers  and 
three  pickets  to  support  them. 

Notwithstanding  the  greatest  possible  diligence,  the  work  at  this  trench  could  not  be  begun  until 
midnight.  It  was  rather  a  parallel  of  about  100  toises1,  the  front  opened  at  90  toisesfrom  the  ditch 
of  the  fort  through  ground  embarrassed  by  obstructions  and  stumps  of  trees.  This  parallel  finished 
at  five  o'clock  in  the  morning  was  completed  by  the  day  labourers  who  cut  the  lines  of  communica- 
tion and  commenced  erecting  batteries.  The  enemy's  fire  which  had  been  very  brisk  since  the  break 
of  day  ceased  about  eleven  o'clock  at  night,  and  it  was  perceived  that  the  garrison  evacuated  Fort 
Ontario  and  passed  over  to  that  of  Chouaguen  at  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  They  abandoned  in 
retiring  8  pieces  of  cannon  and  four  mortars.  The  fort  having  been  immediately  occupied  by  the 
grenadiers  of  the  trench,  the  workmen  were  commanded  to  continue  the  communication  of  the 
parallel  to  the  river  side  where  at  nightfall  was  commenced  a  large  battery  placed  so  as  to  batter 
Fort  Chouaguen,  the  road  from  that  fort  to  Fort  George,  and  take  the  entrenched  camp  in  the  rear. 
Twenty  pieces  of  cannon  were  conveyed  during  the  night  in  men's  arms,  a  labour  which  occupied 
the  whole  army,  with  the  exception  of  the  picquets  and  the  camp  guard. 

On  the  14th,  at  daylight,  the  Marquis  of  Montcalm  orderd  Sieur  de  Rigaud  to  ford  the  river  to  the 
other  side  with  the  Canadians  and  Indians,  to  occupy  the  woods  and  harrass  the  communication  with 
Fort  George  where  the  enemy  appeared  making  considerable  preparations.2  At  six  o'clock  we  had 
nine  pieces  ready  to  bear,  and  though  the  fire  of  the  besieged,  up  to  that  time  was  more  brisk  than 
our's,  they  hoisted  the  White  Flag  at  ten  o'clock  and  sent  two  officers  to  demand  a  Capitulation. 
The  celerity  of  our  operations  in  a  soil  which  they  considered  impracticable,  the  erection  of  our  bat- 
teries completed  with  so  much  rapidity,  the  idea  these  works  gave  them  of  the  number  of  the  French 
troops,  the  movement  of  the  corps  detached  from  the  other  side  of  the  river,  the  dread  of  the  sava- 
ges, the  death  of  Colonel  Mercer,  commandant  of  Chouaguen  who  was  killed  at  eight  o'clock  in  the 
Morning,3  doubtless  determined  the  beseiged  to  a  step  which  we  had  not  dared  to  expect  so  soon. 

The  Marquis  de  Montcalm  sent  Sieur  de  Bougainville,  one  of  his  aids  de  camp  as  a  hostage  and  to 
propose  articles  of  Capitulation  which  were  to  the  effect  that  the  garrison  should  render  themselves 
prisoners  of  war  and  that  the  French  troops  should  forthwith  take  possession  of  the  Forts.    The  ar- 

1.  A  toise  is  a  French  measure  of  six  feet. 

2.  «'  Sieur  Rigaud  executed  this  order  forthwith.  Though  there  was  considerable  water  in  that  River  and  the  current 
was  very  rapid,  he  threw  himself  in  anil  crossed  over  with  the  Canadians  and  Indians  ;  some  swimming,  others  in  the  wa- 
ter up  to  the  waist  or  to  the  neck  and  arrived  at  their  destination  without  the  fire  of  the  enemy  having  been  able  to  stop  a 
single  Canadian  or  Savage.'' — Another  account. 

3.  This  officer  was  gazettad,  7th  Oct.  1754,  Lieut.  Col.  of  Sir  Wm.  Pepperells,  or  the  2nd  American,  Regt.  He  had  been 
previously  on  half  pay. 


PAPERS  RELATING   TO  OSWEGO. 


319 


tides  having  been  accepted  by  the  Commandant  Sieur  Littlealles,  commanding  Shirley's  Regiment' 
and  sent  to  the  Marquis  of  Montcalm,  Sieur  de  la  Paur,  Aidemajor  to  Guienne's  Regiment  (acting 
Major  General)  was  sent  to  revise  them  ;  and  Sieur  de  Bourlamaque  named  Commander  of  Forts 
George  and  Chouaguen  took  possession  of  these  with  two  companies  of  Grenadiers  and  the  Pickets 
from  the  trenches.  He  was  entrusted  with  the  destruction  of  said  Forts  and  the  removal  of  the 
artillery,  Munitions  of  war  and  the  provisions  found  there. 

There  were,  on  our  side  only  about  thirty  men  killed  or  wounded  ;  on  that  of  the  English  about 
150,  including  several  soldiers  who  wishing  to  escape  across  the  woods  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Indians.  The  number  of  prisoners  was  nearly  1700  men  ;  to  wit  Shirley's  and  Pepperel's  regiments, 
arrived  from  old  England  and  who  were  at  the  battle  of  Fontenoy,  a  detachment  of  Schuylers  regi- 
ment, Militia  of  the  Country,  about  80  officers,  among  whom  were  two  artillery,  two  engineers,  and 
12  navy  officers.  We  captured  also  7  vessels  of  war  ;  one  of  18  guns,  one  of  14,  one  of  10,  one  of  8, 
three  mounted  with  patereros,  200  barges  or  batteaux,  7  pieces  of  bronze,  48  of  iron,  14  mortars,  5 
howitzers,  47  patereros,  a  quantity  of  bullets,  bombs,  balls,  powder  and  a  considerable  pile  of  pro- 
visions. 

On  the  21st  all  having  been  demolished,  the  prisoners,  artillery  and  supplies  being  removed, 
the  army  re-imbarked  and  repaired  in  three  divisions  to  the  Bay  of  Niaoure  whence  the  several 
corps  proceeded  to  their  respective  destinations.  The  savages  having,  with  the  Marquis  of  Mont- 
calm's permission,  departed  successively  after  the  siege,  This  general  had  previous  to  the  expedition 
bound  the  Nations  the  one  to  the  other  by  a  Wampum  belt  which  he  had  presented  them  in  His 
Majesty's  name  according  to  the  custom  of  the  Country. 

So  much  munition  of  war  and  provisions  found  at  Chouaguen — the  fleet  which  secured  the  com- 
mand on  Lake  Ontario  to  the  English — the  additional  reinforcements  they  expected  from  day  to  day 
— all  announced  designs  on  their  part  against  our  posts,  Frontenac  and  Niagara,  the  execution  of 
which  was  calculated  on  this  Autumn,  and  the  danger  of  which  the  Colony,  very  fortunately,  had 
not  to  incur.3 

[For  another  French  account  of  the  taking  of  Oswego,  see  Gentleman's  Magazine,  Vol.  xxvi.  508.] 


ARTICLES  OF  CAPITULATION. 

GRANTED  TO  THE  ENGLISH  TROOPS  COMMANDED  BY  JOHN  LITTLEHALES,  COMMANDING  SAID  TROOPS  AND  THE 
FORTS  CHOUAGUEN,  BY  M.  LE  MARQUIS  DE  MONTCALM,  FIELD  MARSHAL  OF  THE  KINGS  ARMIES,  GENERAL 
OF  HIS  TROOPS  IN  NEW  FRANCE. 

Article  the  first. 

It  has  been  agreed  that  the  English  troops  shall  surrender  themselves  prisoners  of  War  ;  that  the 
Officers  and  soldiers  shall  be  allowed  to  preserve  their  effects. 

1.  John  Littlehales  was  appointed  Major  of  Shirley's  (or  the  1st  American)  Reg't  also  on  7th  Oct.  1754.  He  had  been 
previously  on  half  pay. 

2.  "  The  Abbe  Picquet  ....  came  to  Chouaguen  to  plant  a  Cross  there,  on  which  was  affixed  In  lioc  signo 
vincunt;  and  along  side,  a  pole  with  the  Kings  arms  and  this  Inscription—  Manibus  date  Iclia  plenis."— Additional  account. 


320 


TAPERS   RELATING   TO  OSWEGO. 


That  the  said  Forts  shall  be  given  up  at  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  with  generally  all  the  effects, 
munitions  of  war,  provisions,  Barks,  Rigging  and  other  property  in  general  whatsoever,  without  any 
injury  being  done  thereto  by  their  troops. 

Article  the  second. 

That  all  their  arms  shall  be  deposited  in  a  store  at  the  moment  one  half  the  troops  are  embarked 
to  cross  the  river ;  that  a  number  of  French  troops  are  passed  over  by  the  return  to  take  possession 
of  the  Fort  and  that  the  remainder  of  the  troops  shall  retire  at  the  same  time. 

The  Flags  and  Drums  shall  likewise  be  deposited  in  said  Stores  with  the  Officers'  arms. 

A  new  Inventory  shall  be  made  of  the  property  in  the  stores  and  of  the  artillery,  powder,  bullets, 
provisions,  barks  and  rigging  conformably  to  the  returns  made  to  me. 

The  Officers  shall  in  passing,  each  take  away  their  effects  with  them. 

The  14th  at  11  o'clock  in  the  morning. 

(Signed)  John  Littlehales  Lt  Colonel  and  Commandant. 

The  said  articles  are  granted  in  His  most  Christian  Majesty's  name  according  to  the  power  which 
I  have  from  M.  the  Marcpuis  de  Vaudreuil,  his  Governour  and  Lieutenant  General  in  New  France. 

Signed,  Montcalm. 

Return  of  Effects  found  in  the  Fort  and  sent  to  Frontenac,  the  pillage  not  included. 

7  cast  cannon  of  the  calibre  of  19.  14.  &  12 
48  of  iron  of  9.  G.  5.  &  3. 

1  cast  mortar,  9  inches  4  lines. 
13  others  of  Iron  of  6  inches  &  of  3  inches. 
44  patereros. 
23  thousand  of  powder. 

8  thousand  of  Lead  in  balls  and  shot. 
2950  bullets  of  divers  calibres. 

150  Bombs  of  9  inches  and  300  of  six. 
1476  grenadoes. 
730  grenadier's  muskets. 
340  Grape  shot  (Raisins.) 
12  pairs  of  iron  wheels  for  naval  carriages. 

Vessels  Captured  on  Lake  Ontario. 
1  Snow  of  18  guns;  1  brigantine  of  sixteen;  1  sloop  of  ten;  one  battoe  of  10;  one  of  eight  & 
two  stone  guns ;  1  skiff  mounted  with  8  patereros  &  one  skiff  in  the  stocks,  burnt  j  200  barges  & 
batteaux. 

Provisions  found  in  this  Fort. 
704  barrels  filled  with  biscuit.  7  barrels  of  Salt 

138G  barrels  of  pork  &  beef  1  garret  full  of  Vegetables 

712  barrels  of  flour.  1  other  piled  with  flour 

200  sacks  of  ditto.  32  live  oxen 

11  barrels  of  Rice  15  hogs 

3  boxes  of  silver  &  the  military  chest  containing  18,CO0'b 
A  quantity  of  liquors  and  wines 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO.  321 


ADDITIONAL  PARTICULARS. 

Our  artillery  thundered  on  their  camp  and  at  the  moment  we  were  thinking  only  of  our  destruc- 
tion we  were  about  to  witness  the  glorious  termination  of  our  labours  I  had  seven  men  of  my 
picquet  killed  or  wounded  within  an  hour  and  a  half  and  I  had  still  the  whole  day  before  me  when 
we  heard  the  Rappel  and  saw  the  White  Flag  hoisted  on  the  turret  of  their  embattled  house.  Cries 
of  Vive  le  Roi  informed  the  French  of  the  fact.  The  loss  of  their  commander ;  that  of  the  officer  of 
artillery ;  the  tears  of  their  wives ;  the  terror  of  those  who  saw  their  husbands  exposed  to  the  same 
danger;  induced  them  to  surrender.  We  made  1640  prisoners,  120  of  whom  were  Women,  five 
Standards,1  120  fire  eaters  (cannon)  and  six  large  Barks.  Their  Stores  were  provided  with  every- 
thing to  maintain  our  army  during  the  next  Campaign.  The  loss  of  the  king  of  England  is  esti- 
mated at  20,000,000.  The  least  superstitious  attribute  our  success  to  Providence.  They  could,  in 
truth  Sir,  hold  out  much  longer.  We  have  lost,  notwithstanding,  80  men,  and  our  little  army  had 
been  swamped  if  that  valour  so  justly  attributed  to  the  troops  of  Old  England  had  extended  to  their 
Colonies.  Our's  is  now  more  flourishing  than  ever ;  trade  entirely  re-established ;  lake  Ontario  our's 
without  any  opposition.  We  can  hardly  recover  from  our  astonishment.  The  bulwark  (le  boulevard) 
of  New  England  was  originally  but  the  house  of  an  individual  whom  the  Iroquois  had  permitted  to 
build ;  of  this  the  King  took  possession  some  years  afterwards  for  purposes  of  Trade.  He  increased 
it  with  all  the  works  which  we  demolished.  Their  loss,  Sir,  is  incredible.  The  Canadians  and  In- 
dians have  had  a  very  considerable  slice  of  the  cake ;  the  latter  perpetrated  there  a  multitude  of 
horrors  and  assassinated  more  than  100  persons  included  in  the  capitulation,  without  our  being  able 
to  prevent  them  or  having  the  right  to  remonstrate  with  them.  This  species  of  animal  I  look  upon 
as  mad  dogs ;  when  they  are  intoxicated  they  are  uncontrolled. 


THE  EXAMINATION  OF  M0NSR  BELESTRE 

A  FRENCH  ENSIGN  TAKEN  BEFORE  THE  HONBLE  EDMUND  ATKYN  ESQ  HIS  MAJESTYS  AGENT  FOR,  AND  SUPERIN- 
TENDANT  OF  INDIAN  AFFAIRS,  IN  THE  SOUTHERN  DEPARTMENT  ;  IN  PRESENCE  OF  COL.  WASHINGTON  AND 
GEORGE  CROGHAN  ESRR  DEPT  TO  SIR  WM  JOHNSON. 

[Lond.  Doc.  XXXIV.] 

He  says  he  is  a  native  of  Canada  and  served  Monsr  Vaudreuil,  that  he  came  last  from  Fort  Du- 

quesne  with  a  party  of  40  Indians  and  12  White  men,  3  of  whom  were  officers  That 

only  100  of  the  Garrison  at  Fort  Duquesne  are  quartered  within  the  Fort  the  rest  lodging  in  barracks 
without*  That  the  train  of  Artillery  taken  from  General  Braddock  was  sent  down  after  his  defeat 
to  Niagara,  and  that  it  was  the  same  train  the  French  had  used  at  the  taking  of  Oswego.2 

1  The  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  caused  to  be  deposited  in  the  Churches  of  Montreal,  Quebec  and  Three  Rivers,  with  the  usual 
ceremonies,  the  four  Standards  of  Shirley's  and  Pepperel's  regular  troops  and  that  of  Schuyler's  Regiment  of  Militia. — 
Another  Account. 

2  The  same  day  the  French  invested  '.he  place  with  about  5000  men  and  32  pieces  of  Cannon,  from  12  to  18  pounders  besides 
several  large  brass  mortars  and  hoyets  (among  which  artillery  was  part  of  Genl.  Braddock's.) — Journalof  the  Siege  of  Oswego; 
Gentleman's  Mag.  xxvii.  76. 

[Vol.  I.]  41 


322 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


[  Council  Min.  XXV.  ] 

At  a  Council  held  at  Fort  George  in  the  City  of  New- 
York  on  Friday  the  27th  day  of  April  1756.'- 
His  Excellency  communicated  to  the  Council  the  Intelligence  he  had  received  from  thr  T.<  II  nble 
the  Earl  of  Loudon,  by  Express,  of  the  Enemy's  having  laid  siege  to  Oswego,  of  their  having  taken 
the  Fort  on  the  East  side  of  the  River,  and  that  it  was  apprehended  they  were  or  would  soon  be 
Masters  of  the  other  works  there,  with  all  the  stores  and  Naval  Armament. 

Also  a  Letter  from  his  Lordship  of  the  21st  inst  in  which  his  Lordship  desires  that  his  Excellency 
seeing  the  situation  of  Things,  and  Knowing  so  well  the  Consequences  of  such  a  situation  would  send 
him  such  aid  as  he  may  see  necessary  and  may  be  in  his  power  to  do. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  ALBANY,  DATED  AUG.  30. 

[•  N.  V.  Mercury.  ] 

Last  night  a  Letter  came  to  Town  from  Onide  Carrying  Place,  where  was  come  an  Indian  from 
Oswego,  who  informed,  that  the  French  had  carried  every  Thing  from  thence  and  demolished  the 
Place ;  that  they  had  carried  away  three  of  four  Officers,  the  Carpenters  and  Sailors  to  Frontenac, 
the  Remainder  they  killed,  cut  oft"  their  Heads,  and  posted  them  on  Stakes  along  the  Lake  Side.  It 

is  said  Col.  L  e  scandalously  surrendered  the  Fort,  no  more  than  7  Men  killed  in  the  whole, 

among  whom  was  Col.  Mercier.    *Commodore  B  y  also  behaved  scandalously,  not  firing  one  Gun 

from  his  Vessels  on  the  Enemy.  I  cannot  conceive  (if  true)  why  this  Barbarity  was  Committed,  un- 
less our  Men  repented  their  Shameful  Surrender,  or  there  must  have  been  a  Quarrel  between  the 
French  and  Indians. 

The  accounts  received  from  Albany  since  our  last,  concerning  Oswego,  are  more  favourable,  than 
those  that  have  been  inserted  heretofore ;  for  wc  are  Assured  from  good  Authority,  that  some  white 
People  are  returned  to  Albany,  who  were  despatched  to  Oswego,  in  order  to  reconnoitre  the  Woods, 
and,  if  possible,  to  get  a  View  of  the  Place,  who  report  that  they  lay  two  Nights  there,  where  every 
tiling  that  could  be  of  service  to  the  French  was  carried  away,  and  the  Forts  and  Houses  entirely 
demolished,  that  no  signs  of  Murder  or  Massacre  was  to  be  seen,  and  that  they  found  only  three 
Graves,  which  were  very  handsomely  made  up,  and  one  in  particular,  which  they  imagined  was  Col. 
Mercer's. 

Tis  also  said,  That  a  Negro  Fellow,  who  made  his  Escape,  after  the  Garrison  of  Oswego  was  taken, 
is  lying  sick  at  Onida  Castle,  and  says,  that  immediately  after  Col.  Mercer  was  killed,  the  Place  was 
given  up  to  the  French,  by  Order  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Littlehill ;  that  the  Number  of  the  Besiegers 
were  but  little  superior  to  those  of  the  Besieged  ;  and  that  the  Enemy  had  no  other  Cannon,  than 
those  they  got  at  Fort  Ontario. 

A  Letter  from  Oneida  Carrying  Place  dated  August  18  says — That  John  Gall  who  belong'd  to  one 
of  the  Vessels  on  the  Lake,  and  made  his  Escape  reports,  That  on  the  11th  instant  the  Row  Galley 
wont  out  on  a  Cruise,  and  return'd  in  10  Minutes,  first  giving  a  Signal  that  he  had  discovered  the 
Enemy  :  Upon  which  the  two  other  Sloops  with  Part  of  the  Regiments  on  board  immediately  went 
out,  and  in  about  a  Mile  from  the  Fort  discovered  the  Enemy's  Camp.  The  12th  the  Enemy  engaged 

MS.  Ifotl  In  tht  ytercunj.—U  an  enemy  should  stand  on  the  brink  of  th«  hill  no  fun  pointed  could  reach  him  from  th« 

vessels. 


PAPERS  RELATING   TO  OSWEGO. 


Ontario  Fort,  with  Small  Arms  only,  the  Fort  returning  the  Fire  very  smartly  with  their  Cannon 
and  Small  Arms,  all  that  Day  and  Night  following.  The  13th  a  Council  of  War  was  held  at  the  old 
Stone  Fort,  and  two  Shells  and  one  Ball  thrown',  which  was  a  Signal  for  the  Troops  to  quit  Ontario 
Fort  and  join  those  at  the  old  Fort,  the  opposite  side  of  the  River,  where  Col.  Mercer  was,  which 
they  immediately  did  :  That  at  Night  the  Enemy  hove  up  a  Fachine  Battery  and  Entrenchment  on 
the  Edge  of  the  Bank,  opposite  the  old  Fort.  The  14th  in  the  Morning  the  Enemy  began  their  Fire 
on  the  old  Fort,  which  was  warmly  returned  till  Col.  Mercer  was  killed  by  a  Cannon  Ball  as  he  was 
in  the  Camp  encouraging  the  Men  about  11  o'clock  :  That  the  Fire  continued  very  hot  about  an  Hour 
after,  when  Lieutenant  Cook  with  a  Flag  of  Truce  was  sent  to  the  Enemy ;  and  upon  their  return 
all  the  Indians  came  in  with  him.  That  Orders  were  immediately  given  for  every  Man  on  board  the 
Vessells  to  lay  down  their  Arms  take  1  Blanket  and  2  Shirts  and  march  Prisoners  into  the  old  Fort, 
That  Shirley's  &  PeppereLTs  Regiments  were  ordered  to  march  to  Fort  Ontario,  to  be  sent  Prisoners 
to  Frontenac  (500  Indians  being  to  guard  them)  in  the  Vessels  which  they  took  from  us  in  our  Har- 
bour, being  2  Sloops  (3  Guns  each,  besides  Swivels,  and  2  Hoies ;  2  Schooners,  one  of  them  with 
Swivels;  aud  a  Brig  lately  built,  with  14  Carriage  Guns,  and  the  same  number  of  Swivels  :  That  Col. 
Schuyler  and  his  Regiment  were  carried  away  Prisoners  also.  That  by  the  best  accounts  he  could 
collect  there  were  but  five  Men  Killed  besides  Col.  Mercer. 


SIR  CHARLES  HARDY  TO  THE  BOARD. 

[  Lontl.  Doc.  XXXIII.  ] 

Fort  ueorge  N.  York  Sep  5th  1756. 

My  Lords — I  enclose  for  your  Lordshipps  information  the  Declaration  sent  me  from  Albany  of  the 
Soldiers  who  were  originally  Deserters  from  the  French,  &  had  taken  on  in  Generals  Shirley  &  Peper- 
ells  Regiments  this  paper  did  not  come  to  me  from  any  publick  authority,  as  Lord  Loudoun  could 
not  then  have  time  to  copy  papers.  One  of  the  Sailors  that  belonged  to  the  Ontario  Captn  Lafory,  I 
have  seen  he  gives  this  information  that  to  the  best  of  his  memory  on  the  morning  of  the  10th  of 
August  a  small  Schooner  was  sent  from  Oswego  to  make  discovery,  that  she  returned  offjof  the  Har- 
bour again  in  about  two  hours,  informing  them  that  they  had  discovered  a  large  incampment  of  the 
enemy  about  three  miles  to  the  Eastward  of  Oswego,  upon  this  information  Captns  Lafory  &  Deane 
sailed  in  two  sloops  to  attempt  cannonading  the  Camp,  before  they  could  reach  the  shore  where  the 
enemy  lay  they  were  fired  upon  with  Cannon  very  briskly,  that  four  shot  struck  the  Ontario,  three 
of  them  stuck  in  her  side,  which  they  cut  out  found  them  to  be  Balls  of  twelve  pound  weight  with 
the  Kings  broad  arrow  on  them,  that  they  did  not  think  it  adviseable  to  make  any  further  attempt, 
but  returned  to  Oswego,  &  sail'd  again  the  next  morning  as  [and?]  observed  the  encampment 
as  before.  By  this  time  the  enemy  had  marched  Bodys  of  their  Forces  k  attacked  Fort  Ontario 
with  Musquetry  which  they  continued  for  two  days,  wiien  the  English  Garrison  abandoned  it, 
first  spiking  their  small  Cannon,  tlirew  their  Powder  into  a  well,  &  retired  into  the  old  Fort, 
soon  after  the  enemy  drew  up  their'  Cannon  to  Fort  Ontario  in  number  8  or  9  and  cannonaded 
the  old  Fort,  which  continued  for  24  hours  when  Lieut  Col  Littlehales,  who  succeeded  to  the 
command  upon  Lieut  Coll  Mercers  being  killed  sent  out  an  Officer  and  Drum  with  a  white 
Flag ,  soon  after  the  surrender  took  place,  &  the  French  possession  of  the  Fort,  that  the  Garrison 
were  made  prisoners  of  War  &  well  used,  that  the  vessels  which  were  all  in  Port,  was  soon 


324 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


after  taken  possession  of  by  the  French,  during  the  siege  was  killed  Lieut  Coll.  Mercer  aptn 
Hind  of  the  Train  of  Artillery  and  eight  or  nine  private  men,  and  one  Engineer  wounded,  he 
further  says  that  the  Enemy's  force  was  reported  to  be  three  thousand  Regulars  k  a  great  num- 
ber of  Indians,  These  two  accounts  tho'  hot  materially  different  are  greatly  so  from  an  account 
sent  me  from  Gen:  Willi's  Camp.  An  Onandaga  Sachem  came  to  them  the  25th  in  the  evening 
with  strings  of  Wampum  and  declared.  That  two  of  their  young  men  that  had  been  sent  to 
Oswego  returned  to  their  Castle  k  reported  that  Oswego  was  not  taken  till  six  days  before,  that 
the  enemy  had  put  the  whole  to  the  sword,  except  150,  sailors  carpenters  k  artificers  included, 
That  they  had  demolished  the  works  and  evacuated  the  place,  carrying  away  the  shipping  Guns 
ammunition  &c,  That  they  had  laid  the  Dead  in  Banks  with  their  heads  in  the  Water,  k  scat- 
tered a  great  quantity  of  Provisions  about  the  Place.  That  they  told  the  Indians  upon  their 
leaving  the  place,  You  see  we  do  not  want  to  seize  your  Lands,  only  to  drive  the  English  away 
whom  we  are  much  obliged  to  for  supplying  us  with  Artillery  k  Tools  which  we  were  in  want 
of  to  take  their  Forts,  the  Sachem  added  that  those  that  gave  us  the  former  accounts  were  de- 
serters who  went  away  before  the  affair  was  decided, 

These  are  all  the  particulars  I  can  furnish  your  Lordpps  with,  with  respect  to  the  loss  of 
Oswego. 

Declaration  of  a  Soldier  in  Shirley's  Regiment. 

Albany  Aug  the  21,  1756.    Past  8  o  clock 

The  following  account  is  given  by  5  other  men  who  had  deserted  from  the  French  and  were  in 
Generals  Shirley  k  Pepperel's  Regiments  and  escaped  with  the  Declarant. 

Claude  Frederick  Hutenac  of  Major  Gen1  Shirley's  Reg*  declares  that  on  Mondayjthe  9th  of  Aug1  a 
Prow  Galley  went  out  of  the  harbour  of  Oswego,  and  discovered  the  French  Camp  about  a  mile  from 
Fort  Ontario,  the  next  day  two  sloops  sailed  out  of  the  Harbour  who  were  fired  upon  from  that  Camp 
&  brought  in  two  of  the  Bullets  one  of  them  an  eighteenth  and  the  other  a  twelve  Pounder.  That 
on  Wednesday  k  Thursday  the  enemy  continued  to  fire  with  Small  Arms  only  from  the  tops  of  the 
Trees  k  behind  bushes  upon  a  rising  ground  which  commands  Fort  Ontario,  which  is  no  more  than 
stockaded  with  a  ditch  of  14  feet  wide  and  10  deep  but  not  quite  finished.  That  on  Thursday  night 
the  enemy  opened  Trenches  within  Pistol  shot  of  the  Fort,  k  on  Friday  the  13th  between  one  &  two 
in  the  afternoon,  the  whole  Garrison  consisting  of  300  men  of  Pepperells  commanded  by  Capt" 
Barford  of  that  Regiment  haveing  first  spiked  their  Cannon  consisting  of  two  Six  Pounders  and  six 
four  Pounders — abandoned  their  Fort  &  embarked  aboard  Whale  Boats  and  got  into  the  old  Fort 
Oswego,  without  suffering  any  loss,  that  during  the  time  they  remained  in  Fort  Ontario,  they  had 
only  3  men  killed  k  Ensign  Ting  of  Major  Genls  Pepperells  Regiment,  wounded,  that  they  ne!tlur 
wanted  ammunition  or  Provisions,  k  that  the  enemy  never  fired  any  cannon  at  this  Fort  That  so<  n 
after  they  arrived  in  the  old  Fort  Oswego,  Lieut  Coll  Mercer  marched  Pepperell's  Regiment  with  100 
of  Shirley's  to  reinforce  Coll  Schuyler  who  with  his  men  were  posted  at  a  small  unfinished  re  loi.bt 
upon  a  rising  Ground  about  GOO  yards  to  the  Westward  of  old  Fort  Oswegoe,  this  Post  had  been 
deserted  for  some  months  past,  and  made  use  of  only  in  keeping  Cattle,  this  detachment  was  enplo\ed 
that  afternoon  in  cutting  down  the  Bushes  near  that  Fort  and  making  fascines,  That  on  Sat.uday 
morning  early  the  14th  the  French  opened  a  Fascine  Battery  of  5  Pieces  of  Cannon  before  the  Gate 
of  Fort  Ontario,  k  played  upon  the  old  Fort  Oswego,  across  the  mouth  of  the  Harbor,  that  the  Gar- 
rison on  their  side  continued  to  fire  above  4  hours  with  12  Guns  and  -1  Mortars  where  »f  one  of  the 
latter  burst,  that  between  8  &  9  o  clock  that  morning  Coll  Mercer  was  killed  at  the  Battel y  uro 


PAPERS   RELATING  TO  OSWEGO. 


325 


which  the  command  devolving  upon  Lieut  Coll.  Littlehales,  he  sent  for  Coll  Schuyler  &  the  detach- 
ment from  the  Redoubt  who  on  their  marching  to  the  old  Oswego  Fort  had  two  men  killed  upon 
Coll  Schuyler's  arrival  a  council  of  War  consisting  of  the  Field  Officers  &  Captains  was  called  and 
presently  thereafter  orders  was  given  to  cease  firing  upon  which  Lieu"  Montcreif  of  Shirleys  and  an 
officer  of  Pepperells  with  a  Sergeant  k  Drum  went  out  of  the  Works  with  a  White  Flagg  in  order  to  cross 
over  at  the  mouth  of  the  Harbour,  upon  which  this  Declarant  said  to  Colonel  Littlehales  that  if  you  are 
to  give  up  the  Fort  you  must  suffer  me  wJio  am  a  deserter  from  the  French  to  make  the  Best  of  my  way, 
because  they  will  have  no  mercy  upon  me,  the  Colonel  replyed  that  he  expected  to  marcli  out  with  the 
Honors  of  Warr,  &  consequently  he  the  Declarant  would  be  safe,  not  trusting  to  this,  he  with  seven 
more  who  had  formerly  deserted  from  the  French  had  leave  to  make  their  escape,  but  before  they  got 
quite  clear  they  saw  the  French  from  the  opposite  side  of  the  Harbour  getting  into  Boats,  and  amongst 
thetn  some  cloathed  in  Red  faced  with  Green  which  lie  immagines  belongs  to  the  Irish  Brigade, 
that  about  30  of  the  Garrison  of  old  Fort  Oswego  were  killed  and  wounded,  and  that  no  officer  was 
killed  except  Lieut.  Coll.  Mercer,  nor  any  wounded  but  Lieut  de  la  Cour  of  the  Artillery.  That 
the  Enemys  battery  was  raised  so  high  that  their  shott  plunged  in  amongst  them  and  the  only  cover 
they  had  towards  the  side  of  the  Lake  upon  which  the  Enemys  Battery  chilly  pointed,  were  from 
Barrels  of  Pork  placed  by  way  of  parapet,  with  embrasures  through.  That  one  Saturday  morning 
the  14th  a  Party  of  the  French  forded  the  River  about  Cannon  shot  from  the  old  Fort  who  remained 
in  the  Woods  without  coming  near  the  works.  That  there  was  no  sortie  made  from  any  of  the  Forts 
and  that  all  the  vessels  were  in  the  Port  when  the  Place  was  given  up.  That  from  the  report  of  the 
Seamen  who  saw  the  French  Camp  they  judged  them  to  be  about  4000  regulars,  besides  Canadians 
&  Indians.  That  the  Garrison  of  Oswego  consisted  of  about  400  of  Shirley  300  of  Pepperels,  and 
150  of  Schuyler's  besides  the  seamen,  carpenters  and  other  artificers  who  worked  the  Guns  &  did  the 
other  dutys  in  the  works.  The  4  men  of  Shirley's  Regiment  who  are  all  deserters  from  the  French 
declare  that  there  was  8  months  pay  due  to  them  when  the  enemy  appeared,  they  were  then  paid  up 
six  months.  The  two  men  of  Pepperels  who  are  also  deserters  from  the  French  declare  they  have 
received  no  pay  for  9  months  past.  That  last  whiter  there  was  only  140  men  fit  for  duty  of  both 
Regiments  with  20  of  the  independent  companys.  That  their  provision  was  extremely  bad  and  only 
received  half  allowance,  and  that  even  at  that  they  had  resolved  to  quit  the  place  without  a  supply 
had  speedily  arrived.1 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  PORTSMOUTH,  DATED  FEB.  13,  1757. 

[  From  N.  Y.  Mercury.  ] 

Inclosed  you  have  a  List  of  Several  Carpenters,  Sailors  and  other  Artificers  that  were  taken  with  me 
at  Oswego,  and  are  now  here  ;  some  of  them  were  retaken  going  to  France,  and  others  were  sent 
here  from  Canada.  Some  of  them  are  on  board  the  Royal  Anne,  and  some  in  the  Hospital ;  all  in 
good  Health,  and  are  to  be  sent  home  by  the  first  opportunity. 

1  For  another  English  account  of  the  Surrender  of  Oswego,  see  Gentleman's  Magazine,  vol.  xxvii,  75.  A  Writer  in  the 
London  Monthly  Review,  vol.  xvii,  174,  accuses  the  Merchants  of  England  of  opposing  the  important  settlement  at  Oswego 
from  interested  motives  as  a  company  of  them  had  engrossed  the  whole  trade  of  supplying  the  Colony,  as  was  pretended, 
with  goods  for  the  Indian  Trade  ;  which  goods  they  sold  wholesale  to  the  French  instead  of  retailing  them  to  the 
English  or  the  Indians. 


326  PAPERS    RELATING  TO  OSWESO 

Joseph  Gleddon,  William  Drewry,  Henry  Cosdrop,  Samuel  Spenser,  Thomas  Lyneal,  Daniel  Chad- 
well,  James  Dawson,  Joshua  Sprigs,  Alexander  Ogleby,  Philip  Peak,  William  Robinson,  Edward 
Clannon,  Joseph  Petterson,  Zebulon  Drew,  James  Wilson,  John  Lum,  Samuel  Forgison,  Samuel 
Edmunson,  David  Evans,  Thomas  Meloney,  Cornelius  Scantling,  Rufus  Church,  Samuel  Moot,  Neal 
Walkinson,  Thos  Hogin,  JBenj.  Bachoon,  James  Cavenagh,  John  Wood,  Dan.  Carpenter,  Benj.  Summer, 
Jonas  Wright,  Sam.  Miles,  Samuel  Noe,  William  Devenport,  Thomas  Godard,  Peter  Wright,  Brier 
Goddard,  John  Tarlox,  James  Wilson,  Richard  Brincroff,  Robert  Watts,  Arthur  Donaldson,  Joseph 
January,  Peter  Goodman,  William  Hunter,  William  Mullett,  Matthew  Thompson,  Will.  Taylor,  Jacob 
Fedrick,  Matthew  Bay  ley,  Robert  Hart,  David  Williams,  Daniel  Noroway,  William  Kemp,  Severn 
Anderson,  James  Gibson. 


[  From  same.    Oct.  24  1757.  ] 

In  the  packet  came  Passenger  also,  a  seaman  named  Edward  Mariner  who  was  taken  at  Oswego. 
He,  in  Company  with  Mr  John  Walters,  of  this  Place,  Robert  Isburn  &  son,  of  Philadelphia  ;  Capt 
Rusco,  Lieutenants  Bickers  and  Prince,  with  Ensign  Ogden,  of  the  New  Jersey  Provincial  Forces, 
and  about  299  more,  sailed  from  Quebeck  the  18th  of  July  last,  in  a  Cartel,  and  arrived  at  Plymouth, 

in  28  days  after  :  He  informs  us  that  the  brave  Colonel  Peter  Schuyler  was  in  good 

Health,  and  the  great  support  of  many  English  Prisoners,  without  whose  assistance  several  of  them 
would  have  been  reduced  to  the  greatest  extremities.  Captain  [Jasper]  Farmer  [of  the  Artillery] 
Son  of  Mr  Jasper  Farmer,  of  this  City,  Merchant,  was  likewise  at  Quebeck,  when  our  Informant 
came  away,  with  several  others  whose  names  he  could  not  recollect ;  and  as  Provisions  were  very 
scarce  when  he  left  that,  'twas  said  the  remainder  of  the  Prisoners  were  to  be  sent  to  Old  France  in 
the  Fall. 

Note — Further  particulars  of  the  operations  before  Oswego  may  be  found  in  the  London  Magazine 
for  the  years  1756 — 1759. 


XVIII. 

PAPERS 

RELATING  TO  THE 

(SHufta  Country  aub  ittoI)cm)k  llallcg- 


175G,  1757. 


CAPTURE  OF  FORT  BULL,1  BY  MR.  DE  LERY. 


[Paris  Doc.  XXV.] 

On  the  27  March  1756  at  four  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  detachments  commanded  byM.de  Lery, 
Lieutenant  of  the  Colonial  troops,  commenced  their  march,  very  much  weakened  by  the  fatigue  they 
experienced  during  fifteen  days  since  they  left  Montreal,  for  they  were  two  days  entirely  out  of  pro- 
visions.2 At  half  past  five  they  arrived  at  the  road  to  the  Carrying  place,  and  the  scouts  in  advance 
brought  in  two  Englishmen  who  were  coming  from  the  fort  nearest  to  Chouaguin,  whom  M.  de  Lery 
caused  to  be  informed  that  he  should  have  their  brains  knocked  out  by  the  Indians  if  he  perceived 
that  they  endeavored  to  conceal  the  truth,  and  if  they  communicated  it  to  him,  he  should  use  all  his 
efforts  to  extricate  them  from  their  hands. 

These  prisoners  stated  that  the  Fort,  this  side  of  Chouaguin,  was  called  Bull,  having  a  garrison  of 
60  soldiers,  commanded  by  a  lieutenant,  that  there  was  in  this  fort  a  considerable  quantity  of  muni- 
tions of  war  and  provisions;  that  the  fort  was  constructed  of  heavy  pickets,  15  to  18  feet  above 
ground,  doubled  inside  to  a  man's  height,  and  was  nearly  of  the  shape  of  a  star  ;  that  it  had  no  can- 
non, but  a  number  of  grenadoes  which  Colonel  Johnson  had  sent  on  intelligence  being  communicated 
to  him  by  the  Indians  of  our  march  ;  that  the  Commandant  of  this  Fort  was  called  Bull ;  that  1 5 
batteaux  were  to  leave  in  the  evening  for  Chouaguin  ;  that  at  the  moment  sleighs  were  arriving  with 
9  batteaux  loads  ;  that  the  fort  on  the  Corlear  side,  at  the  head  of  the  Carrying  Place  was  of  much 
larger  pickets  and  well  planked,  having  four  pieces  of  Cannon  and  a  garrison  of  150  men,  commanded 
by  Captain  Williams,  whose  name  the  fort  bore ;  that  they  did  not  know  if  there  were  any  provi- 
sions in  the  fort  not  having  been  in  it. 3 

At  10  o'clock  the  savages  captured  10  men  who  were  conducting  the  sleighs  loaded  with  provi- 
sions. These  confirmed  what  the  prisoners  had  stated  and  added  that  100  men  arrived  at  8  o'clock 
on  the  preceding  evening,  who  were  said  to  be  followed  by  a  large  force. 

Monsieur  de  Lery  whilst  occupying  himself  in  distributing  among  his  detachment  the  provisions 
found  in  the  sleighs,  was  informed  that  a  Negro  who  accompanied  the  loads  had  escaped  taking  the 

1  This  Fort  is  referred  to  in  a  Report  of  a  Committee  appointed  to  explore  the  Western  Waters  in  the  State  of  New- 
York.  Albany,  Barber  and  Southwick,  1792.    It  is  laid  down  in  Sauthier*s  Map,  as  fort  Bute.    Its  situation  was  about  two 

miles  west  of  Rome.   See  Outline  Map  annexed. 

2  He  left  on  the  17th  March  on  the  ice,  passed  by  La  Presentation  (Ogdensburgh)  and  proceeded  across  the  country  and 
along  the  mountains,  by  paths  known  only  to  the  savages  to  within  a  short  distance  ol  one  of  those  Forts  called  Bull.  Mem. 
sur  Us  aff.  du  Canada  dep.  1749  jusq.  1760.    published  by  Hist.  Soc.  Quebec,  1838. 

3  The  necessity  of  fortifying  this  Pass  was  pointed  out,  for  the  first  time,  in  Oct.  1736,  by  a  number  of  Indian  Traders  who 
petitioned  the  Assembly  to  erect  a  fort  at  "  the  Carrying  Place  at  the  upper  end  of  the  Mohawk  River."  When  Fort  Wil- 
liams was  erected  has  not  been  ascertained.  There  was  a  Fort  William  in  the  Mohawk  Country  as  early  as  1745-6,  but 
whether  it  be  identical  with  Fort  Williams  is  undetermined.  The  latter  stood  until  1756,  when  it  was  destroyed  by  Gen'^ 
Webb  on  his  famous  flight  from  Wood  creek  immediately  after  the  fall  of  Oswego.  It  was  succeeded  in  175S  by  Fort  Stan- 
wix,  and  finally  by  the  present  city  of  Rome,  Oneida  county. 


fV0L.  l.| 


42 


330 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  ONEIDA  COUNTRY  AND  MOHAWK  VALLEY. 


road  to  Fort  Williams ;  whereupon  not  doubting  but  they  would  have  intimation  of  him  at  that  fort, 
lie  acquainted  M.  de  Montigny,  his  second,  of  his  determination  to  attack  Fort  Bull,  the  prisoners 
having  assured  him  that  the  greater  part  of.  the  provisions  and  stores  were  there.  Each  officer 
received  immediate  orders  to  form  his  brigade  and  M  de  Lery  told  the  savages  that  1  o  was  about 
to  attack  the  Bull,  but  they  represented  to  him  that  now  they  had  provisions  to  carry  the  detach- 
ment to  La  Presentation — English  meat  that  the  Master  of  Life  had  bestowed  on  them,  without 
costing  a  man — to  risk  another  affair  would  be  to  go  contrary  to  His  will :  if  he  desired  uUoiUely 
to  perish  he  was  master  of  his  frenchmen.  The  Commander  replied  that  he  did  not  wish  to  expose 
them  and  asked  them  only  for  two  Indians  to  guide  his  expedition  which  they  with  difficulty  granted. 
Some  twenty  determined  afterwards  to  follow  him  being  encouraged  by  some  drams  of  brandy. 
The  Algonquins,  Nepissings  and  those  Iroquois  who  were  unwilling  to  follow  him,  accepted  the 
proposition  made  by  M  de  Lery  to  guard  the  road  and  the  12  prisoners.  They  assured  the  Com- 
mander that  he  may  make  the  attack  ;  they  would  take  possession  of  the  road  and  watch  the 
movements  of  the  English  at  Fort  Williams. 

The  detachment  having  commenced  their  march  along  the  high  road,  the  soldiers  having  their 
bayonets  fixed,  M  de  Lery  gave  orders,  when  within  1 5  acres  of  the  fort,  to  move  strait  forward 
without  firing  a  shot,  and  seize  the  guard  on  entering  the  fort.  He  was  still  5  acres  off  when  he 
heard  the  whoop  of  the  savages,  notwithstanding  the  prohibition  he  had  issued.  He  instantly  or- 
dered an  advance  double  quick  in  order  to  carry  the  gate  of  the  Fort,  but  the  enemy  had  time  to 
close  it.  Six  Indians  only  followed  the  French  :  the  others  pursued  six  Englishmen  who  unable  to 
reach  the  fort  threw  themselves  into  the  bush. 

M.  de  Lery  set  some  men  to  cut  down  the  gate,  and  caused  the  Commandant  to  be  summoned  to 
surrender,  promising  quarter  to  him  and  all  his  garrison  ;  to  which  he  only  answered  by  a  fire  of 
musketry  and  by  throwing  a  quantity  of  grenades.  Our  soldiers  and  Canadians  who  ran  full  speed 
the  moment  the  Indians  whooped,  got  possession  of  the  portholes ;  through  these  they  fired  on  such 
of  the  English  as  they  could  get  a  sight  of.  Great  efforts  were  made  to  batter  down  the  gate  which 
was  finally  cut  in  pieces  in  about  an  hour.  Then  the  whole  detachment  with  a  cry  of  Vive  le  Rot 
rushed  into  the  Fort  and  put  every  one  to  the  sword  they  could  lay  hands  on.  One  woman  and  a 
few  soldiers  only  were  fortunate  enough  to  escape  the  fury  of  our  troops.  Some  pretend  that  only 
one  prisoner  was  made  during  this  action. 1 

The  Commandant  and  Officers  repaired  to  the  stores  and  caused  their  men  to  use  diligence  in 
throwing  the  barrels  of  powder  into  the  river,  but  one  of  the  Magazines  having  caught  fire  and  M. 
de  Lery  considering  that  he  could  not  extinguish  it  without  incurring  the  risk  of  having  the  people 
blown  up  who  should  be  employed  there,  gave  orders  to  retire  as  quick  as  possible.  There  was 
hardly  time  to  do  this  when  the  fire  communicated  to  the  powder  which  blew  up  at  three  points. 
The  explosion  was  so  violent  that  a  soldier  of  Guyenne  and  an  Iroquois  of  the  Sault  were  wounded 
by  the  debris  of  the  fort  though  they  were  already  at  a  distance.  The  Indian  especially  is  in  danger 
of  losing  his  life  by  the  wound.3 

A  detachment  was,  however,  sent  to  look  after  the  baggage  that  remained  on  the  road  and  shortly 
after  an  Indian  came  to  notify  M  de  Lery  that  the  English  were  making  a  sortie.  This  caused  him 
to  rally  his  forces  and  placing  himself  on  the  bank  of  the  creek  he  had  the  bombs,  grenades,  bullets 

1  "  Except  live  persons  they  put  every  soul  they  found  to  the  sword."  A  faithful  Narrative  of  the  dangtrs,  offerings  and 
deliverances  of  Robert  Eastburn,  and  his  captivity  among  the  Indians  of  North  America.  Annual  Reg.  Vol.  I.  Anno,  1758.  Thii 
Eastburn  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  French  on  this  occasion  and  removed  to  a  town  called  "  Oswegotchy." 

'2  He  was  scarcely  four  arpeni  off  when  the  fire  communicating  to  the  rest  of  the  powder  blew  up  the  fort.  The  buildings 
were  carried  away  and  whatever  remained  was  in  an  instant  in  a  blaze.  The  shock  was  so  violent  anil  the  commotion  so 
great,  that  his  troop,  seized  with  terror,  fell  on  tlieir  knees.    Mem.  Sur  les  off.  du  Canada. 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  ONEIDA  COUNTRY  AND  MOHAWK  VALLEY.  331 

and  all  the  ammunition  that  could  be  found,  thrown  notwithstanding  into  the  water.  He  had  the  1 5 
batteaux  staved  in,  and  then  set  out  to  meet  the  sortie  of  which  he  had  been  informed.  But  he 
learned  on  the  road  that  the  Indians  had  repulsed  it  after  having  killed  17  men.  This  sortie  was 
from  Fort  Williams  on  the  intelligence  carried  thither  by  the  Negro.  The  Indians  wrho,  unwilling  to 
attack  Fort  Bull,  took  charge  of  the  road,  acquitted  themselves  so  well  that  this  detachment  quickly 
retreated  with  a  loss  of  17  men.  The  Indians  coming  some  hours  after  to  congratulate  M  de  Lery 
on  his  fortunate  success  failed  not  to  make  the  most  of  their  advantage. 

A  Chief  asked  him  if  he  proposed  attacking  the  other  fort ;  which  was  nothing  more  than  a  boast 
on  his  part.  M  de  Lery  replied  he  would  proceed  forthwith  if  the  Indians  would  follow  him.  This 
reply  drove  this  Chief  off  and  all  those  of  his  party  prepared  to  follow.  Our  troops  did  the  same 
and  encamped  in  the  wood  three  quarters  of  a  league  from  the  fort.  The  fort  Bull  prisoners  were 
examined  and  wre  learned  that  Colonel  Johnson  having  been  informed  of  our  march  had  sent  notice 
to  all  the  posts,  regarding  it,  however,  as  impossible  in  consequence  of  the  rigor  of  the  season.  Fort 
Bull  is  situate  near  a  small  creek  that  falls  into  that  of  Chouaguin  about  four  miles  frem  the  fort. 
Fort  Williams  is  near  the  Kiver  Mohawk  which  falls  into  that  of  Corlar.  The  Carrying  place  from 
one  Fort  to  the  other  is  about  four  miles  long  over  a  pretty  level  country  though  swampy  in  some 
places. 

M  de  Lery's  detachment  was  15  officers,  2  Cadets,  10  soldiers  of  the  Queen's  Regiment,  17  of 
Guyenne's,  22  of  Beam's,  27  of  the  Colony;  in  all  93  soldiers:  166  Canadians,  33  Iroquois  from  the 
Lake  of  Two  Mountains,  33  from  La  Presentation,  18  from  Sault  St.  Louis,  3  from  St.  Bigin,  3  Abe- 
nakis  of  Missiskoui,  2  Algonquins,  and  11  Nipissings.  Total  362  men,  265  of  whom  attacked  the 
fort.  A  soldier  of  the  Colony  and  an  Indian  from  La  Presentation  were  killed.  A  soldier  of  the 
Queen's,  2  Canadians  and  2  Iroquois  w^ere  wounded. 

It  is  estimated  that  more  than  40  thousand  weight  of  powrder  was  burned  or  thrown  into  the  creek 
with  a  number  of  Bombs,  grenades,  and  balls  of  different  calibre.  A  great  deal  of  salted  provisions, 
bread,  butter,  chocolate,  sugar  and  other  provisions  were  likewise  thrown  into  the  water.  The  st<  ires 
were  filled  with  clothes  and  other  effects  which  wrere  pillaged ;  the  remainder  burnt.  This  day  cost 
the  English  90  men  of  whom  30  are  prisoners.    Our  detachment  killed  or  captured  30  horses. 1 


[  N.  Y.  Mercury  April  5,  1756.] 

By  an  Express  that  arrived  here  on  Friday  last,  from  Albany,  we  are  told  that  a  Number  of  French 
&  Indians  had  attacked  Lieutenant  Bull,  and  30  men,  that  were  posted  at  the  upper  End  of  the 
Great  Carrying  Place  ;  that  he,  &  some  of  his  People  were  killed,  and  a  small  store  and  Provisions  in 
it  burnt ;  &  that  they  were  in  Pain  for  some  of  their  Battoes,  which  they  feared  were  cut  off  by  the 
enemy. 

1  After  this  exploit  they  retired  to  the  woods  and  formed  their  main  body  which  consisted  of  400  Freneh  and  300  Indians 
commanded  by  one  of  the  principal  gentlemen  of  Quebec;  as  soon  as  they  got  together,  they  threw  themselves  on  their 
knees  and  returned  thanks  to  God  for  their  Victory;  an  example  says  Eastburn  well  worthy  of  imitation.  They  continued 
their  march  through  the  woods  about  four  miles,  and  then  it  being  dark,  and  several  Indians  being  drunk,  they  encamped.  .  .  . 
They  encamped  and  rested  much  in  the  same  manner  the  night  following;  and  the  next  morning,  Sunday  the  28th,  they  rose 
very  early  and  retreated  hastily  towards  Canada,  for  fear  of  General  Johnson  who  as  they  were  informed  was  on  his  march 
against  them.  .  .  .  After  a  march  of  seven  days  they  arrived  at  Lake  Ontario  where  they  were  met  by  some  French 
batteaus  with  a  large  supply  of  provisions,  of  which  they  had  been  so  much  in  want  that  they  had  subsisted  during  some 
part  of  the  march  upon  horse  flesh,  and  had  even  devoured  a  porcupine  without  any  other  dressing  than  sufficed  just  to  scorch 
off  the  hair  and  quills.  Eastburn,  after  a  tedious  voyage  with  part  of  this  company,  arrived  at  Oswegotchy  an  Indian  town. 
— Eastbum's  Narrative. 

Those  who  may  not  have  access  to  the  Vol.  of  the  Annual  Reg.  containing  this  Nar.  will  find  it  reprinted  in  Loudon's 
Coll.  of  Ind.  Narratives,  Carlisle,  Pa.,  1811,  Vol.  ii;  Incidents  of  Border  Life,  Chambersburgh,  Pa.,  1839;  also  in  Drake's 
Tragedies  of  the  Wilderness,  Boston,  1841. 


332 


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[  From' the  same,  April  12.  ] 

What  we  have  been  able  to  collect  from  some  Letters  and  Verbal  Information  is  as  follows,  viz1. 

That  about  the  18th  March  [0.  S.J  a  large  Body  of  French  &  Indians  attacked,  and  cut  off  16  of 
our  Battoes,  near  the  Carrying  Place,  and  either  killed  or  captivated  the  greatest  Part  of  the  Feople  ; 
that  as  soon  as  the  Officer  that  commanded  about  35  men  that  were  posted  there,  heard  the  firing,  he 
detached  a  party  to  their  Assistance,  and  as  they  did  not  return  agreeable  to  his  Expectation,  he 
sent  another  Detachment,  which  so  weakened  the  Garrison,  that  a  Number  of  the  Enemy  that  lay  in 
Ambush,  rushed  in,  put  them  all  to  the  sword,  blew  up  the  Powder,  &  destroyed  the  Garrison, 
whilst  the  rest  of  the  Enemy  were  engaged  with  our  people,  whom  they  killed  or  carried  off,  as  only 
one  was  arrived  at  Fort  Williams,  the  20th  of  March,  as  will  appear  by  the  following  Letter. 


Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Fort  Williams,  dated  the  20th  March  1756. 

These  may  serve  to  inform  you,  that  we  arrived  here  safe,  Yesterday  about  Eleven  o'clock.  The 
People  that  were  transporting  Lansing's  Provisions,  were  attacked  between  this  and  the  Marsh,  by  a 
Body  of  French  and  Indians,  and  are  all,  but  one  that  got  in  here,  either  killed  or  taken  Prisoners  ; 
their  names  you  have  underneath.  The  Fort  at  Wood  Creek  is  burnt  down,  and  none  of  Lansing's 
Men,  or  the  Bed  Coats  areas  yet  come  in.  Just  now  the  Commissary  arrived  from  Oswego,  and  in- 
forms us,  that  the  20  Battoes  sent  there  by  Capt  Williams,  were  safe  arrived  to  their  great  Joy  ;  and 
that  the  People  in  Garrison  were  pretty  hearty.  All  Lansing's  Provisions  are  destroyed,  as  well  as 
the  Powder  that  was  in  the  Garrison,  the  People  laid  in  Heaps  and  burnt.  John  Davids,  Henry 
Dawson,  James  Tock,  George  Roberson,  John  Tuyle,  John  Griefey,  John  Pain,  and  Closs  Marseillis, 
went  down  Wood  Creek  last  Wednesday,  whether  they  are  taken  or  not,  we  cannot  tell.  We  believe 
John  Davis  got  sale  to  Oswego,  as  the  Commissary  met  him  on  the  other  Side  of  the  Lake.  Philip 
Lansing  and  John  Van  Alle,  are  safe  here  yet,  with  the  rest  of  their  Men.  Just  now  70  of  our  In- 
dians are  came  in,  and  acquaints  us,  that  by  the  Tracts  of  the  Enemy,  they  imagined  there  was  at 
least  500  of  them.  The  Names  of  the  Persons,  Residents  in  and  about  Albany,  and  supposed  to  be 
killed,  are  as  follow,  viz1.  John,  Jacob,  and  Andries  Kidnee,  John  Vanderheyden,  Jacobus  Sickles, 
Wolker  Dawson,  Anthony  Brandt,  Peter  Griffins,  Cornelius  Sprong,  three  Servants  k  five  Negroes. 


FRENCH  DESCENT  ON  THE  GERMAN  FLATTS. 

[  Paris  Doe.  XIII.  ] 

Summary  of  M.  de  Bcllctrcs  Expedition,  the  28th  November,  1757. 

M.  de  Belletre  witli  his  detachment  of  about  300  men,  Marines,  Canadians  and  Indians,  arrived 
notwithstanding  all  the  obstacles  of  the  season  and  the  greatest  scarcity  of  provisions,  at  the 
river  d  la  Famine  | Black  river,)  where  he  met  seven  or  eight  Nontagues  who  on  a  message 
reported  to  them  in  the  General's  name,  expressed  delight  in  uniting  witli  him. 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  ONEIDA  COUNTRY  AND  MOHAWK  VALLEY. 


333 


He  continued  his  route  and  after  inexpressible  fatigues  and  suffering  reached  the  vicinity  of 
the  Oneida  Castle  whither  he  sent  four  influential  Indians  as  bearers  of  the  General's  Word. 

He  continued  his  march  as  far  as  the  River  Corlaer  and  had  the  satisfaction  of  examining  five 
English  forts  abandoned  by  command  for  that  erected  since  the  reduction  of  Chouaguen,  on  the 
site  of  Old  Fort  Bull. 

The  Indians,  informed  that  there  was  a  garrison  of  350  men  in  a  Fort  named  Kouari  situate 
on  the  said  river  about  a  quarter  of  a  league  from  the  Village  of  the  Palatines1  did  not  fail  to 
exhibit  fear,  but  M.  de  Belletre  having  told  them  that  their  Father  did  not  despatch  a  picked 
detachment,  so  well  selected,  except  to  make  a  blow  of  some  interest,  they  recovered  their 
courage  and  evinced  a  lively  ardor,  except  some  young  Warriors  and  aged  men  who  gave  in, 
already  fatigued  by  a  weary  march. 

The  four  Savages  sent  to  the  Oneidas  returned  with  the  six  warriors  of  that  tribe  who  joined 
our  detachment,  and  told  M.  de  Belletre  that  they  had  no  other  will  than  that  of  their  Father. 

On  the  11th  November  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  M.  de  Belletre,  preceded  as  was  his 
custom  by  the  scouts  crossed  the  River  Corlaer  [Mohawk]  with  his  detachment,  partly  swim- 
ming, partly  in  the  wrater  up  to  the  neck.  He  encamped  at  night  fall  in  the  woods  a  league 
and  a  half  from  the  first  of  the  five  forts  that  covered  the  Palatine  Settlements. 

The  12th  at  three  o'clock  in  the  morning  he  gave  his  detachment  the  order  of  March  and 
attack  so  as  to  surround  the  said  five  forts  and  the  entire  Palatine  Village,  consisting  of  sixty 
houses. 

Though  M.  de  Belletre  knew  that  the  English  got  notice  the  day  preceding,  yet  that  the 
courage  of  the  Indians  may  not  receive  the  least  check  and  to  showr  them  he  would  not  rashly 
expose  them,  he  liberated  an  Indian  of  the  Five  Nations  whom  he  had  until  then  detained  un- 
der suspicion.  But  this  Savage  could  not  injure  M.  de  Belletre  because  he  commenced  at  the 
same  time  to  attack  the  five  forts  and  the  Palatines'  houses. 

At  sight  of  the  first  fort  he  decided  to  take  it  by  assault.  The  enemy  kept  up  the  most 
active  fire  of  musketry  but  the  intrepidity  with  which  M.  de  Belletre,  with  all  the  Officers  and 
Canadians  of  his  detachment  advanced,  coupled  with  the  wTar  whoop  of  the  Indians,  terrified  the 
English  to  the  degree  that  the  Mayor  of  the  Village  of  the  Palatines,  who  commanded  the  said 
Fort,  opened  the  doors  and  asked  for  quarter. 

M.  de  Belletre  lost  no  time  in  repairing  to  the  second,  the  third,  the  fourth  and  fifth  which 
were  not  less  intimidated  than  the  first  by  his  intrepidity  and  the  cries  of  the  Indians.  They 
all  surrendered  at  discretion,  and  were  entirely  burnt. 

During  tins  time  a  party  of  Canadians  and  Indians  ravaged  and  burnt  the  said  60  houses  of 
the  Palatines,  their  barns  and  other  out  buildings  as  well  as  the  Water  Mill. 

In  all  these  expeditions  about  40  English  perished — killed  or  drowTied.  The  number  of  prison- 
ers is  nearly  150  men,  women  and  children,  among  whom  is  the  Mayor  of  the  Village,  the  Sur- 
geon and  some  Militia  Officers.  We  had  not  a  man  killed;  but  M.  de  Lorimer,  officer,  was 
wounded  in  the  right  side  by  a  ball,  and  three  or  four  Savages  slightly. 

The  damage  inflicted  on  the  enemy  is  estimated  according  to  the  representations  of  the  English 
themselves,  To  wit 

In  grain  ol  all  sorts,  a  much,  larger  quantity  than  the  Island  of  Montreal  has  produced  in 
years  of  abundance. 
The  same  of  hogs. 

1  This  fort,  to  which  so  much  reference  is  made  in  a  subsequent  paper  describing  the  Valley  of  the  Mohawk,  was  situate 
on  the  South  side  of  the  Mohawk  River,  nearly  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  West  Canada  Creek,  in  what  is  now  the  Town  of 
German  Flatts.  It  is  alluded  to  by  Lt.  Gov.  Delancey  (see  post  p.  334)  as  "Fort  Hareniger,"  and  is  now  known  as  Fort 
JJerkimr.    The  settlement  destroyed  by  the  French  was  on  the  opposite,  or  North  side  of  the  Mohawk. 


334 


PATERS  RELATING  TO  THE  ONEIDA  COUNTRY  AND  MOHAWK  VALLEY. 


3000  horned  cattle, 
3000  sheep, 

All  these  articles  were  to  have  been  sent  in. a  few  days  to  Corlaer  (Schenectady.) 

1500  horses,  300  of  which  were  taken  by  the  Indians  and  the  greater  number  consumed  for  the 
support  of  the  detachment. 

The  property  in  furniture,  wearing  apparel,  merchandize  and  liquor  might  form  a  capital  of 
1,500,000  livres.    The  Mayor  of  the  Village  alone  has  lost  400,000. 

The  French  and  Indians  have  acquired  as  rich  a  booty  as  they  could  carry  olf.  They  have  in 
specie  more  than  100,000  livres.  One  Indian  alone  has  as  much  as  30,000.  There  was  likewise 
plundered  a  quantity  of  Wampum,  silver-bracelets  &c,  scarlet  cloth  and  other  Merchandize  which 
may  form  a  capital  of  80,000  more. 

All  this  damage  could  not  be  done  short  of  48  hours.  M.  de  Belletre  made  provision  to  be  always 
able  to  resist  the  enemy,  who  as  has  been  observed,  were  to  the  number  of  350  men  in  the  said  Fort 
Kouari,  about  a  quarter  of  a  league  from  the  field  of  battle. 

In  fact,  on  the  13th  at  7  o'clock  in  the  morning,  50  Englishmen  accompanied  by  some  Mohawks 
left  the  said  Fort,  but  as  soon  as  they  were  perceived  our  Frenchmen  and  Indians  went  to  meet  them 
double  quick,  and  forced  them  to  swim  across  the  river  after  receiving  several  discharges  of  Mus- 
ketry. The  number  that  perished  cannot  be  estimated.  At  noon  the  same  day,  M.  de  Belletre  gave 
orders  to  his  detachment  to  commence  their  return  march. 

On  the  15th  he  sent  an  Oneida,  who  is  mucli  attached  to  the  General,  with  some  Cliiefs  from  the 
Sault  and  St.  Francis  to  bear  a  message  to  the  Oneidas  by  which  he  communicated  to  them  the  suc- 
cess he  experienced ;  invited  them  to  persevere  in  their  good  Sentiments  and  not  to  fear  the  English. 
Our  Oneida  delegate  rejoined  M.  Belletre  at  the  River  Au  Sablt  [Sandy  Creek,  Jefler.  Co.]  and  told 
him  that  the  Five  Nations  had  sent  three  Belts  to  the  Oneida  Villages  of  which  they  wished  him  to 
take  charge  as  a  present  to  the  General.  By  these  they  demand  assistance  to  resist  the  English  being 
about  to  experience  their  resentment  inasmuch  as  they  refused  to  allow  four  of  their  Chiefs  to  enter 
Fort  Kouari  having  fired  several  shots  at  them.  This  had  obliged  the  Oneidas  to  withdraw  their 
women  and  children  from  the  Lake  side,  hoping  their  Father  will  protect  them. 


MR.  DE  LANCY  TO  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XXXIV.] 

New  York  5.  January,  1668. 

It  may  be  proper  to  acquaint  your  Lordships  that  we  had  the  misfortune  on  the  12th  November  to 
loose  a  valuable  settlement  on  the  North  side  of  the  Mohawks  river  opposite  to  Fort  Hareniger,  called 
the  German  Flatts,  the  loss  is  estimated  at  twenty  thousand  pounds  this  money,  it  is  as  fertile  a  piece 
of  ground  as  any  perhaps  in  the  world  the  settlers  were  generally  rich,  and  had  good  buildings  on 
their  lands,  some  of  the  inhabitants  were  slain,  about  one  hundred  carried  into  captivity, their  houses 
and  barns  with  the  crops  destroyed  by  Fire.  This  was  done  by  a  party  of  about  three  hundred 
Canadians  Indians  ;  the  people  there  thought  themselves  in  great  security  and  though  advertised 
of  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  they  neglected  the  advices  they  received  and  so  fell  an  easy  prey. 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  ONEIDA  COUNTRY  AND  MOHAWK  VALLEY. 


335 


MR.  DAINE  TO  THE  MINISTER. 

[  Paris  Doc.  XIV.  ] 

Quebec,  19  May,  1756. 

Annexed  are  two  little  Relations  or  Summaries  of  what  has  occurred  of  most  interest  since  the  de- 
parture of  the  ships  last  year.  The  damage  inflicted  on  the  English  in  horned  cattle,  sheep  and 
horses  has  been  greatly  exaggerated  in  the  Relation  of  M .  de  Bellestre's  expedition  of  the  28th  No- 
vember 1757.  It  must  be  diminished  at  least  a  good  half.  It  is  still  more  exaggerated  in  regard  to 
furniture,  wearing  apparel,  merchandize  and  liquors  which  are  carried  up  to  fifteen  hundred  thou- 
sand livres,  as  well  as  the  loss  of  the  Palatine's  village  in  Indian  corn. 


M.  DE  VAUDREUIL  TO  THE  MINISTER. 

[  Paris  Doc.  XV.  ] 

Montreal,  28  June,  1758. 

M.  de  Bellestre's  success  last  autumn  in  destroying  the  village  of  the  Palatines  and  carrying  the 
forts  that  covered  it  would  have  been  actually,  My  lord,  a  great  aid  to  the  Colony,  had  it  been 
possible  to  remove  the  considerable  portion  of  provisions  of  all  sorts  found  in  that  village.  I 
had  particularly  provided  for  this  by  the  orders  I  gave  that  officer.  But  circumstances  were  not 
sufficiently  favorable  to  execute  them. 

1st.  M.  de  Bellestre  being  much  exposed  to  be  pursued  and  perhaps  cut  off  by  a  force  infinitely 
superior  to  his  own  was  under  the  absolute  necessity  of  using  the  greatest  activity  in  his  opera- 
tions, success  depending  essentially  thereon.  He  was  consequently  unable  to  restrain  the  attack 
of  his  detachment.  This  was  made  by  one  party  with  all  possible  vigor  whilst  others  were  busy 
firing  the  houses,  barns  etca. 

2.  The  500  horses,  lost  by  the  enemy  in  this  affair,  were  not  exactly  captured.  The  greater 
part  were  killed  or  wounded,  and  M.  de  Belletre  brought  with  him  but  a  very  small  number 
which  was  a  great  resource  to  him  to  support  his  detachment  on  his  return. 

3d.  Had  he  all  those  horses  and  all  the  provisions  at  his  disposal  he  could  not  absolutely  have 
profited  by  them,  either  because  it  was  prudent  for  him  to  hasten  his  retreat,  or  because  the 
transportation  of  the  provisions  had  been  utterly  impossible,  both  on  account  of  the  difficulty  of 
the  roads  and  rivers  to  be  passed  and  the  impossibility  of  feeding  the  horses. 


336 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  ©NEIDA  COUNTRY  AND  MOHAWK  VALLEY. 


A  SUMMARY  NARRATIVE 

OF  THE  CONDUCT  OF  THE  ONEIDA  INDIANS  (LIVING  AT  THE  UPPER  TOWN)  PREVIOUS  TO  THE  ATTACK  OF 
THE  FRENCH  AND  THEIR  INDIANS  UPON  THE  NORTH  SIDE  OF  THE  GERMAN  FLATS  IN  THE  PROVINCE  OF 
NEW-YORK,  IN  NOVEMBER,  1757.' 

A  few  days  after  this  Massacre  and  desolation  had  been  perpetrated,  Sir  William  Johnson  des- 
patched Geo.  Croghan,  Esq  ;  Deputy-agent,  with  Mr  Montour,  the  Indian  interpreter,  to  the  German 
Flats,  where  he  understood  several  of  the  Oneida  and  Tuscarora  Indians  were  assembled,  iu  order  to 
call  upon  those  Indians  to  Explain  themselves  why  they  had  not  given  more  timely  notice  to  the 
Germans  of  the  designs  and  approach  of  the  Enemy  ;  it  having  been  reported,  that  no  intelligence 
had  been  given  by  the  Indians,  until  the  same  morning  the  attack  was  made  ;  and  as  these  Indians 
might  naturally  be  supposed,  from  their  situation  and  other  circumstances,  to  have  had  earlier 
knowledge  of  the  Enemy's  design  and  march. 

Before  Mr  Croghan  could  get  up  to  the  German  Flats,  the  aforesaid  Indians  were  on  their  road 
homewards,  but  he  was  informed  the  Chief  Sachem  of  the  Upper  Oneida  Town,  with  a  Tuscarora 
Sachem  and  another  Oneida  Indian,  were  still  about  four  miles  from  Fort  Harkeman  :  upon  which 
he  sent  a  messenger  to  acquaint  them,  that  he  was  at  the  said  fort. 

The  aforesaid  Indians  returned,  and  on  the  30tl1  of  November  at  Fort  Harkeman,  Conaghqui eson, the 
Chief  Oneida  Sachem,  made  the  following  speech  to  Mr  Croghan,  having  first  called  in  one  Rudolph 
Shumaker,  Hanjost  Harkman,  and  several  other  Germans,  who  understood  the  Indian  language,  and 
desired  them  to  sit  down  and  hear  what  he  was  going  to  say. 

Coiuighquieson  then  proceeded  and  said  : 
'  Brother, 

'  I  can't  help  telling  you  that  we  were  very  much  surprised  to  hear  that  our  brethren  the  English 
suspect  and  charge  us  with  not  giving  them  timely  notice  of  the  designs  of  the  French,  as  it  is  well 
known  we  have  not  neglected  to  give  them  every  piece  of  intelligence  that  came  to  our  knowledge. 

'  Brother, 

'About  fifteen  days  before  the  affair  happened,  we  sent  the  Germans  word,  that  some  Swegatchi 
Indians  told  us,  the  French  were  determined  to  destroy  the  German  Flats,  and  desired  them  to  be  on 
their  guard.  About  six  days  after  that  we  had  a  further  account  from  Swegatchi,  that  the  French 
were  preparing  to  march. 

'  I  then  came  down  to  the  German  Flats,  and  in  a  meeting  with  the  Germans,  told  them  what  we 
had  heard,  and  desired  them  to  collect  themselves  together  in  a  body,  at  their  fort,*  and  secure  their 
women,  children,  and  effects,  and  make  the  best  defence  they  coidd  ;  and  at  the  same  time  told  them 
to  write  what  I  had  said  to  our  brother  Warraghiyagey  (meaning  Sir  William  Johnsonj-)  but  they 
paid  not  the  least  regard  to  what  I  told  them  ;  and  laughed  at  me,  slapping  their  hands  on  their 
buttocks,  saying  they  did  not  value  the  Enemy  :  Upon  which  I  returned  home  and  sent  one  of  our 
people  to  the  Lake,  (meaning  the  Oneida  Lake)  to  find  out  whether  the  Enemy  were  coming  or  not; 
after  he  had  staid  there  two  days,  the  Enemy  arrived  at  the  Carrying-Place,  and  sent  word  to  the 
Castle  at  the  Lake,  that  they  were  there ;  and  told  them  what  they  were  going  to  do ;  but  charged 
them  not  to  let  us  at  the  Uper  Castle  know  anything  of  their  design.    As  soon  as  the  man  I  sent 

1  Lyman  C.  Draper,  Ksq,,  of  Phila.,  has  hail  the  politeness  to  communicate  this  "Narrative." 

•A  Stockaded  Work  round  the  church,  and  a  block-house,  with  a  ditch,  and  a  parapet  pallisadoed,  thrown  up  hy  Sir 
William  Johnson  a  year  ago,  upon  an  alarm  then  given, 
t  Th*y  never  sent  this  intelligence  to  8ir  William. 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  ONEIDA  COUNTRY  AND  MOHAWK  VALLEY. 


:j:J7 


there  heard  this,  he  came  on  to  us  with  the  account  that  night ;  and  as  soon  as  we  received  it  we  sent 
a  belt  of  Wampum  to  confirm  the  truth  thereof,  to  the  Flats,  which  came  here  the  day  before  the 
Enemy  made  their  attack  ;  but  the  people  would  not  give  credit  to  the  account  even  then,  or  they 
might  have  saved  their  lives.*  This  is  the  truth,  and  those  Germans  here  present  know  it  to  be  so.' 
The  aforesaid  Germans  did  acknowledge  it  to  be  so ;  and  that  they  had  such  intelligence. 

George  Croghan. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  ALBANY, 

DATED    THE  1 3th   INSTANT,  BEING    A    RELATION  OF  THE    MURDER   COMMITTED    AT    THE  GERMAN  FLATTS, 
NEAR  FORT  HERCHAMER,  BY  80  INDIANS  AND  4  FRENCHMEN. 

[  N.  Y,  Mercury,  May  22,  1758.  ] 

About  12  o'Clock,  on  Monday  the  30th  of  April  last  an  Oneida  Indian  acquainted  Captain  Hercha- 
mer  that  a  Party  of  80  Indians  and  four  Frenchmen,  were  nigh  his  fort,  and  would  certainly  come 
down  and  attack  the  settlements  that  Day,  and  advised  Capt  Harchamer  to  go  into  the  Fort  and  take 
as  many  of  the  Inhabitants  with  him,  as  he  could  collect.  About  3  o'Clock,  most  Part  of  the  Inha- 
bitants, having  Notice  from  Capt  Herchamer,  left  their  Houses  and  assembled  at  the  Fort ;  four 
Families,  that  fled  from  Henderson's  Purchase  in  the  spring  for  fear  of  the  Enemy,  could  not  get  in, 
and  had  in  their  Houses  two  Indian  Traders,  of  the  name  of  Clock,  and  six  Waggoners  that  were  carry- 
ing Capt.  Gage's  Baggage  to  the  Fort.  At  4  o'Clock,  all  of  a  sudden,  the  Hopes  were  attacked  and  the 
Waggoners  being  surprized,  run  up  stairs,  the  better  to  defend  themselves.  The  Indians  immediately 
rushed  into  the  House,  and  killed  and  scalped  all  that  were  below ;  some  of  the  Indians  attempted  the 
stairs,  but  they  were  knocked  clown  by  the  Waggoners ;  they  then  fired  up  thro'  the  Loft,  and  soon  were 
joined  by  more  Indians  who  fired  many  shot  quite  thro'  the  House,  and  proposed  to  set  it  on  fire,  which 
intimidated  John  Ehel,  a  Waggoner,  to  such  a  Degree,  that  he  leap'd  out- at  a  window,  thinking  to  make 
his  Escape,  but  was  soon  killed;  the  other  five  defended  themselves  with  great  Intrepidity,  having  killed 
one  Indian,  until  they  were  relieved  by  a  Party  of  Rangers,  who  came  to  their  assistance,  and  after 
exchanging  a  few  Shot  the  Indians  fled,  seeing  our  People  have  the  advantage  of  a  Log  Fence.  .  .  • 
Capt.  Herchamer  says  he  saw  four  or  five  of  the  Indians  drop,  but  were  carried  ofi". — In  the  above 
affair,  33  of  the  Inhabitants  were  killed,  &  Lieut.  Hair,  of  the  Rangers,  received  a  slight  Wound  in 
the  Breast.  .  .  .  Next  day  some  Oneidas  came  down  to  Trade,  and  met  the  Enemy  going  oft", 
who  told  them  they  had  G  of  their  Company  killed,  and  9  Wounded. — Next  Morning  a  Woman  came 
into  the  Fort  that  had  been  scalped,  besides  having  her  Nose  almost  cut  off,  with  a  Wound  in  her 
Breast,  and  another  in  her  side.  She  is  likely  to  recover,  related  all  that  happened  till  she  was  scalped, 
and  says  there  was  Onondado  Indians  amongst  them. 

*  The  Indians  who  brought  this  belt  of  Wampum  finding  the  Germans  still  incredulous,  the  next  morning,  just  before  the 
attack  began,  laid  hold  on  the  German  Minister,  and  in  a  manner  forced  him  over  to  the  other  side  of  the  river ;  by  which 
means  he  and  some  who  followed  him  escaped  the  fate  of  their  brethen. 


[Vol.  L] 


43 


338 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  ONEIDA  COUNTRY  AND  MOHAWK  VALLEY. 


DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  COUNTRY  BETWEEN  OSWEGO  AND  ALBANY— 1757. 

[  Paris  Doc.  XIII.  ] 

ITINERARY  from  the  Mouth  of  the  river  Chouegen  (Oswego)  in  Lake  Ontario  to  Lake  Oneida,  then  up  Vilcrick  (Wood 
creek)  to  the  Summit  level  which  is  the  source  of  the  river  of  the  Mohawks,  or  des  Agnus,  by  which  we  can  descend 
to  Corlar  or  Chenectedi  whence  Albany  or  Orange  can  be  reached. 

The  entrance  of  the  River  Chouegen  is  easy  ;  the  harbour  is  formed  of  a  cove.  The  English  had 
a  fort  on  each  side  of  this  River  by  which  this  entrance  was  defended. 

From  Chouegen  to  the  Great  fall  is  an  ascent  of  four  leagues.  In  this  space  the  navigation  is  in- 
tricate, the  river  rapid  and  encumbered  by  large  rocks.  Good  pilots,  familiar  with  the  shoals,  are 
requisite  to  be  able  to  pass  through  it.  Batteaus  must  be  unloaded  at  the  Great  fall  where  a  portage 
occurs  of  about  40  to  50  paces.  The  batteaus  are  dragged  along  the  ground.*  It  is  estimated  to  be 
about  four  leagues  from  the  Fall  to  the  mouth  of  the  River  of  the  Five  Nations,  [river  Seneca]  which 
mouth  is  called  the  Three  Rivers  ;l  its  navigation  is  good.  About  a  quarter  of  a  league  before  coming 
to  the  Three  Rivers  there  is.  however,  a  cm-rent  where  precaution  is  requisite. 

From  the  Three  Rivers  to  Lake  Oneida  is  computed  at  8  leagues ;  the  navigation  is  good ;  the  river 
is  about  60  paces  wide ;  it  is  at  all  times  passable  with  loaded  vessels.  This  river  is  the  outlet  of 
Lake  Oneida.    There  is  neither  fall  nor  rapid  at  its  entrance. 

Lake  Oneida  is  twelve  leagues  long  by  about  one  league  wide.  Its  navigation  is  beautiful  and 
practicable  at  all  times,  unless  there  be  a  strong  contrary  wind.  It  is  best  on  the  right  of  the  lake 
which  is  the  north  side. 

From  Lake  Oneida  we  enter  the  River  Vilcrick,!  which  empties  into  that  Lake,  &  ascend  nine 
leagues  to  Fort  Bull.  This  river  is  full  of  sinuosities,  narrow  and  sometimes  embarrassed  with  trees 
fallen  from  both  banks.  Its  navigation  is  difficult  when  the  water  is  low.  It  is,  however,  passable 
at  all  times  with  an  ordinary  batteau  load  of  14  to  1 500  weight.  When  the  waters  of  this  stream  are 
low,  an  ordinary  batteau  load  cannot  go  by  the  river  further  than  within  a  league  of  Fort  Bull.  It 
becomes  necessary  then  to  unload  and  make  a  Carrying  place  of  the  remainder  by  a  road  constructed 
to  the  Fort,  or  to  send  back  the  batteaux  for  the  other  half  load. 

Fort  Bull  which  was  burnt  in  1756  by  a  detachment  under  the  orders  of  M.  de  Lery,  was  situated 
on  the  right  bank  of  this  River  near  its  source  on  the  height  of  land. 

From  Fort  Bull  to  Fort  Williams  is  estimated  to  be  one  league  and  a  quarter.2  This  is  the  Carrying 
place  across  the  height  of  land.  The  English  had  constructed  a  road  there  over  which  all  the  car- 
riages passed.  They  were  obliged  to  bridge  a  portion  of  it,  extending  from  Fort  Bull  to  a  small 
stream  near  which  a  fort  had  been  begun  though  not  finished  ;  it  was  to  be  intermediate  between 
the  two  Forts,  having  been  located  precisely  on  the  Summit  level. 

•  Note  in  the  Original.— From  Chouegen  to  Fort  Bull  is  estimated  to  be  about  36  leagues.  The  ordinary  batteau  load  is  only 
1 4  to  1500  weight.  It  takes  five  days  to  ascend  the  River  from  Chouegen  to  Fort  Bull  and  three  anil  a  half  from  Fort  Bull  to 
Chouegen.  The  river  of  the  Five  Nations  [Seneca  Riv.]  rise*  in  little  lakes  near  which,  about  six  leagues  from  its  entrance 
into  the  River  Chouegen,  the  Indians  of  the  Five  Nations  reside.  That  river  divides  into  two  branches.  That  from  the 
Right  rises  in  the  Lake  of  the  Senecas  and  Cayugas;  that  from  the  left  beyond  the  Lake  of  the  Ononontaguf s. 

1  The  Junction  of  the  rivers  Oneida  and  Seneca  with  the  Oswego  is  still  known  as  the  Three  Rivers,  and  the  Point  of 
land,  as  the  Three  River's  Point.  It  is  sometimes  confounded  with  the  Three  Rivers  in  Canada,  as  appears  by  ■  note  in 
Stone's  Life  of  Hrant,  i,  216. 

\  Note  in  the  original.— The  River  of  the  Killed  Fish  [now  Fish  Creek]  flows  also  into  this  Lake  ;  the  English  used  it  for- 
merly ;  they  abandoned  it  because  there  was  a  Portage,  and  have  preferred  Vilcrick  which  they  have  cleared. 

'i  For  locations  of  these  Forts,  see  ante  p.  329  j  alto  Outline  Map. 


PAPERS  RELATING   TO  THE  ONEIDA   COUNTRY  AND  MOHAWK  VALLEY.  339 

Fort  Williams  was  situated  on  the  right  bank  of  the  River  Mohawk  or  des  Jlgnii-s,  near  the  rise 
of  that  river  on  the  height  of  land.  It  was  abandoned  and  destroyed  by  the  English  after  the  cap- 
ture of  Chouegen. 

Leaving  Chouegen  there  is  a  road  over  which  the  English  used  to  drive  cattle  &  horses.  This 
road  follows  the  border  of  the  left  bank  of  the  River  Chouegen.  The  Five  Nations  river  is  passed  at 
a  fall  near  its  entrance  into  the  River  Chouegen,  after  which  the  road  proceeds  along  the  edge  of  the 
right  bank  of  the  Five  Nation's  river  to  the  Village  of  the  Onnontagues  whence  it  proceeds  across  the 
country  to  the  village  of  the  Caskarorins  [Tuscaroras  1]  and  the  Oneidas*  whence  we  can  go  to  Forts 
Bull  and  Williams  ;  also  to  fort  Kouary  without  being  obliged  to  pass  the  said  two  forts.  °  The  path 
or  road  taken  by  M  de  Belhetre  in  his  expedition  against  the  village  of  the  Palatines  may  be  also 
used.  He  went  fr0m  the  mouth  of  the  Famine  River  [now  Sacketts  Harbor]  ten  leagues  below 
Chouegen  ;  ascended  this  river  for  the  distance  of  four  leagues,  and  leaving  it  on  the  left  followed 
the  path  leading  to  Oneida  Lake  on  his  right,  and  came  to  the  Summit  level  at  Fort  Williams. 

The  Country  through  which  he  passed  is  fine  ;  there  being  but  few  mountains.  The  soil  is  soft 
only  in  the  latter  part  of  the  season.  He  forded  three  rivers  the  waters  of  which  were  very  high 
during  the  four  days  that  he  was  going  from  the  River  Famine  to  Fort  Williams,  a  distance  estima- 
ted at  24  to  30  leagues. 

From  Fort  Williams  the  Mohawk  river  is  navigable.  Batteaux  carry  the  same  load  as  in  the  river 
Vilcrick  to  the  portage  at  the  Little  Falls,  which  is  about  two  leagues  below  the  village  of  the  Pala- 
tines and  Fort  Kouari. 

From  Fort  Williams  to  Fort  Kouari,1  situated  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Mohawk  river,  is  estimated 
to  be  12  leagues.    The  road  follows  the  right  bank  of  the  river  which  is  the  south  side. 

Leaving  Fort  Williams  there  is  a  road  that  unites  with  that  by  which  horses  and  cattle  pass  from 
Fort  Kouari  and  Chouagen.  This  road  is  bad  for  about  four  leagues  after  leaving  Fort  Williams. 
The  Country  is  marshy.  Carriages  (les  trains)  travel  it  in  winter  and  during  the  summer,  and  it  can 
be  easily  passed  on  horseback  at  all  times,  though  in  some  places,  there  itS  a  great  deal  of  mud.  After 
these  four  leagues,  carts  can  easily  go  as  far  as  Fort  Kouari.  Having  traveled  three  leagues  on  this 
road  which  is  five  leagues  from  Fort  Kouari,  wTe  come  to  the  forks  of  two  roads  one  of  which,  to  the 
left,  leads  to  the  Palatines'  village  by  fording  the  Mohawk  river. 

Continuing  along  the  high  road,  which  is  on  the  right  bank  of  the  River  Mohawk,  to  go  to  Fort 
Kouari,  a  creek  is  met  that  must  be  forded.  Here  was  a  grist-mill  that  has  been  burnt.  One  league 
before  reaching  Fort  Kouari  another  small  stream  is  encountered  over  which  there  is  a  bridge.  This 
stream  is  fordable  almost  at  all  seasons.  There  wTas,  also,  a  saw  mill  on  this  creek  which  has  been 
burnt. 

Fort  Kouari  is  situate  on  the  right  side  of  the  Mohawk  river,  on  a  small  hill  on  the  edge  of  that 
river's  bank.  It  is  a  large  three  story  stone  house  with  port  holes  (crenelee)  at  each  story,  and  likewise 
in  the  basement  for  the  purpose  of  cross  firing.  There  are  some  small  pieces  above.  The  house  is 
covered  with  plank  and  shingles.  It  was  built  as  a  store  and  depot  for  Choueguen.  It  is  surrounded 
by  a  ditch  at  a  distance  of  about  30  feet.  This  ditch  is  six  feet  deep  and  seven  wide.  The  crown 
of  the  ditch  inside  is  planted  with  palisades  in  an  oblique  form  ;  they  are  well  jointed  the  one  to  the 
other.    Behind  these  there  is  a  parapet  of  earth  so  as  to  be  able  to  fire  over  the  palisades.    The  four 

*  Note  in  theoriginal. — The  road  goes  to  the  great  Oneida  Village,  about  two  leagues  from  the  Lake.  A  picket  Fort  with 
four  bastions,  had  been  constructed  in  this  Village  by  the  English.  It  was  destroyed  by  the  Oneidas  in  observance  of  their 
promise  given  at  a  council  held  between  them  &  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil.  Each  of  its  sides  might  have  been  one  hundred 
paces.  There  is  a  second  Oneida  Village,  called  the  little  village,  situated  on  the  bank  of  the  lake.  There  is  no  fort  in 
the  latter. 

1.  For  location  of  Fort  Kouari  see  ante  p.  333. 


340 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  ONEIDA  COUNTRY  AND  MOHAWK  VALLEY. 


angles  of  this  parapet  which  is  at  the  back  of  the  ditch,  form  as  it  were,  four  little  bastions  that 
reciprocally  Hank  each  other.  ;  On  the  West  side  there  is  a  house  apart  from  the  large  one.  It  backs 
against  the  parapet  of  the  palisades  and  serves  as  a  barrack  and  guard  house.  There  are  two  doors 
to  the  large  building  ;  the  one  at  the  North  is  a  small  swing  door.  It  is  used  only  in  going  to  the 
river  for  water.  At  this  side  of  the  house  there  is  no  ditch  ;  only  palisades  fixed  in  boards  set 
against  the  brow  of  the  right  bank  of  the  river  to  support  the  earth.  The  large  door  of  the  house 
is  on  the  south  side  ;  it  is  folding  but  not  ironed.  To  go  outside  the  palisades  and  ditch  through  this 
large  door,  you  must  leave  the  house  to  the  left  and  turn  to  the  Eastward  where  there  is  a  passage. 
The  ditch  has  not  been  excavated.  The  earth  serves  as  a  bridge  and  road.  There  are  palisades  to 
the  right  and  left,  on  both  sides  of  the  way  the  whole  width  of  the  ditch.  Outside  the  ditch  there 
is  a  folding  gate.  There  is  no  oih  i  barrier  nor  chevaux-de  frise  in  front.  The  nearest  house  out- 
side the  fort  is  about  150  paces.  Opposite  this  fort  in  the  river  is  a  small  cultivated  island  which 
can  be  reached  at  low  water  by  fording. 

From  Fort  Kouuri  to  that  of  Cannatchocary  is  four  leagues.  Some  twenty  houses  are  located  at  a 
distance  one  from  another,  within  the  space  of  one  league  of  this  road,  which  is  through  a  flat  country 
After  making  this  league  we  go  up  a  mountain  that  occupies  two  hours  to  ascend  and  descend.  The 
country  throughout  the  whole  of  this  space  is  covered  with  wood.  After  descending,  two  houses 
somewhat  distant  the  one  from  the  other  are  in  the  league  which  is  still  to  be  travelled  to  get  to 
Cannatchocari. 

The  Inhabitants  of  this  Country  are  Palatines  or  Germans.  They  form  a  Company  with  some  who 
dwell  above  the  Fall1  on  the  other  side  of  the  River  which  is  the  left  bank.  This  company  consists 
of  about  80  men.    The  road  from  one  to  the  othet  of  these  two  forts  is  good  for  all  sorts  of  carriages. 

Fort  Cannatchocari  is  situated  at  the  side  of  the  Mohawk  River  on  the  right  bank.  It  is  a  square 
of  four  bastions  of  upright  pickets  joined  together  with  lintels.  They  are  fifteen  feet  high,  about 
one  foot  square  with  port  holes  inserted  from  distance  to  distance  with  a  stage  all  around  to  fire  from. 

This  Fort  is  one  hundred  paces  on  each  side.  It  is  not  surrounded  by  a  ditch.  There  are  some 
small  pieces  of  cannon  at  each  of  its  bastions,  and  a  house  at  each  curtain  to  serve  as  a  store  and 
barrack.    Five  or  six  families  of  Mohawk  Indians  reside  outside  the  fort. 

From  Fort  Cannatchocari  to  Fort  Hunter  is  about  12  leagues  ;  the  road  is  pretty  good  ;  carriages 
pass  over  it ;  it  continues  along  the  banks  of  the  Mohawk  river.  About  a  hundred  houses,  at  a 
greater  or  less  distance  from  one  another  are  found  within  this  length  of  road.  There  are  some 
situated  also  about  half  a  league  in  the  interior.  The  inhabitants  of  this  section  are  Germans  who 
compose  a  company  of  about  100  men  each. 

Fort  Hunter  is  situated  on  the  borders  of  the  Mohawk  river,  and  is  of  the  same  form  as  that  of 
Cannatchocari,  with  the  exception  that  it  is  twice  as  large.  There  is  likewise  a  house  at  each  curtain. 
The  cannon  at  each  bastion  are  from  7  to  9  pounders.  The  pickets  of  this  Fort  are  higher  than  those 
of  Cannatchocari.  There  is  a  church  or  temple  in  the  middle  of  the  Fort;  in  the  interior  of  the 
fort  arc  also  some  thirty  cabins  of  Mohawk  Indians,  which  is  the  most  considerable  village.  This 
fort,  like  that  of  Cannatchocari,  has  no  ditch ;  there's  only  a  large  swing  door  at  the  entrance. 

Leaving  Fort  Hunter  a  creek2  is  passed  at  the  mouth  of  which  the  fort  is  located.  It  can  be  forded, 
and  crossed  in  batteaux  in  summer  and  on  the  ice  in  winter.  There  are  some  houses  outside  under 
the  protection  of  the  Fort  in  which  the  country  people  seek  shelter  when  they  fear  or  learn  that  an 
Indian  or  French  war  party  is  in  the  field. 

From  Fort  Hunter  to  Cheneetedi  or  Curfar  is  seven  leagues.  The  public  carriage  way  continues  along 
the  right  bank  of  the  Mohawk  river.  About  20  to  30  houses  are  found  within  this  distance  separated 
j  the  one  from  the  other  from  about  a  quarter  to  half  a  league.    The  Inhabitants  of  this  section  are 


1  Little  Falls. 


2  Schoharie  Creek. 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  ONEIDA  COUNTRY  AND  MOHAWK  VALLEY. 


341 


Dutch.  They  form  a  company  with  some  other  inhabitants  of  the  left  bank  of  the  Mohawk  river, 
about  100  men  strong. 

Chenectedi  or  Corlar,  situated  on  the  bank  of  the  Mohawk  river,  is  a  village  of  about  300  houses. 
It  is  surrounded  by  upright  pickets,  flanked  from  distance  to  distance.  Entering  this  village  by  the 
gate  on  the  Tort  Hunter  side,  there  is  a  fort  to  the  right  which  forms  a  species  of  citadel  in  the  in- 
terior of  the  village  itself.  It  is  a  square,  flanked  with  four  bastions  or  demi-bastions,  and  is  con- 
structed half  of  masonry  and  half  of  timbers  piled  one  over  the  other  above  the  masonry.  It  is 
capable  of  holding  2  or  300  men.  There  are  some  pieces  of  cannon  as  a  battery  on  the  rampart. 
It  is  not  encircled  by  a  ditch.  The  entrance  is  through  a  large  swing  gate  raised  like  a  drawbridge. 
By  penetrating  the  village  in  attacking  it  at  another  point,  the  fire  from  the  fort  can  be  avoided. 

The  greatest  portion  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Chenectedi  are  Dutch. 

From  Chenectedi  to  Albany  or  Orange  is  estimated  to  be  6  or  7  leagues*  The  road  is  excellent  for 
all  sorts  of  carriages ;  the  soil  sandy  and  the  country  covered  with  open  timber.  There  are  only  a 
few  hills.  A  league  and  half  from  Chenectedi,  there  is  a  house  on  the  road  which  is  a  tavern.  A 
league  and  half  farther  on,  that  is  to  say  half  wray,  another  house  is  met  which  is  also  a  tavern. 

Orange  is  situate  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river  Orange,  otherwise  called  Hudson.  It  is  not  fortified 
on  the  forest  side  except  by  an  enclosure  of  walls,  or  pickets,  without  a  ditch,  which  is  flanked  at 
certain  distances ;  the  river  defends  the  entrance  on  the  other  side.  It  is  calculated  to  be  smaller 
than  the  enclosure  of  the  town  of  Montreal.  In  the  interior  of  Orange  there  is  a  fort,  a  sort  of 
citadel,  capable  of  containing  300  men;  here  are  some  cannon. 

This  is  all  that  relates  to  the  Right  bank  of  the  Mohawk  river.  Let  us  pass  to  the  left  bank,  which 
is  the  North  side  of  that  river,  departing  likewise  from  near  its  source  at  Fort  Williams,  [Rome.] 

Leaving  Fort  Williams  by  the  left  bank  of  the  river  Mohawk,  the  village  of  the  Palatines  is  esti- 
mated to  be  12  leagues.  The  Mohawk  river  is  fordable  near  Fort  Williams  whence  a  path  leads  to 
the  interior,  half  a  league  from  the  shore,  parallel  with  the  river  whose  borders  are  so  marshy  that 
nothing  but  hay  can  be  had  there. 

This  path  leads  over  hills  and  small  mountains  and  can  be  traveled  only  afoot  or  on  horseback. 
Eight  leagues  must  be  traversed  by  this  path  before  reaching  the  forks  of  the  high  road  that  comes 
from  the  other  side,  or  right  bank  of  the  river.  After  having  traveled  this  high  road  a  quarter  of  an 
hour,  a  small  creek  is  found,  called  Rassedot.1  It  can  be  forded.  There  were  two  houses  on  the  left 
flank  of  this  creek,  which  were  burnt,  and  nothing  remains  of  them  but  the  ruins.  Having  passed 
this  creek,  the  high  road  is  followed  for  a  distance  of  four  leagues  to  the  village  of  the  Palatines. 
All  sorts  of  vehicles  travel  this  road. 

The  Palatine  Villagef  was  situated  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Mohawk  river,  not  directly  opposite 
Fort  Kouari  but  about  half  a  quarter  of  a  league  above  it.  You  go  from  this  village  to  the  fort  by 
batteau  ;  the  river  can  even  be  forded  in  several  places. 

The  Palatine  Village  which  consisted  of  thirty  houses  has  been  entirely  destroyed  and  burnt  by  a 
detachment  under  M.  de  Belhetre's  orders.  The  inhabitants  of  this  village  formed  a  company  of 
100  men  bearing  arms.  They  reckoned  there  300  persons,  men,  women  and  children,  102  of  whom 
were  made  prisoners  and  the  remainder  fled  to  Fort  Kouari,  except  a  few  who  were  killed  whilst 
fording  the  river. 

From  the  Palatine  Village  to  the  Little  Falls,  still  continuing  along  the  left  bank  of  the  river,  is 
estimated  about  three  leagues.    In  this  distance  there  had  been  eight  houses  which  have  been  aban- 

•  Note  in  the  Orig. — The  total  distance  from  Chouegen  to  Orange  is  78  a  79  leagues. 

1  This  Creek  is  on  the  Kass  farm  in  the  Town  of  Schuyler,  Herkimer  Co.    It  was  called  by  the  Indians,  Raxetoth  Creek. 
]  Note  in  Orig.  —It  requires  a  day  to  descend  the  river  with  batteaux  from  Fort  Bull  to  the  Palatine  Village  and  three  to 
return;  and  to  go  down  from  the  Palatine  village  to  Corlar  requires  [a  day?]  and  a  day  and  a  half  to  return. 


342 


TAPERS   RELATING   TO  THE  ONEIDA  COUNTRY  AND  MOHAWK  VALLEY. 


cloned.  The  inhabitants  of  these  houses  compose  a  company  with  those  of  Fort  Kouari  at  the  opposite 
side  of  the  river. 

The  portage  at  the  Little  Falls  is  a  quarter  of  a  league,  and  is  passed  with  carts.  There  is  a  road 
on  both  sides  of  the  river,  but  that  on  the  left  bank  is  preferable,  being  better. 

From  the  portage  at  the  Little  Falls,  continuing  along  the  left  bank  of  the  river,  there  is  only  a 
foot  path  which  is  traveled  with  difficulty  on  horseback.  Three  leagues  must  be  made  over  this 
path  to  arrive  at  the  Canada  creek  where  we  meet  the  high  road  that  passes  from  the  termination  of 
the  Little  Falls  portage,  along  the  right  bank  of  the  Mohawk  river,  where  there  is  a  ford  above  Foit 
Cannatchoeari,  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  Canada  Creek.  There  is  also  a  ferry  boat  at  this  place  to 
put  carts  across  when  the  river  is  high. 

After  fording  Canada  Creek,  we  continue  along  the  left  bank  of  the  Mohawk  river  and  high  road 
which  is  passable  lor  carts  for  12  leagues  to  Col  Johnson's  mansion.  In  the  whole  of  this  distance 
the  soil  is  very  good.  About  500  houses  are  erected,  at  a  distance  one  from  the  other.  The  greatest 
number  of  those  on  the  bank  of  the  river  are  built  of  stone.  Those  at  a  greater  distance  from  the 
river  in  the  interior  are  about  half  a  league  olf ;  they  are  new*Settlements,  built  of  wood. 

There  is  not  a  fort  in  the  whole  of  this  distance  of  12  leagues;  Tl^ere  is  but  one  farmer's  house 
built  of  stone  that  is  somewhat  fortified  and  surrounded  with  pickets.  It  is  situate  on  the  bank  of 
the  river  three  leagues  from  where  the  Canada  Creek  empties  into  the  Mohawk  river. 

The  inhabitants  of  this  Country  are  Germans.    They  form  four  companies  of  100  men  each. 

Col.  Johnson's  mansion  is  situate  on  the  border  of  the  left  bank  of  the  River  Mohawk ;  it  is  three 
stories  high  ;  built  of  stone,  with  port  holes  (crenelees)  and  a  parapet  and  flanked  with  four  bastions 
on  which  are  some  small  guns.  In  the  same  yard,  on  both  sides  of  the  Mansion,  there  are  two  small 
houses;  that  on  the  right  of  the  entrance  in  a  Store,  and  that  on  the  left  is  designed  for  workmen, 
negroes  and  other  domestics.  The  yard  gate  is  a  heavy  swing  gate  well  ironed ;  it  is  on  the  Mohawk 
river  side ;  from  this  gate  to  the  river  there  is  about  200  paces  of  level  ground.  The  high  road 
passes  there.  A  small  rivulet  coming  from  the  north  empties  itself  into  the  Mohawk  river,  about 
200  paces  below  the  enclosure  of  the  yard.1  On  this  stream  there  is  a  Mill  about  50  paces  distance 
from  the  house ;  below  the  Mill  is  the  miller's  house  where  grain  and  flour  are  stored,  and  on  the 
other  side  of  the  creek  100  paces  from  the  mill,  is  a  barn  in  which  cattle  and  fodder  are  kept.  One 
hundred  and  fifty  paces  from  Colonel  Johnson's  Mansion  at  the  North  side,  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
little  creek,  is  a  little  hill  on  which  is  a  small  house  with  port  holes  where  is  ordinarily  kept  a  guard 
of  honour  of  some  twenty  men,  which  serves  also  as  an  advanced  post. 

From  Colonel  Johnson's  house  to  Chenectedi  is  counted  seven  leagues ;  the  road  is  good  ;  all  sorts 
of  vehicles  pass  over  it.    About  twenty  houses  are  found  from  point  to  point  on  this  road. 

The  Mohawk  river  can  be  forded  during  summer,  a  league  and  a  quarter  west  of  Chenectedi. 
Opposite  Chenectedi  the  traverse  is  usually  in  a  ferry  boat  and  batteaux. 

The  inhabitants  of  this  country  are  Dutchmen.  They  form  a  Company  of  about  100  men  with 
those  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river  below  Fort  Hunter. 

Going  from  Chenectedi  to  the  mouth  of  the  Mohawk  river  where  it  discharges  into  that  of  Orange, 
there  is  a  Great  Fall  (Cohoes)  which  prevents  the  passage  of  batteaus,  so  that  every  thing  on  the 
river  going  from  Chenectedi  to  Orange,  passes  over  the  high  road  that  leads  there  direct. 

From  Orange  to  New  York  is  counted  50  to  00  leagues.  Barks  from  New  York  ascend  to  Orange. 
There  is  also  a  high  road  from  one  to  the  other  of  these  towns,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river.  The 
country  is  thickly  inabited  on  both  sides  of  the  river.  The  inhabitants  of  Orange  are,  also,  mostly 
Dutch  like  those  of  Chenectedi. 

1  This  Creek  (I  am  informed  by  Fisher  Putnam,  Esq.  P.  Mi  of  Tribes  Hill,)  goes  now  by  the  name  of  Old  Fort  Creek 
Its  original  Indian  name,  he  adds,  was  Kayadarosseros. 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  ONEIDA  COUNTRY  AND  MOHAWK  VALLEY. 


343 


From  Orange  to  Boston  is  considered  about  GO  leagues.  The  road  thither  is  across  the  country. 
From  Boston  to  New  York  is  reckoned  the  same  distance  following  the  road  along  the  seaside. 

New  York,  situate  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Orange  River,  near  its  mouth  at  the  sea,  is  located  on  a 
tongue  of  land  forming  a  peninsula.  It  is  fortified  only  on  the  land  side.  Opposite  New  York  is  a 
large  Island  (Long  Island)  very  well  inhabited  and  very  wealthy.  All  sorts  of  vessels  of  war  and 
Merchantmen  anchor  between  the  town  and  that  Island. 

Nota.  In  the  whole  Country  of  the  River  Corlar  there  are  nine  Companies  of  Militia  under  the 
Command  of  Colonel  Johnson ;  eight  only  remain,  that  of  the  Village  of  the  Palatines  being  no  longer 
in  existence,  the  greater  portion  having  been  defeated  by  M.  de  Belhetre's  detachment.  Colonel 
Johnson  assembles  these  companies  when  he  has  news  of  any  expedition  which  may  concern  the 
Mohawk  river. 

In  the  latter  part  of  April  1757,  on  receiving  intelligence  by  the  savages  that  there  was  a  strong 
detachment  ascending  the  river  St.  Lawrence  and  entering  Lake  Ontario,  he  assembled  these  Com- 
panies and  went  to  the  Village  of  the  Palatines  where  he  was  joined  by  another  body  of  11  @  1200 
men  sent  him  by  the  commandant  of  Orange ;  this  formed  in  all  a  force  of  2000  men.  He  en- 
trenched himself  at  the  head  of  the  Palatine  Village  where  he  remained  in  Camp  fifteen  days,  and  did 
not  retire  until  he  received  intelligence  that  the  French  detachment  seen  on  the  River  St.  Lawrence 
had  passed  by  and  taken  the  route  to  the  Belle  Riviere  (Ohio.) 

This  was  the  detachment  of  500  men  that  had  been  sent  last  year  to  reinforce  Belle  Riviere,  and 
had  left  Montreal  in  the  latter  days  of  the  month  of  April. 


XIX. 


PAPERS 


RELATING  TO 


®l)e  jfrcud)  Btigmorica  on  Cake  (Etyamplain* 


[Vol.  I.] 


44 


THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE  AND  PLANTATIONS  TO  LT.  GOV.  COLDEN.    13  JULY  1761. 


[Lonil.  Doc.  XXXVII.  ] 

Monsieur  Michel  Chartier  de  Lotbiniere,  heretofore  an  officer  in  the  French  King's  Service  in 
Canada  has  presented  to  us  a  Memorial  desiring  the  confirmation  of  two  Concessions  in  America,  the 
one  called  D'Alainville,  four  leagues  and  upwards  in  front,  part  upon  Lake  George  and  part  upon 
Crown  Point  River,  and  extending  in  depth  five  leagues  to  the  West,  granted  by  the  Marquis  de 
Vaudreuil  in  1758  ;  the  other  situated  opposite  to  Crown  Point,  having  the  same  extent  in  Front  & 
extending  in  depth  five  leagues  to  the  East,  purchased  of  Monsr  Hocquart  in  1762,  to  whom  it  is 
alleged  to  have  been  granted  in  1743  and  1745. 

As  this  Gentleman's  case  appears  to  us  to  require  particular  consideration,  we  have  wrote  to  the 
Governor  of  Quebec  for  authentick  copies  of  these  grants  from  the  Records,  in  order  that  we  may  be 
enabled  to  make  a  representation  to  His  Majesty  thereupon,  and  in  the  meanwhile  we  think  proper 
to  direct  that  no  grants  whatever  be  made  under  the  authority  of  the  Government  of  New-York  of 
any  part  of  the  lands  comprehended  within  the  limits  of  these  Concessions.  So  we  bid  you  heartily 
farewell,  and  are  Sir 

Your  very  loving  friends 

Hillsborough 
Geo.  Rice 

Whitehall,  July  13.  Bamber  Gascoyne 

1764  J.  Dyson. 


EXPLANATIONS 

ON  MY  TWO  SEIGNIORIES  OF  ALLAINVILLE  AND  HOCQUART  AT  THE  HEAD  OK  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN,  AND  DE- 
TAIL OF  MY  PROCEEDINGS  AS  WELL  IN  LONDON  AS  IN  THIS  COUNTRY  ON  THE  SUBJECT,  BY  M.  DE 
LOTBINIERE.      MONTREAL  20  SEPT.  1771. 

[  From  MSS.  in  Sec.  of  State's  Off.  Alby.  ] 

The  situation  of  Alainville  is  designated  so  clearly  in  my  affidavit  annexed  in  perfect  conformity 
to  the  Deed  granted  to  me,  that  it  appears  useless  to  add  any  thing  thereto. 

Though  that  of  Hocquart  is  indicated  in  the  two  Deeds  of  Concession  of  which  I  annex  copies,  yet 
to  obviate  doubts  which  may  arise  on  the  subject,  I  shall  give  the  details  which  have  been  furnished 
me  of  that  Seigniory.  Its  front  commences  on  the  south  side  about  fifteen  or  eighteen  arpens  above 
a  tract  bordering  on  the  Lake,  in  front  (en  face)  of  Fort  Crown-point,  from  two  to  three  hundred 


;;is 


FRENCH  SEIGNIORIES  ON  LAKE  CIIAMPEAIN. 


arpens  square  in  superficies  reserved  by  the  original  proprietor  to  himsell'  as  an  Inalienable  Domain, 
which  is  separated  from  the  lands  conceded  to  divers  Cemilarics  (Tenants)  by  a  marsh  formed  by  a 
stream  that  empties  there.  This  front  extends  thence  four  leagues*  on  a  direct  line  drawn  towards 
the  North  at  each  extremity  of  which  ought  to  be  run  two  perpendiculars  of  a  length  sufficient  to 
give  the  totality  of  the  Seigniory  five  leagues  in  depth.  Moreover  it  must  be  observed  that  in  my 
quality  of  first  Grantee  in  that  quarter,  I  must  be  satisfied  according  to  my  titles  before  any  other 
presenting  his  claims  can  claim  the  smallest  trifle. 

As  to  the  validity  of  my  titles  at  the  time  of  the  Reduction  of  the  country,  let  but  a  single  glance 
be  directed  to  these  two  Seigniories  ;  the  frequent  clearances  to  be  seen  there  which  cannot  have  yet 
disappeared  ;  the  various  settlements  the  wrecks  of  which  at  least  cannot  have  been  swept  away  by 
the  misfortunes  inseparable  from  a  period  of  War  ;  these  will  prove  incontestably  that  nothing  can 
oppose  their  entire  effect.    Nothing,  then,  remains  but  to  detail  my  proceedings  in  regard  to  them. 

Shortly  after  my  arrival  in  London,  in  June  1763,  after  having  presented  myself  to  the  Secretary  of 
State  for  the  department,  to  the  Lords  and  others  to  whom  I  was  recommended,  I  was  told  that  the 
Provinces  were  making  great  exertions  to  deprive  us,  if  they  could,  of  our  properties  on  Lake  Cham- 
plain  and  neighbourhood,  and  that  the  Ministry  much  importuned  by  them  appeared  to  be  undecided. 
I  explained  ;  they  endeavored  to  reassure  me  but  not  with  that  positive  answer  I  should  desire. 
Not  wishing  to  expose  myself  to  any  difficulty  with  any  one, I  decided  to  wait  patiently.  Meanwhile, 
the  Earl  of  Shelburne,  the  President  of  the  Board  of  Trade  and  Plantations,  offered  to  present  me  to 
the  King.  I  observed  to  him  that  in  my  quality  as  immediate  Vassal  of  the  King  for  all  the  Fiefs 
which  I  held,  depending  from  His  Majesty,  it  appeared  to  me  that  I  ought  to  begin  by  rendering  him 
my  Fealty  &  Homage  and  I  prayed  him  to  have  me  received  at  once.  He  replied,  that  coidd  not  be 
as  yet,  some  previous  arrangement  being  necessary.  I  since  offered  myself ;  I  was  always  put  oft' 
under  the  same  pretext. 

At  the  moment  so  to  speak,  when  his  Lordship  was  promising  me  entire  satisfaction  regarding  the 
object  of  my  sojourn,  he  suddenly  resigned  and  was  succeeded  by  My  lord  Hills-borough.  I  renewed 
all  my  original  proceedings  with  the  new  President  who  appeared  to  listen  to  me  with  complaisance 
and  feel  perfectly  the  Equity  of  my  case  but  would  decide  nothing,  doubtless  until  he  saw  every 
thing  established  elsewhere  in  a  perfect  equilibrium.  Being  advised  not  to  content  myself  with  talk- 
ing but  to  hand  in  a  Memorial  which  could  fix  the  attention  of  the  Office  on  the  subject  of  my  de- 
mand, I  presented,  in  March  1704  the  one  below,  (Letter  A.)  Every  day  I  visited  all  the  Lords  of 
this  office  who  individually  gave  me  to  hope  a  prompt  conclusion  but  who  when  assembled  decided 
nothing.  Finally,  seeing  each  of  them  prepared  to  retire  to  the  country,  I  represented  with  all  the 
force  I  was  master  of  to  Milord  the  Earl  of  Hills-borough  the  injustice  I  had  already  sustained  by  so 
long  a  sojourn,  and  if  he  left  London  without  my  being  informed  of  my  lot,  I  was  irremediably  ruined, 
not  only  by  the  heavy  loans  I  was  obliged  to  contract,  but  by  perceiving  myself  arrested  in  all  my 
affairs  which  it  was  moreover  of  the  last  importance  to  me  to  prosecute.  He  then  told  me,  for  the 
first  time,  that  he  had  over  three  months  ago  addressed  several  questions  to  the  King's  Attorney 
General,  without  the  decision  of  which  nothing  could  be  determined  for  me.  I  requested  that  he 
would  allow  me  to  use  his  name  to  urge  an  answer,  and  he  permitted  me.  I  forthwith  prepared  the 
Memorial  to  be  seen  below,  (under  Letter  B.)  which  I  presented  next  morning  to  the  said  Attorney 
General,  and  in  the  evening  I  addressed  him  the  note  copy  of  which  is  under  Letter  C.  I  was  in- 
formed ten  or  twelve  days  after,  that  his  answer  had  reached  the  Bureau.  On  the  first  day  of  July  I 
was  sent  for  to  the  office  when  Milord  the  Fail  of  Hills-borough  informed  me,  in  presencc'of  all  the 
Lords  assembled  ami  on  their  part :  "  That  I  might  return  home  as  soon  as  I  pleased  without  enter- 
taining the  least  uneasiness  regarding  my  two  Seigniories  beyond  the  limits  of  the  Government  of 

•  Note  in  orig.— The  league  of  Canada  is  84  arptns  :  the  arpent,  30  toises;  the  tois$  6  feet  royal  of  Paris. 


FRENCH  SEIGNIORIES  ON  LAKE  CHAMPLA1N. 


349 


Quebec.  By  means  of  the  orders  they  should  transmit  to  the  Governour  of  New  York  to  which 
Province  His  Majesty  had  been  pleased  quite  recently  to  annex  those  parts  not  settled  by  His  Proc- 
lamation of  the  7th  October  last,  they  should  instruct  him  not  to  concede  any  land  either  in  my 
Seigniories  or  their  vicinity,  until  their  situation  was  perfectly  understood ;  that  I  may  be  assured 
that  in  whatever  part  of  the  King's  obedience  any  of  my  property  may  be  situate,  I  should  possess 
and  enjoy  them  equally  as  those  included  within  the  limits  of  the  Government  of  Quebec" — and 
terminated  with  the  most  gracious  compliments  for  Mde.  de  Lotbiniere  and  the  rest  of  my  family. 
These  orders  have  been  addressed  and  arrived  at  the  time  in  the  Province  :  The  letter  which  Lieu- 
tenant Governour  Cadwallader  Colden  did  me  the  honour  to  write  me  on  the  11th  of  September  1 70  5, 
proves  it  beyond  dispute. 

Since  my  arrival  in  this  Country  I  have  done  every  thing  in  my  power,  as  well  with  the  said  Sieur 
Colden  as  with  Sir  Henry  Moore,  to  whom  I  presented  on  Lake  Champlain  my  original  titles.  I 
constantly  endeavored  to  interest  in  my  behalf  all  those  with  whom  I  was  acquainted,  residents  of 
the  said  Province,  who  have  been  so  good  as  to  act,  from  time  to  time,  near  the  said  Government.  I 
experienced  the  same  attention  here  and  in  London,  since  my  departure,  so  that  it  is  impossible  to 
conceive  in  me  any,  even  the  smallest,  neglect  as  regards  these  two  Seigniories,  which  at  present  are 
the  sole  certain  portion  of  my  existence,  abridged  in  all  the  rest  by  a  forced  prosecution  of  my  pro- 
ceedings in  their  regard,  and  unable  to  enjoy  them  since  the  peace.  Montreal,  the  20th  September, 
One  thousand  seven  hundred  ard  seventy  one. 


MEMOIR  OF  TWO  SEIGNIORIES  AT  THE  HEAD  OF  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 

To  the  Right  HonPle  the  Lords  Commissioners  of  Trade  and  Plantations,  the  following  Memorial  oj 

Michel  Chartier  de  Lotbiniere  Sfc. 

Sheweth,  That  he  is  proprietor  of  two  Fiefs  and  Seigniories  which  are  held  from  the  King ;  the  one 
under  the  name  of  Alainville  four  leagues  and  over  in  front,  partly  on  Lake  St  Sacrement  (now  lake 
George)  and  partly  on  the  River  St  Frederic  (Crown  point  River)  with  a  depth  of  five  leagues  towards 
the  West  which  was  granted  to  him  the  15th  November  1758  by  the  Marquis  of  Vaudreuil  the  then 
Governor  General  in  Canada,  (copy  of  said  Concession  annexed)  on  which  he  had  made  divers  estab- 
lishments that  have  been  successively  ruined  by  the  English  armies. 

The  other  of  a  nearly  equal  front  opposite  St  Frederic  (Crown  point)  extending  northwardly  along 
the  River  and  Lake  by  a  depth  five  leagues  East,  which  lie  acquired  7  April  last  from  Sieur  Hocquart 
Councillor  of  State  and  Intendant  of  the  Naval  forces  at  Brest  to  whom  the  aforesaid  was  granted  by 
two  Patents  of  Concession  the  20  April  1743,  and  1  April  1745,  of  which  the  major  part  of  the 
settlements  have  been,  in  like  manner,  destroyed  in  the  last  war.1 

The  Memorialist  being  assured  that  the  said  two  Fiefs  are  not  included  within  the  new  Government 
of  Quebec  formed  from  a  part  of  Canada,  and  not  being  unable  to  discover  from  the  Kings  Procla- 
tion  of  the  7th  October  last,  which  establishes  the  boundaries  of  said  New  Government,  nor  elsewhere, 

1  The  first  of  these  Seignoires  was  in  the  present  County  of  Essex,  N.  Y.;  the  other,  on  the  opposite  side  of  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  embraced  the  present  towns  of  Panton,  Addison  and  Bridport,  in  Addison  Co.,  Vt.,  and  will  be  found  laid  down  in 
the  English  Map  of  Lake  Champlain  annexed. 


350 


FRENCH   SEHiNIORIES  ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


to  what  other  part  the  two  Seigniories  in  question,  at  present  belong,  he  prays  Your  Lordships  to 
instruct  the  government  to  which  they  are  at  present  annexed,  to  have  him  acknowledged  there 
as  Proprietor  of  said  Estates ;  to  cause  him  to  enjoy  the  same  without  delay,  in  the  same  manner  that 
he  or  his  predecessors  have  or  ought  to  enjoy  them,  in  order  that  he  may  be  in  a  position  to  replace 
the  inhabitants  there  who  were  already  located  there  ;  that  he  may  as  soon  as  possible  make  there 
the  settlements  he  proposes  and  improve  said  Seigniories  in  the  most  useful  manner,  and  according 
as  he  may  judge  most  proper. 
London,  6  May,  1764, 


(B.) 

To  Sir  Fletcher  Norto?i,  King's  Attorney  General 

The  affair  in  question  at  present  which  alone  detains  me  here  over  a  year  in  consequence  of  diffi- 
culties which  I  perceived  to  arise  on  my  arrival  in  this  country  that  I  could  not  even  suspect  before ; 
by  which  the  Attorney  General  is  at  this  moment  interrupted,  is  already  decided  in  a  very  clear 
manner  both  by  the  general  Capitulation  granted  to  Canada  on  the  8th  September  17C0,  and  by  the 
Treaty  of  Peace  which  followed  it. 

The  first  formally  states  that  all  those  who  have  property  in  that  Country  shall  be  maintained  as 
heretofore  in  the  possession  of  such  property  as  well  as  of  their  rights,  privileges  and  prerogatives. 
The  Treaty  of  Peace  since  concluded  confirms  in  regard  to  the  King's  New  Subjects  in  that  quarter 
what  had  been  granted  by  the  Capitulation,  and  permits  all  others,  within  the  space  of  eighteen 
months  from  the  day  of  the  Ratification  of  the  Treaty,  freely  to  sell  what  they  possess  iu  the  said 
Country.  The  question  then  resolves  itself,  as  tar  as  I  am  concerned,  to  enquiring,  If  I  am  to  be 
considered  a  subject  of  the  King  and  if  in  that  capacity,  I  am  to  possess  what  already  belonged  to 
me  and  what  I  have  since  acquired. 

Without  requiring  to  enumerate  the  proofs  I  have  given  of  a  special  attachment  to  my  new  Country, 
the  sole  fact  of  having  acquired  new  possessions  in  that  Country  ceded  to  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain, 
instead  of  endeavoring  to  sell  those  I  already  had  there,  manifests  the  dispositions  I  entertained  to 
attach  myself  and  mine  forever  to  it,  and  consequently  I  cannot  but  be  comprehended  under  the 
denomination  of  Kings  Subjects  granted  to  those  of  Canada  by  the  Treaty. 

After  having  spent  eleven  consecutive  months  in  fruitless  expenses  and  proceedings  I  finally  suc- 
ceeded in  appearing  lour  weeks  ago  before  a  meeting  of  the  Lords  Commissioners  of  Plantations, 
when  Milord  Hillsborough,  President  of  that  department,  put  divers  questions  and  objections  to  me. 

That  on  which  he  appeared  to  me  most  to  dwell  was  that  the  two  Seigniories  in  question  being 
situated  on  Lake  Champlain,  to  which  His  Britannic  Majesty  had  formed  pretensions,  he  did  not 
consider  that  the  Title  I  derived  from  His  Most  Christian  Majesty  ought  to  insure  me  their  property. 
My  answer  was,  that  without  seeking  to  discover  whether  these  pretensions  were  founded  or  not  (a 
question  which  it  did  not  become  me  to  agitate,)  I  presumed  to  assure  him,  at  least,  that  they  were 
recent,  much  more  so  than  the  titles  which  insured  me  the  property  of  these  estates ;  that,  moreover, 
I  did  not  imagine  that  His  Most  Christian  Majesty,  who  has  had  uninterrupted  possession  of  the 
Country  up  to  the  moment  of  the  conquest  in  1759,  ought  at  any  time  allow  himself  to  be  stopped 
by  a  single  pretension,  in  the  desire  he  had  to  grant  a  part  of  it,  as  long  as  it  was  in  his  power,  to 
those  of  his  subjects  whom  he  desired  to  reward.    In  fine,  supposing  everything  in  the  position  pre- 


FRENCH  SEIGNIORIES  ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


351 


dicated,  'twas  certain  that  I  was  possessor  of  these  Estates  in  good  faitli ;  that  they  cost  me  much 
money  and  trouble;  that  no  individual  could  come  forward  of  right,  to  question  my  property  in  them ; 
that  the  King  alone  opposes  to  me  pretensions  which  can  tend  only  to  establish  his  right  of  Sover- 
eignty over  that  portion  before  the  entire  cession  of  the  Country,  and  not  to  despoil  one  of  His  sub- 
jects in  whose  favour  every  thing  speaks  at  this  moment,  and  to  whom  justice  cannot  be  refused. 

If  this  chapter  of  pretensions  is  examined  in  its  entire  breadth  where  will  it  not  lead  to  l  And  if 
the  argument  that  is  derived  from  it  be  considered  invincible,  who  can  assure  himself  of  an  inch  of 
land  in  any  country  whatsoever  as  soon  as  it  is  conquered  1  And  if  treaties  which  assure  the  subject 
the  property  of  his  Estates,  cannot  serve  as  a  barrier,  on  what  is  he  to  stand,  and  what  hereafter  is 
to  be  done  to  preserve  them  1 

The  Attorney  General,  who  perceives  all  the  consequences  of  such  a  principle;  who  feels  how 
essential  and  just  it  is  to  preserve  to  every  one  his  right, is  requested  to  give  the  Lords  Commissioners 
of  Plantations  to  understand  that  however  laudable  may  be  their  zeal  for  the  maintainance  of  the 
rights  of  the  Crown,  it  is  carried  too  far  when  it  unnecessarily  tends  to  the  ruin  of  a  private  Indi- 
vidual. However,  if  they  consider  for  reasons  they  doubtless  foresee,  that  His  Majesty  cannot  depart 
from  the  original  pretensions  He  has  formed  to  the  country,  and  that  my  Titles  received  may  affect 
them,  I  am  too  much  attached  to  His  Majesty's  Interests  to  object  to  any  new  Titles  He  shall  please 
to  grant  me  Gratis  for  the  whole  of  the  same  objects,  and  which  reintegrate  me  in  all  my  rights.  I 
would  supplicate  him  merely  to  observe  my  present  situation  which  does  not  admit  of  my  remaining 
any  longer  in  London,  and  to  order  that  I  be  despatched  with  the  greatest  possible  promptness.  This 
15»h  June  1764. 


GRANT  IN  FAVOUR  OF  M.  HOCQUART  OF  A  TRACT  OF  LAND  ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN.  1743. 

This  day,  twentieth  of  April  One  thousand  seven  hundred  and  forty  three,  the  King  being  at 
Versailles,  desirous  to  treat  Sieur  Hocquart  Intendant  of  New  France  graciously  and  to  bestow  on 
him  a  mark  of  the  satisfaction  he  entertains  of  his  services,  His  Majesty  has  granted  to  him  by  tenure 
of  Fief  and  Seigniory,  a  tract  about  one  league  in  front  by  five  leagues  in  depth,  situate  in  the  said 
Colony  on  Lake  Champlain  opposite  Fort  St.  Frederic,  bounded  on  the  West  by  said  Lake,  east  by 
unconceded  lands,  North  by  a  line  drawn  East  and  West,  and  South  by  a  line  parallel  to  this,  which 
two  lines  form  the  division  of  lands  to  be  conceded  at  a  quit  rent  (en  censives)  in  His  Majesty's  name 
&  for  His  profit,  for  the  perpetual  enjoyment  by  the  said  Sieur  Hocquart  his  heirs  &  assigns  of  said 
Tract  by  tenure  of  fief  and  Siegniory,  with  High,  Middle  and  Low  Justice,  and  Right  of  Hunting, 
Fishing  and  Trading  with  Indians  throughout  the  extent  of  said  Seigniory  without  being  obliged  by 
reason  of  this,  to  pay  to  His  Majesty  nor  to  his  Successors,  Kings,  any  duty  money  as  an  indemnity 
whereof,  whatever  sum  it  may  amount  to,  His  Majesty  hath  made  him  a  grant  and  release ;  On  con- 
dition to  render  Fealty  and  Homage  at  the  Castle  of  St.  Louis  Quebec  from  which  the  said  Fief  will 
be  holden  and  the  other  customary  services,  according  to  the  Custom  of  Paris  observed  in  the  said 
country,  and  that  the  appeals  from  the  Court  which  will  be  established  there  shall  be  to  the  Roya 
Court  {Justice  Royale)  of  Montreal ;  on  condition  also  of  preserving  and  causing  to  be  preserved  by 
the  Tenants  the  Timber,  of  all  descriptions  adapted  for  the  construction  of  His  Majesty's  ships;  ot 
informing  His  Majesty  of  all  Mines  or  Minerals,  if  any  be  found  in  said  Concession ;  to  improve  it 
and  to  hold  &  cause  to  be  held  fire  &  light  there  by  the  Tenants,  in  default  whereof  it  shall  be  re- 


352 


FRENCH  SEIGNIORIES  ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


united  to  His  Majesty's  Domain ;  of  allowing  roads  necessary  for  public  convenience  and  allowing 
also  the  beaches  free  to  all  Fishermen,  except  those  they  may  require  lor  their  fishing ;  and  in  case 
His  Majesty  may  have  use,  hereafter,  of  any  portions  of  said  Tract,  to  erect  thereupon  Forts,  Batte- 
ries, Arsenals,  Magazines  &  other  public  Works,  He  can  take  them  as  well  as  the  trees  necessary  for 
said  public  Works,  and  the  fire  wood  necessary  for  the  Garrisons  of  said  Forts,  without  being  holden 
to  any  compensation  :  His  Majesty  willing  that  the  said  Concession  be  subject  to  the  conditions  above 
enumerated  without  any  exception ;  and  In  testimony  of  His  Will,  He  has  ordered  me  to  issue  the 
present  Brevet  which  shall  be  enregistered  at  the  Office  of  the  Superior  Council  of  Quebec,  to  have 
such  application  there  as  shall  appertain,  and  wluch  He  has  willed  to  sign  with  his  hand  to  be  coun- 
tersigned by  me  His  councillor  Secretary  of  State  and  of  His  Commands  and  Finances.  Signed, 
Louis,  and  lower  down,  Phelippeaux.  Below,  the  present  Brevet  has  been  enregistered  in  the  Regis- 
ters of  the  Superior  Council  of  New  France,  By  the  King's  Attorney  General  according  to  the  Arret 
of  the  day,  by  us,  Councillor  Secretary  of  the  King,  Chief  Greffier  of  said  Council,  undersigned.  At 
Quebec  the  7»>'  October  1743    Signed,  Daine. 


|  Here  follows  another  Deed,  dated  1st  April  1745,  to  the  same  person  of  an  additional  Tract  in 
Seigniory,  three  leagues  in  front  on  Lake  Champlain,  by  five  in  depth,  extending  from  the  North 
bounds  of  the  former  grant,  subject  to  the  same  burthens  and  conditions ;  and  a  Deed  of  Sale  of  the 
entire  "  Seigniory  Hocquart"  to  M.  Michel  Chartier,  Seigneur  of  Lotbiniere  &c  for  the  sum  of  Nine 
Thousand  livres — bearing  date  Paris  7th  April.  1763  | 


SITUATION  OF  THE  SEIGNIORY  OF  ALAINVILLE; 

ACCORDING  TO  M.  DE  LOTBINIERE's  AFFIDAVIT. 

I,  undersigned,  affirm  and  declare  on  oath  that  the  Seigniory  of  Alainville,  four  leagues  and  more 
in  front  by  five  leagues  in  depth  to  the  West,  commences  at  La  Pointe  des  hobitans  (one  league  aud  a 
hall'  or  thereabouts,  above  the  Fort  at  Pointe  a  la  Chevelure,  and  on  the  same  side  of  the  Kiver)  and 
that  it  terminates  at  Pointe  du  Bivac  [Bivouac  point  ]  of  M.  de  Contrecour's  Camp,  the  lower  point 
above  l'Isle  an  Mouton  near  the  entrance  of  the  Lake  St.  Sacrement ;  that  the  said  Seigniory  belongs 
to  me  in  virtue  of  the  Grant  which  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  made  to  me  dated  15th  November  of 
the  year  One  thousand  seven  hundred  k  fifty  Eight ;  that  this  deed  of  Concession  was  left,  in  the 
original  by  me  in  July  17G4  with  Mr  Pownall  Secretary  of  the  Board  of  Trade  and  the  Colonies  to  be 
registered  in  said  Oilice ;  that  Sr  Henry  Guinaud,  my  agent  in  London  informed  me  by  letter  that  the 
Title  deeds  deposited  by  the  Honble  Mr.-  Chohnondely  on  my  behalf  &  by  me  at  the  said  office  had 
been  returned  to  him  all  registered. 


FRENCH  SEIGNIORIES  ON    LAKE  CHAMPLA1N. 


353 


GOV.  MOORE  TO  THE  BOARD  OF  PLANTATIONS. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XXXIX.  ] 

New  York,  7  Nov.  1766. 

My  Lords — I  had  the  honour  of  informing  your  Lordi>Ps  in  a  former  letter  that  I  proposed  to  settle 
the  Boundary  line  between  this  Province  and  Quebec  as  soon  as  I  could  conveniently  leave  this  City, 
and  it  was  not  long  before  I  had  an  opportunity  of  doing  it,  for  upon  the  arrival  of  Brigadier  Carle  ton 
from  England,  I  set  out  in  company  with  him  for  Lake  Champlain,  and  after  encountering  with  many 
difficulties  occasioned  by  the  badness  of  the  weather,  we  fixed  the  limits  on  the  River  Sorell  about 
two  miles  and  a  half  below  windmill  Point,  which  is  further  to  the  Northward  than  we  imagined  to 
find  it  from  the  observations  which  were  said  to  be  made  there  by  the  French  some  few  years  agoe ; 
upon  our  arrival  at  Windmill  Point,  several  French  Gentlemen  came  to  us,  there  from  Quebec,  as 
well  to  pay  their  compliments  to  Brig1  Carleton,  as  to  request  of  me  the  confirmation  of  their  Rights 
to  those  Seigneiories,  which  on  our  observations  should  be  found  in  the  Southward  of  the  45th  degree, 
and  which  were  granted  to  them  before  the  conquest  of  Canada.    To  this  demand  I  could  make  no 
other  answer  than,  that  His  Majesty  had  by  his  instructions  to  me  laid  down  such  rules  for  the  grant- 
ing of  lands  in  this  Provce  that  I  could  not  deviate  from  them  without  incurring  his  displeasure,  and 
that  the  power  of  confirming  what  they  now  requested  of  me,  was  not  at  present  lodged  in  my  hands, 
as  I  was  particularly  restrained  from  granting  to  any  one  person  more  than  one  thousand  acres, 
whereas  they  demand  confirmation  of  Grants,  some  of  which  consisted  of  Tracts  containing  100,000 
acres  and  others  of  150,000  acres ;  I  further  informed  them  that  no  land  was  granted  in  this  Provce 
to  any  of  His  Majty8  subjects  without  their  paying  a  quit-rent  of  two  shillings  &  sixpence  sterling  to 
the  Crown  for  each  hundred  acres,  &  desired  to  know  if  they  expected  to  have  their  grants  confirmed, 
without  paying  any  such  quit-rent ;  to  which  they  answered  in  the  affirmative,  and  requested  that  I 
would  not  grant  any  lands  on  the  Lake  till  I  had  laid  their  claims  before  His  Majestys  Ministers. 
On  the  other  hand  the  reduced  Officers,  and  disbanded  soldiers,  many  of  whom  are  now  in  actual 
Possession  of  large  Tracts  of  those  Lands,  are  greatly  alarmed  at  these  Claims,  and  desire  to  be  pro- 
tected in  the  Grants  made  to  them  by  Lieu1  Gov  Colden,  as  they  have  vested  their  whole  fortunes 
in  the  settlements  already  begun  on  thern,  and  must  be  reduced  to  beggary,  on  being  dispossessed.  T 
had  the  honor  of  informing  Mr.  Secretary  Conway,  soon  after  my  arrival  at  New  York  from  England 
that  Lieut  Gov  Colden  had  declined  showing  me  his  correspondence  with  the  Secretary  of  State's 
Office,  &  the  Board  of  Trade,  which  I  was  desirous  of  seeing,  so  that  if  any  orders  relative  to  the 
French  claims  have  been  transmitted  they  have  not  yet  come  to  my  hands.    Your  LordPPs  will  see 
at  one  view  how  great  a  prejudice  to  the  settlement  of  the  Provce  the  present  uncertain  tenure  must 
occasion,  for  several  other  persons  who  have  obtained  His  Maj*ys  sign  manual  for  large  Tracts  are 
desirous  of  taking  them  up  on  the  sides  of  Lake  Champlain,  and  have  already  gone  so  far,  as  to  make 
actual  surveys  of  the  Lands,  but  are  now  discouraged  from  proceeding  farther,  lest  after  a  great  ex- 
pense incurred  they  might  be  turned  out  of  possession.    I  was  in  hopes  that  I  should  have  been  able 
to  have  sent  over  to  your  LoixIpp8  by  this  opportunity  an  actual  survey  of  the  Lake  taken  by  a  skill 
ful  hand,  in  which  all  the  French  claims  were  to  be  distinguished,  with  the  number  of  acres  which 
each  of  them  contained,  and  likewise  the  grants  made  to  the  Officers  and  Soldiers,  under  the  great 
seal  of  this  Provce  in  consequence  of  His  Maj'ys  Proclamation  which  would  have  showed  at  one  view 
how  far  they  interfere  with  each  other.    The  Deputy  Surveyor  of  Canada,  who  attended  me  the 
whole  time  I  was  employed  in  fixing  the  line  of  division  between  the  Provinces,  promised  to  furnish 
me  with  an  exact  draught  of  all  the  Seigneuries  on  the  Lake,  time  enough  to  transmit  to  your  Lordpp3 
by  the  Packet,  but  I  have  not  heard  from  him  since  my  return  hither.    As  this  is  a  matter  of  very 
]Vol.  l.J  45 


354 


FRENCH    SEIGNIORIES  ON    LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


great  importance  to  a  considerable  number  of  persons  in  this  Province,  whose  whole  fortunes  are 
vested  in  these  Lands,  they  have  requested  me  to  take  the  earliest  opportunity  of  laying  the  state  of 
their  case  before  your  Lordpps  and  to  set  forth  .the  distressed  situation  in  which  they  are  at  present, 
that  His  Majestys  pleasure  might  be  known  on  this  head.  During  my  absence  from  hence,  two 
Packets  arrived  but  as  I  was  at  too  great  a  distance,  they  had  sailed  again  before  I  heard  of  their 
arrival,  which  I  hope  will  appologize  for  my  not  having  acknowledged  sooner  the  honor  of  your 
Lordi'!,s  letter  of  the  11th  July,  and  the  receipt  of  the  queries  sent  by  the  same  opportunity,  which 
shall  be  answered  with  all  expedition  and  in  the  fullest  manner  from  the  best  Intelligence  I  am 
capable  of  procuring. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  ettc. 

H.  Moore. 


LORD  HILLSBOROUGH  TO  SIR  E  MOORE. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XLI.  ] 

Whitehall  Feb  25th  176S. 

Your  letter  to  Lord  Shelburne  No.  5.  which  relates  to  the  Claims  of  His  Matys  Canadian  Subjects, 
to  lands  on  that  part  of  Lake  Champlain  which  is  now  a  part  of  the  Colony  of  New  York,  has  been 
referred  to  the  Lords  of  Trade,  &  their  Lordships  having  made  a  Report  to  His  Maty  thereupon, 
It  is  His  Matys  Resolution  upon  the  fullest  consideration  not  to  allow  any  claims  made  upon  the 
grounds  of  ancient  grants  from  the  Government  of  Canada,  to  Lands  which  were  never  acknowledged 
to  belong  of  right  to  the  Crown  of  France. 

His  Maty  has  the  most  tender  Regard  to  the  Rights  of  His  new  subjects,  &,  is  desirous  of  giving 
every  proper  Testimony  of  His  Attention  to  their  Interests  and  Welfare,  &  therefore  it  is  his  Matys 
Pleasure,  that  they  should  not  be  disturbed  in  the  peaceable  possession  of  any  Tracts  so  circum- 
stanced, which  they  may  have  actually  settled  k  improved,  provided  they  consent  to  establish  their 
Title  by  Grants  under  the  seal  of  the  Province  of  New  York,  upon  the  usual  Conditions  of  Quit 
Rent  &  Improvement. 


LORD  HILLSBOROUGH  TO  SIR  H.  MOORE. 

[  N.  V.  Council  Minute*  XXVI.  j  Lond.  Doc.  XLI.  ] 

Whitehall  13th  August  1768. 

I  have  only  in  command  from  His  Majesty  to  send  you  the  inclosed  order  of  His  Majesty  in  Council 
confirming  the  Boundary  Line  betweenn  New  York  &  Quebec,  as  agreed  upon  and  fixed  by  yourself 
and  Governor  Carleton,  for  the  due  execution  of  which  Order  under  the  several  Limitations  and 
Restrictions  contained  in  it,  His  ^Majesty  has  the  fullest  Reliance  on  your  Zeal  for  and  Attention  to 
His  Service. 


FRENCH   SEIGNIORIES  ON    LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


355 


[  N.  Y.  Council  Minutes  XXVI.  ] 

At  the  Court  at  St.  James  the        day  of  August  17G8. 
Present 

The  Kings  Most  Excellent  Majesty. 
Duke  of  Grafton  Viscount  Falmouth 

Duke  of  Rutland  Viscount  Barrington 

Duke  of  Queensbury  Viscount  Villiers 

Marquis  of  Granby  Lord  North 

Earl  of  Litchfield  James  Stuart  Mackenzie  Esq 

Earl  of  Hillsborough  Thomas  Harley  Esqr 

Earle  of  Shelburne  Sir  Edward  Hawke 

Viscount  Weymouth 

Whereas  there  was  this  Day  read  at  the  Board  a  Report  from  the  Right  Honourable  the  Lords  of 
the  Committee  of  Council  for  Plantation  Affairs  dated  the  9th  of  this  Instant,  upon  considering  a 
Report  made  by  the  Lords  Commissioners  for  Trade  and  Plantations,  upon  an  Extract  of  a  Letter 
from  Sir  Henry  Moore  Governor  of  New  York  to  the  Earl  of  Shelburne  dated  the  16'h  of  January 
last,  relative  to  the  settling  the  Boundary  Line  between  that  Province  and  Quebec  :  By  which  Report 
it  appears  that  it  having  been  mutually  agreed  upon  between  Sir  Henry  Moore  and  the  Commander 
in  Chief  of  the  Province  of  Quebec,  at  a  Meeting  for  that  purpose  appointed,  that  the  Line  of  Division 
between  these  Provinces  should  be  fixed  at  the  forty-fifth  Degree  of  North  Latitude,  conformable  to 
the  Limits  laid  down  in  his  Majesty's  Proclamation  of  October  1763,  and  it  having  been  ascertained 
and  determined  by  proper  Observations  where  the  said  line  would  pass ;  it  is  therefore  proposed  that 
these  Proceedings  above  stated  should  be  confirmed  by  His  Majesty — His  Majesty  taking  the  said 
Report  into  Consideration  was  pleased  with  the  Advice  of  His  privy  Council,  to  approve  thereof,  and 
doth  hereby  confirm  the  said  Proceedings  above  stated,  and  order  that  the  said  Line  of  Division  be 
run  out  and  continued  as  far  as  each  Province  respectively  extends,  Provided  that  nothing  herein- 
before contained,  shall  extend  to  affect  the  Properties  of  his  Majesty's  new  Subjects,  having  Posses- 
sions under  proper  Titles,  on  those  parts  of  the  Lands  on  the  South  side  of  this  Line,  the  Dominion 
of  which  was  not  disputed  on  the  part  of  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain  ;  And  Provided  also,  that  this 
Determination  shall  not  operate  wholly  to  deprive  his  Majesty's  New  subjects  of  such  Concessions  on 
the  South  side  of  the  said  Line,  on  which  they  may  have  made  actual  Settlement  and  Improvement, 
although  the  Lands  may  have  been  disputed  by  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain ;  but  that  such  Possessors 
shall  be  entitled  to  so  much  of  the  said  Concessions,  as  shall  be  proportioned  to  their  Improvements, 
at  the  rate  of  fifty  Acres  for  every  three  Acres  of  Improvement,  provided  they  take  out  Grants  for 
the  same  under  the  Seal  of  the  Province  of  New  York,  subject  to  the  usual  Quit  rents,  and  Provided 
also  that  the  Grant  to  no  one  person  shall  exceed  twenty  thousand  Acres,  and  the  Governors  or  Com- 
manders in  Chief  of  his  Majesty's  said  Provinces  of  New  York  and  Quebec  for  the  Time  being,  and 
all  others  whom  it  may  concern,  are  to  take  Notice  of  his  Majesty's  Pleasure  hereby  signiiyed  and 
govern  themselves  accordingly. 

Steph:  Cottreu.. 


35G  FRENCH  SEIGNIORIES  ON   LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


SIR  H.  MOORE  TO  LORD  IIILLBOROUGH. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XLI.  ] 

Fort  George  Oct  24th  1768. 

Since  my  writing  the  foregoing  Letter,  I  have  had  an  opportunity  of  laying  the  order  before  His 
Majesty's  Council,  who  are  under  some  difficulties  in  regard  to  the  construction  of  the  ihsi  proviso 
therein  mentioned  viz  "  Provided  that  nothing  herein  contained  shall  extend  to  affect  the  Properties 
of  His  Majesty's  new  subjects  having  possessions  under  proper  titles  on  those  parts  of  the  Lands,  on 
the  south  side  of  this  Line  the  Dominion  of  which  was  not  disputed  on  the  part  of  the  Crown  of 
Great  Britain. "  No  line  of  jurisdiction  having  ever  been  settled  between  this  Province  k  Quebec 
'till  that  which  was  fixed  by  General  Carleton  k  myself  and  approved  of  by  His  Majesty,  each  of  the 
Provinces  have  endeavored  to  extend  their  claims  as  far  as  they  possibly  could.  The  English  to  the 
River  St.  Lawrence,  and  the  French  to  the  Southward  of  Lake  George :  The  consequence  of  which 
has  been  that  the  lands  on  both  sides  of  Lake  Champlain  have  been  granted  to  the  English  k  French 
by  their  respective  Governors,  as  will  appear  by  the  Map  which  I  had  the  honour  of  transmitting  to 
England  k  mentioned  in  my  letter  No,  6,  to  the  Earl  of  Shelburne  dated  22d  of  February  1767,  k 
in  my  letter  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  dated  4th  April  1767.  Your  Lordship  will  see  by  these  different 
claims  what  the  difficulties  are  which  we  labour  under  at  present,  for  [there  is]  no  particular  Boun- 
dary Line  fairly  drawn  between  the  Provinces,  the  English  claim  supported  by  that  which  was  made 
before  them  by  the  Dutch  extended  as  far  as  the  forty  fifth  Degree  of  Latitude.  This  Line  was  sup- 
posed by  the  French  to  be  more  to  the  Southward  than  we  found  it  on  observation,  k  several  of  their 
grants  in  those  parts  are  covered  by  those  since  made  by  Mr.  Colden  to  the  reduced  officers  and 
Soldiers  under  His  Majesty's  Proclamation.  This  will  of  course  open  such  a  scene  of  litigation,  as  I 
am  afraid  will  defeat  the  expectations  of  forwarding  the  settlements  in  that  part  of  the  Country,  to 
prevent  which  it  is  our  humble  request  that  His  Majestys  pleasure  might  be  known  how  far  to  the 
southward  of  the  45th  Degree  any  French  grants  are  to  be  allowed,  for  they  have  no  settlements  to 
claim  under  (which  I  am  informed  was  an  absolute  condition  of  their  Grant,  as  they  have  paid  no 
Quit-Rent)  k  the  quantity  of  Land  in  most  of  their  Grants  far  exceeds  that  which  His  Majesty  has 
been  pleased  to  allow  to  those  mentioned  in  the  2d  proviso  which  was  not  to  exceed  20,000  Acres  to 
each  Person  where  an  actual  settlement  had  been. 


ADDITIONAL  INSTRUCTION 

TO  OCR  TRUSTY  AND  WELL  BELOVED  SIR  HENRY  MOORE  BARONET,  OUR  CAPTAIN  GENERAL  AND  GOVERNOR 
IN  CHIEF  OF  OUR  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK  &  THE  TERRITORIES  DEPENDING  THEREON  IN  AMERICA. 
GIVEN  &.C.      DATED  5  JULY  1769. 

[  N.  Y.  Council  Minutes  XXVI;  Lond.  Doc.  XLII.  ] 

Whereas  sundry  persons,  proprietors  under  titles  derived  from  the  Crown  of  France  when  that 
Crown  was  in  possession  of  Canada,  of  lands  on  that  part  of  Lake  Champlain  now  lying  within  our 
Province  of  New  York  have  humbly  represented  unto  Us  that  several  parts  of  the  said  lands  so 
claimed  have  already  been  granted  to  pother  persons  by  Letters  Patent  under  the  Seal  of  Our  said 


FRENCH    SEIGNIORIES  ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


357 


Province  of  New- York,  and  have  therefore  humbly  prayed  that  a  proceeding  so  prejudicial  to  their 
rights  and  pretensions  may  receive  Our  Royal  disapprobation ;  &  whereas  it  appears  both  just  & 
equitable  that  the  claims  of  persons  under  such  titles  as  aforesaid  should  not  be  affected  without  the 
fullest  examination  thereof.  It  is  therefore  Our  Will  and  Pleasure  &  you  are  hereby  directed  k  re- 
quired in  no  case  to  make  any  grants  of  lands  so  claimed,  as  aforesaid,  upon  Lake  Champlain  to  the 
northward  of  Crown  Point,  within  Our  Province  of  New  York,  until  the  petitions  &  proposals  for 
grants  of  any  part  or  parts  of  such  lands  shall  have  been  transmitted  to  one  of  Our  principal  Secre- 
taries of  State,  in  order  to  be  laid  before  Us,  &  until  Our  approbation  thereof  shall  have  signified  to 
you  Our  said  Governor  or  to  the  Commander  in  Chief  of  Our  said  Province  for  the  time  being. 


[  N.  Y.  Council  Minutes  XXVI.  ] 

At  a  Council  held  at  Fort  George  in  the  City  of  New  York 

on  Wednesday  the  fourteenth  day  of  August,  1771. 
Present  His  Excellency  William  Tryon  Esqr  Capt.  Genl.  &c. 
Mr  Watts  Mr  Morris  Mr  Cruger  Mr  White 

Mr  De  Lancey  Mr  Smith  Mr  Wallace  Mr  Axtell 

It  is  Ordered  by  his  Excellency  with  the  advice  of  the  Council  that  a  Proclamation  issue  Notifying 
to  all  Persons  holding  or  laying  Claim  under  Titles  derived  from  the  Government  of  France,  while 
in  Possession  of  Canada,  to  any  Lands  upon  Lake  Champlain  Northward  of  Crown  Point,  and  to  the 
Southward  of  the  forty  fifth  Degree  of  Northern  Latitude,  to  transmit  unto  the  Secretary's  Office  of 
this  Province  within  three  months  from  the  Date  thereof,  Authentic  Ex  mplifications  of  the  Original 
Grants,  together  with  satisfactory  Evidence  of  the  situation  of  the  Lands  therein  mentioned,  and  of 
the  Solidity  of  the  Titles  of  the  Claimants  thereof  at  the  time  of  the  Surrender  of  Canada  to  the 
Crown  of  Great  Britain  ;  to  the  End  that  the  Government  of  this  Province,  by  being  duly  apprized 
thereof,  may  be  enabled  to  give  the  Claims  under  such  French  Grants,  the  attention  they  shall  appear 
to  Merit. 


[  N.  Y.  Council  Min.  XXVI.  ] 

In  Council;  Wednesday,  18  Dec1"  1771. 
Present  His  Excellency  William  Tryon  Esq.  Capt.  Gen'l  &c. 

Mr  Horsmanden  Mr  DeLancey  Mr  Smitli  Mr  White 

Mr  Watts  Mr  Apthorp  Mr  Cruger  Mr  Axtell 

His  Excellency  communicated  to  the  Board  a  Letter  of  the  30th  of  October  from  Lieutenant  Go- 
vernor Cramahe  of  the  Province  of  Quebec  enclosing  several  papers  relative  to  the  French  Claims  to 
Lands  on  Lake  Champlain  and  acquainting  his  Excellency  that  he  shall  by  the  next  Post  furnish  him 
with  all  the  Information  he  has  collected  relative  to  the  French  Grants  on  that  Lake. 


358 


FRENCH  SEIGNIORIES  ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


His  Excellency  also  communicated  to  the  Board  another  Letter  from  Lieutenant  Governor  Cra- 
mahe,  dated  Quebec  Novr  11th  acquainting  his  Excellency  that  in  consequence  of  his  Letter  of  the 
17th  August, 1  he  ordered  the  public  Register  deposited  with  the  Secretary  of  the  Province  to  be  very 
exactly  searched,  and  Transmitted  him  by  M>  Marr  two  Abstracts  containing  the  Grantees  Names, 
those  of  the  new  Proprietors  that  have  come  to  their  knowledge,  the  Dates  of  the  Grants  as  well  as 
of  the  Ratifications,  and  their  extent  as  entered  upon  those  Registers,  as  well  of  the  Lands  granted 
en  Seigneurie  as  of  those  granted  by  the  King  en  Roture — Also  Copies  under  the  Great  Seal  of  the 
Proviuce  of  all  the  Kings  Edicts  and  Declarations  relative  to  Grants  of  Lands  wrhich  had  Force  of 
Law  there,  that  his  Excellency  might  be  enabled  to  Judge  of  the  Justice  of  such  Claims — That  by 
these  it  appears  that  the  Governor  and  Intendant,  or  in  Case  of  their  Death  or  Absence  those  who 
executed  their  respective  offices,  had  the  power  of  granting  Lands  to  be  ratified  by  the  King  within 
Twelve  Months,  and  that  they  likewise  were  the  sole  Judges  in  case  of  a  reunion  to  the  Demesne, 
where  the  Grantees  had  not  complyed  with  the  Conditions  of  their  Grants,  which  however  never 
took  place  till  after  a  Solemn  Hearing  upon  a  legal  Process  before  those  Officers  at  the  instance  of 
the  King's  Attorney  General — That  among  the  Papers  transmitted  under  the  Great  Seal  of  the  Pro- 
vince is  a  Sentence  of  Reunion  of  Several  Grants  upon  Lake  Champlain  dated  10th  May  1741  by  the 
then  Governor  Beauharnois  and  Intendant  Hocquart,  since  which  time  there  does  not  appear  upon 
the  Registers,  altho'  very  complete,  a  single  reunion  of  any  Grant  in  those  Parts ;  &  therefore  that 
all  Grants  precedent  thereto,  and  not  comprehended  therein,  are  thereby  confirmed — and  after  seve- 
ral observations  respecting  two  Grants  to  Monsieur  Foucault  purchased  by  General  Murray ;  On  the 
Title  of  Mademoiselle  de  Ramzay — On  the  Grant  of  Monsieur  De  Beaujeu  Villemonde — And  the  two 
Grants  to  Monsieur  Hocquart,  purchased  by  Monsieur  de  Lotbiniere,  further  acquainting  his  Excel- 
lency that  the  Canadian  Grantees,  Trust  his  Excellency  will  be  pleased  to  consider  the  Possession  of 
their  Estates  with  all  the  Immunities  thereunto  annexed,  was  secured  to  them  by  the  capitulation  of 
Montreal,  and  the  Treaty  of  Paris — That  the  King's  Old  Subjects  who  under  the  Faith  thereof  be- 
came considerable  purchasers  of  their  Estates,  Hope  and  doubt  not  Ins  Excellency  will  pay  a  due 
attention  to  their  just  Rights,  and  that  all  expect  so  serious  a  matter  of  so  much  Consequence  to 
themselves  and  Families,  will  be  carefully  weighed  and  sufficient  Time  given  them  to  adduce  such 
proofs  as  in  Honour  and  Justice  may  be  required  of  them. 


In  Council;  Thursday  31s'  day  of  Decembr  1771. 

Present  His  Excellency  Govr  Tyron  and  the  other  Members  of  Council  as  last  mentioned,  except 
Mr  Apthorp  absent,  and  Mr  Wallace  who  is  present. 

His  Excellency  laid  before  the  Board  the  following  Writings  and  Papers  which  had  been  trans- 
mitted from  the  Province  of  Quebec  in  pursuance  of  the  late  Proclamation  relating  to  the  French 
Claims  to  Lands  within  this  Government,  on  the  banks  of  Lake  Champlain. 

1 Rt.  An  Exemplification  under  the  Seal  of  Quebec  of  the  Order  of  the  French  King  authorizing  the 
Grant  of  Lands  in  Canada  dated  '20th  May  1676. 

2<lh.  An  Exemplification  of  his  Arret  in  Council  directing  that  the  Lands  Granted  be  cultivated 
by  the  Inhabitants,  dated  6th  July,  1711. 

1  Forwarding  Proclamation  mentioned  In  the  preceding  entry,  dat»d,  14  Augt.  1771. 


Carte  clu  Lac  Champlain  I3)ef>uij 


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54 


1  ee-u  preUt/ 
-JaMe  (feert/c 


FRENCH  SEIGNIORIES  ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


359 


3rilJ.  An  Exemplification  of  the  French  King's  Declaration  concerning  the  Grants  in  Canada, 
dated  17^  July  1743,  &  an  Explanatory  Order  dated  19l>>  June  1748. 

4thiy-    An  Exemplification  of  an  Arret  in  Council  of  the  15th  March  1732. 

5thiy.  of  an  Ordinance  of  the  Governor  and  Intendant  of  10th  May  1741.  for  a  Reunion  of  divers 
Seigniories  to  the  Demesnes  of  the  French  Crown. 

6thly.  Certificate  from  the  French  List  of  the  Lauds  Granted  en  Scigneurie  on  Lake  Champlain 
North  of  Crown  Point  dated  Quebec  28th  October  1771,  and  signed  George  Alsop  Clerk  of  the  Enrol- 
ments. 

7th iy.  a  like  Certificate  of  the  Lands  granted  en  Roture  or  in  Soccage  to  the  Southward  of  the 
45th  degree  of  North  Latitude. 

8th1)'.  Copies  of  the  Concession  and  Ratification  to  Daniel  Lienard  de  Beaujeu  Junr  of  the  6th  of 
March  1752  and  1st  June  1763  mentioned  in  the  said  List  of  Seigniories  &  Certified  under  the  hand 
of  said  Geo.  Alsop. 

9,hIy.  Copies  certified  in  like  manner  of  the  Concession  and  Ratification  to  Antoine  Bedout 
mentioned  in  said  List  of  Seigneuries. 

10lh'y.  Copies  Under  a  like  Certificate  of  the  Concession  and  Ratification  in  the  said  List  to 
Nicholas  Berre"  Le  Vasseur. 

1 1th.  Copies  Certified  in  like  manner  of  the  Concession  and  Ratification  in  the  said  List  to  Francis 
Daine. 

12th.  Copies  of  a  Concession  by  the  King  to  Monsieur  Giles  Hoquart  Intendant,  dated  20th  April 
1743,  and  of  a  like  Concession  to  the  same  on  1st  April  1745,  and  of  a  Contract  and  Sale  thereof 
certified  by  Pierre  Meziere  and  Pierre  Panet,  Notaries,  who  are  Certified  to  be  Notaries  at  Quebec  by 
John  Collins  a  Justice  of  the  Peace  21st  September,  1771. 

13th.  Copy  of  a  Memorial  to  the  Lieutenant  Governor  of  Quebec  by  Lewis  Lienard  de  Beaujeu 
de  Villemonde  dated  15th  October  1771.  representing  that  he  had  a  Grant  of  a  Seigneurie  dated  20th 
July  1755  but  that  the  Ratification  was  lost  in  1756  and  praying  his  Intercession  with  the  Governor 
of  New  York  lor  further  Time  to  produce  it  than  is  prescribed  by  the  New  York  Proclamation  of 
August  last. 

14th.  A  Copy  of  a  Notarial  Certificate  of  the  Sale  of  the  Seigneurie  mentioned  in  the  said  List  to 
be  Granted  to  Pierre  Raimbault  made  by  his  heirs  to  Benjamin  Price  and  others  Certified  by  the  said 
George  Alsop  15  August  1771. 

15th.  A  Map  of  the  French  Grants  on  Lake  Champlain  from  Fort  Chambly  to  Crown  Point  Sur- 
veyed by  Mr  Anger  dated  10th  October  1748  and  signed  de  Lery. 

16^ .    Mr.  Cramahe's  Letter  to  His  Excellency  dated  lDh  Dec1'  1771. 

Upon  which  his  Excellency  desired  the  opinion  of  the  Council  on  the  Measures  proper  to  be 
pursued  as  well  with  Respect  to  the  Lands  granted  upon  Lake  Champlain,  as  to  new  applications  for 
Patents  in  that  part  of  the  Country,  and  it  was  thereupon  Ordered  that  the  said  Writings  be  referred 
to  the  Gentlemen  of  the  Council,  or  any  five  of  them. 


360 


FRENCH   SEIGNIORIES  ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


ORDINANCE 

OF    THE  GOVERNOR    AND    INTENDANT   OF    NEW    FRANCE    REUNITING    TO    HIS    MAJESTY'S    DOMAIN  ALL 

SEIGNIORIES  NOT  IMPROVED.      10  MAY  1741. 

[MSS.  relating  to  French  Claims,  &.c,  in  See's.  Off.  ] 

Charles  Marquis  de  Beauharnois  fyc. 
Gilles  Hocquart  fyc. 

At  the  Superior  Council  of  Quebec,  Between  the  King's  Attorney  General.  Pltfi"  in  his  suit  of  the  20  Feby  last  on  the  one 
side  ; 

And  Sieurs  .  .  .  Pean,  Major  of  the  town  and  Castle  of  Quebec  ...  St  Vincent  Ensign  of  Foot,  De  Beauvais 
Junr. ,  De  Contrecour  Capt.  of  Infantry  ;  De  Contrecour  Junr.  Ensign,  and  La  Perriere  Oapt.  of  sd.  Troops  .  .  . 
Lafontaine,  Councillor  in  sd.  Superior  Council    .    .    .    Roebert  Kings  Store  Keeper  at  Montreal    .    .    .  All 

the  above  named  Grantees  of  Lands  on  Lake  Champlain  Defts  and  cited  the  sixth  and  eleventh  of 

March  last  and  the  ninth  of  the  present  month:  and  Sieurs  Douville  .  .  .  and  De  la  Gauchetiere  Defts  and 
defaulters  through  lack  of  appearance  either  personally  or  by  attorney  on  the  summons  which  was  served  on  them 
the  eleventh  of  said  Month  of  March  by  the  Huissicr  Decoste,  on  the  other  side.l 

Having  seen  the  suit  of  the  King's  Attorney  General  demanding  for  reasons  therein  contained,  that 
We  would  be  pleased  to  permit  him  to  cause  to  be  summoned  the  said  Sieius  above  mentioned  to  be 
and  appear  before  us  at  the  Castle  St  Louis  of  Quebec  within  the  delays  of  the  ordonnance  to  direct 
and  order,  that  they  having  failed  to  have  cultivated  &  improved  the  lands  granted  to  them  in  Seig- 
niory and  to  have  placed  and  settled  inhabitants  thereon  according  to  the  terms  of  the  Arrets  of  the 
King's  Council  of  State  of  sixth  July  1711.  and  fifteenth  of  March  1732  and  within  the  time  specified 
therein,  they  shall  remain  and  be  reunited  to  His  Majesty's  Domain  in  this  country  ;  The  answers 
of  the  said  Defendts.  present  by  which  .  .  .  Sieur  Pean  states  that  he  could  not  find  any  firmer, 
up  to  this  time,  to  place  on  his  Seigniory,  that  if  he  should  find  any  he  is  ready  to  furnish  them  with 
axes  and  picks,  for  clearing,  with  one  years  provisions  ;  that  he  will  continue  to  look  lor  them  ;  that 
he  will  do  his  best  to  find  some  and  that  he  intends  to  form  a  demesne  there.  .  .  Another  answer 
of  Sieur  Estebe  appearing  as  above,  by  which  he  says  that  Sicur  St.  Vincent  is  actually  detached  as 
Commander  of  the  post  of  Ouyatanous,  that  he  already  made  several  grants  on  his  Seigniory,  namely 
to  a  habitant  of  the  Cote  de  Beaupre  ;  that  the  said  Sieur  St.  Vincent  told  him  before  his  departure 
that  he  intended  immediately  establishing  a  demesne  there,  the  said  Sieur  Estebe  requesting  moreover  in 
his  name,  that  a  sufficient  delay  be  granted  him,  in  consequence  of  said  Sieur  St  Vincent's  absence  on 

the  King's  Service  A  writing  without  date  intituled  a  Summary  Remonstrance  furnished 

to  Us  by  the  Sieurs  de  Contrecour, Father  k  Son,&  La  Perrier  covenanting  by  the  said  Sieur  Pean,  in 
which  they  set  forth  among  other  things  that  they  had  done  everything  to  settle  their  grants  ;  that 
it  was  impossible  to  find  individuals  willing  to  accept  lands  though  they  offered  them  some  on  very 
advantageous  terms  and  were  willing  to  give  even  Three  hundred  livres  to  engage  the  said  indivi- 
duals ;  that  the  said  Contrecour,  Senr.  has  rendered  Fealty  &  Hommage  for  said  Seigniory  and  that 
he,  as  well  as  said  Sieurs  La  Perrier  &  Contrecoeur,  Junior  has  been  subjected  to  various  expenses  ; 
that  they  intend,  moreover,  to  do  all  in  their  power  to  find  farmers  to  settle  said  Seigniories  and  they 
hope  to  succeed  therein;  requesting  l's  that  we  would  please  to  grant  them  a  delay  on  the  offers 
which  they  make  to  conform  themselves  herein  to  His  Majesty's  intentions.  .  .  .  Another  writing 
of  Sieur  La  Fontaine  not  dated,  and  signed  by  him  .  .  .  whereby  he  offers  with  om-  permission 
to  go  this  summer  on  the  Grant  with  three  men  to  build  there,  and  begin  clearances  and  to  give  to 
those  whom  he  will  find  willing  to  settle  there,  Grain  and  even  money,  asking  from  them  no  rent,  in 
order  to  obtain  from  them  by  the  allurement  of  this  gift  what  he  cannot  obtain  from  them  by  force ; 

1.  So  much  of  this  Record  only  is  given  as  applies  to  Grants  on  Lake  Champlain  and  south  of  Line  45. 


FRENCH  SEIGNIORIES  ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN.  3(jJ 

a  writing  of  Sieur  Roebert  .  .  .  also  not  dated  in  which  he  says  that  at  the  time  his  Grant  was 
made  him,  he  set  M.  Janvrin  Dufresne,  sworn  Surveyor,  with  six  men  to  measure,  survey  and  define 
the  said  Grant  who  occupied  forty  days  in  their  voyage  &  that  this  expense  amounted  to  Seven  hun- 
dred livrcs,  ten  sous  according  to  the  certificate  of  said  Dufresne  which  he  presents,  and  that  lie  has 
neglected  nothing  to  induce  some  young  farmers  to  go  and  settle  there  by  procuring  tor  them  great 
advantages  and  many  facilities,  concluding  for  these  reasons  We  may  grant  him  delay  to  allow  him  to 
satisfy  His  Majesty's  intentions;  Seeing  likewise  His  Majesty  ordinances  dated  6,  July  1711  and 
15th  March  1732  and  His  orders  addressed  to  Us  last  year  wherein  He  orders  Us  very  expressly  tu 
proceed  with  the  reunion  to  His  Domain  of  the  Lands  formerly  and  recently  Granted  in  delimit  of 
the  Proprietors  thereof  having  fulfilled  the  conditions  set  forth  in  their  deeds  :  We  grounding  our- 
selves on  the  requisition  of  the  King's  Attorney  General  Have  reunited  and  Do  reunite  to  His 
Majesty's  Domain  the  Lands  following,  to  wit : 

That  granted  on  the  10th  of  April  of  the  year  1733  to  Sieur  Pean  two  leagues  or  two  leagues  &  a 
half  in  front  by  three  in  depth  along  the  River  Chambly  and  Lake  Champlain  together  with  the  River 
Chazy  included  therein  and  Isle  a  la  Motte ;  .  .  .  that  granted  to  Sieur  St.  Vincent  on  12th  April 
1733  two  leagues  in  front  by  three  leagues  in  depth  on  Lake  Champlain  ;'  Another  to  Sieur  de  Reau- 
vais  on  20th  July  1734  two  leagues  in  front  by  three  leagues  in  depth  on  Lake  Champlain  together 
with  the  peninsula  which  is  found  to  be  in  front  of  said  land;  Another  conceded  on  7th  July  of  the 
same  year  1734  to  Sieur  Contrecoeur  fils,  on  the  borders  of  Lake  Champlain  beginning  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Riviere  aux  Loutres  \  Otter  River]  one  league  and  a  half  above  and  one  league  and  a  half  below, 
making  two  leagues  in  front  by  three  in  depth  together  with  so  much  of  said  Riviere  aux  Loutres  as 
is  found  included  therein  with  three  Islands  or  Islets  which  are  in  front  of  said  Concession  and  depend 
thereon ;  another  granted  to  Sieur  de  la  Perriere  on  the  border  of  Lake  Champlain  beginning  at  the 
Mouth  of  the  River  Ouynouski  one  league  above  and  one  league  below  making  two  leagues  front  by 
three  leagues  in  depth  with  the  extent  of  said  River  which  will  be  found  comprehended  therein 
together  with  the  Islands  and  Rattures  adjacent;  ....  that  granted  the  5th  April  1733  to 
Sieur  Lafontaine  being  five  quarters  of  a  league  in  front  on  the  River  Cliambly  by  the  depth  that 
may  be  found  to  the  Ray  of  Missiskouy  f  that  conceded  on  the  13th  June  1737  to  Sieur  Roebert, 
three  leagues  front  by  two  leagues  in  depth  on  the  West  side  of  Lake  Champlain,  taking,  in  going 
down,  one  league  below  the  River  Roquet  and  in  going  up  two  leagues  and  a  half  above  said  River.3 
Wherefore  We  have  declared  all  the  Grantees  above  named  deprived  of  all  rights  and  property  over 
these  Lands,  and  yet  having  in  no  wise  regard  to  the  representations  made  by  any  of  the  said  De- 
fendts  We  reserve  to  Ourselves,  under  His  Majesty's  good  pleasure,  to  grant  new  Patents  of  the  same 
lands  to  those  of  the  Defendants  who  shall  prove  within  a  year  to  Us,  that  they  have  seriously  and 
by  real  outlays  and  labour  improved  a  notable  portion  of  said  Lands,  or  placed  Settlers  thereupon 
during  the  course  of  this  year,  such  time  having  elapsed,  by  virtue  and  Execution  of  these  presents 
and  without  others  being  necessary  the  said  Lands  shall  be  conceded  to  whom  and  as  it  shall  apper- 
tain :  We  grant  default  against  Sieur  Douville  and  for  benefit,  We  have  declared  the 

present  Judgment  Common,  for  the  lands  equally  conceded  to  them,  to  wit,  to  Sieur  Douville,  that 
granted  to  him  the  eight  October  1736  two  leagues  front  by  three  leagues  deep  on  the  East  side  of 

Lake  Champlain  and  finally  that  granted  to  Sieur  La  Gauchetiere  the  20th  of  April 

of  the  year  1733  of  two  leagues  front  by  three  leagues  deep  on  said  Lake  Champlain.4  We  order  &c. 
Done  at  the  Castle  St.  Louis  of  Quebec  the  tenth  May  1741.  Signed  Reauharnois  &  Hocquart ; 
Countersigned  and  Sealed. 

For  Copy.  Hocquart. 

1  Now  the  town  of  Champlain,  Clinton  Co.  2  Qu.?  Town  of  Alburg,  Vt.  3  Now  the  town  of  Essex  and  greater  part 
of  the  town  of  Wellsborough,  Essex  county,  N.  Y.      4  Now  the  town  of  Chazy,  Clinton  County,  N.  Y. 

[Vol.  1.]  46 


362 


FRENCH  SEIGNIORIES  ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


GRANT  OF  THE  SEIGNIORY  BEDOU,  ON  THE  RIVER  CHAZY.    1  NOV.  1752. 

[  From  the  same.  ] 

The  Marquis  Duqucsne  fyc. 
Francis  Bigot  §c. 

On  the  Petition  to  us  presented  by  Sieur  Bedou,  Councillor  in  the  Superior  Council  of  Quebec  to 
the  effect  that  We  would  be  pleased  to  grant  him  a  Tract  two  leagues  or  two  leagues  and  a  half  front 
by  three  leagues  in  depth  along  the  River  Charably  and  Lake  Champlain  with  the  River  Chazy  in- 
cluded therein,  the  front  of  said  Tract  to  extend  from  the  bounds  of  the  Seigniory  recently  conceded 
to  Sieur  dc  Beaujeau  to  a  league  from  the  mouth  of  the  River  Chazy  on  the  South  side,  with  the  part 
of  the  River  Chazy  which  will  be  found  within  the  extent  of  said  land  ;  which  will  be  bounded  by 
a  line  North  and  South  passing  by  the  mouth  of  said  River  Chazy,  by  three  leagues  in  depth,  and, 
besides,  all  the  said  land  which  will  be  found  beyond  the  said  line  on  the  River  Chambly  and  Lake 
Champlain  and  Isle  a  la  Mothe  that  is  opposite  in  the  said  Lake,  which  Tract  was  heretofore  granted 
to  the  late  M.  Pean  in  his  life  time  Major  of  Quebec  and  reunited  to  the  Kings  Domain  by  an  Ordi- 
nance of  Mess"  de  Beauharnois  &  Hocquart  dated  10.  May  1741.  All  by  tenure  of  Fief  and  Seig- 
niory with  Right  of  High,  Middle  k  low  Justice,  rights  of  Hunting,  Fishing  and  the  Indian  trade  as 
well  in  front  of,  as  within  said  Tract.  We  in  virtue  of  the  power  granted  to  Us  by  His  Majesty  have 
given  granted  and  conceded  to  said  Sieur  Bedou  the  said  Tract  of  land  as  and  in  the  manner  it  is 
above  described,  which  shall  be  bounded  on  the  North  and  South  by  two  lines  drawn  East  &  West 
in  front  by  the  River  Chambly  and  Lake  Champlain,  and  in  depth  three  leagues  joining  the  noncon- 
oeded  lands  by  a  line  drawn  North  &  South  parallel  to  that  which  shall  pass  the  mouth  of  the  River 
Chazy  and,  besides,  the  Island  called  a  la  Mothe  which  is  opposite  the  said  Tract  in  Lake  Champlain, 
to  possess  it  by  himself  his  heirs  and  assigns  in  perpetuity  and  for  ever  by  the  tenure  of  Fief  & 
Seigniory  with  High  Middle  and  Low  Justice,  with  privileges  of  Fishing,  Hunting  and  the  Indian 
Trade  throughout  the  whole  extent  of  said  Tract,  on  condition  of  rendering  Fealty  &  Hommage  at 
the  Castle  of  St  Louis  of  Quebec  from  which  he  will  hold  with  the  usual  duties  and  charges  accord- 
ing to  the  custom  of  Paris  followed  in  this  Country,  of  preserving  &  causing  to  be  preserved  by  his 
Tenants  the  Oak  timber  fit  for  building  King's  Ships,  of  giving  His  Majesty  all  Mines  Minerals  &o. 

|  The  remainder  of  this  Patent  is  in  terms  similar  to  that  already  inserted  p.  351.  The  grant  was 
ratified  by  the  King  of  France  18,h  June  1753.  The  Seigniory  was  afterward  made  over  by  the  pro- 
prietor on  2nd  May  1754  to  Daniel  Lienard  Sieur  de  Beaujeu,  who  had  a  Seigniory  adjoining  imme- 
diately North.  | 


TO  HIS  EXCELLENCY  HECTOR  THEOPHILE  CRAMAHE  Esqr. 

LIEUTENANT  GOVERNOUR  AND  COMMANDER  IN  CHIEF  OF  THE  PROVINCES  OF  QUEBEC  &C.  &C 

Respectfully  Sheweth — Louis  Lienard  de  Beaujeu  de  Villemonde  Chevalier  de  St.  Louis,  covenant- 
ing for  him  &  in  his  name  Francois  Joseph  Cugnet  Seigneur  de  St.  Etienne,  who  has  the  honour  most 
respectfully  to  Represent  to  your  Excellency  that  there  was  granted  to  him  on  the  20  July  1755  by 
Mess"  de  Vaudreuil  and  Bigot  Governor  General  and  Intendant,  in  compensation  of  his  Military 


FRENCH  SEIGNORIES  ON  LAKE  CIIAMPLAIN. 


363 


Services,  the  Concession  of  a  Seigniory,  situated  on  Lake  Champlain  part  of  which  is  found  by  the 
new  Line  to  be  within  the  Province  of  New  York,  extending  from  the  bounds  of  the  Seigniory 
granted  and  conceded  in  1744  to  Guillaume  Estebe  proceeding* Eastward  to  the  River  Senerindac  the 
said  River  included,  forming  about  four  leagues  front  by  as  many  in  depth,  together  with  the  Isles  k 
Islets  which  might  happen  to  be  in  front  of  the  said  tract.  And  as  it  is  the  Petitioner's  interest  to 
preserve  the  said  Seigniory  which  is  the  only  property  remaining  to  him  after  the  losses  he  has  ex- 
perienced by  the  misfortunes  of  the  War,  he  has  recourse  to  your  Excellency's  Clemency  and  asks 
of  him  the  favor  to  be  so  good  as  to  interest  himself  in  his  behalf  with  His  Excellency  the  Governour 
of  New  York  who  has  been  so  good  as  to  admit  the  Canadians  to  represent  to  him  their  Titles  to  the 
said  grants,  in  the  Gracious  disposition  in  which  he  is  to  do  them  Justice,  in  order  to  obtain  a  longer 
delay  than  he  has  granted  by  his  Proclamation  of  the  20"'  August  last  to  represent  His  Most  Christian 
Majesty's  Ratification  of  said  Grant,  copy  of  which  he  has  ordered  from  his  brother  at  Paris,  and 
which  he  will  only  receive  in  the  course  of  next  year,  that  Ratification  having  been  lost  in  the  Brig- 
antine  les  Deux  Frcres,  Capt.  Dufycharest  captured  by  the  English  in  1756  ;  and  to  be  able  also  to 
shew  that  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  have  kept  fire  k  light  there  at  the  time,  and  as  prescribed  by 
said  Deed  of  Concession,  because  being  a  Military  Man  he  left  in  the  same  year  1756  to  command  a 
Post  in  the  Upper  Country  by  the  orders  of  the  Governor  General,  an  absence  which  has  rendered 
him  not  only  unable  to  improve  and  establish  his  said  Seigniory  and  to  have  fire  and  light  kept  there 
according  to  the  terms  of  his  title  but  even  to  solicit  the  Intendant  to  apply  to  the  Court  of  France 
for  Copy  of  the  Ratification  of  his  Grant  the  original  of  which  had  been  lost ;  and  he  has  not  been 
able  since  the  Definitive  Treaty  of  Peace,  to  establish  said  Seigniory,  it  being  notorious  that  he  has  not 
returned  to  this  Province  until  the  month  of  August  1769.  And  in  fine  he  could  not  send  the  title 
of  his  Concession  to  New  York  to  be  there  enregistered  since  his  arrival  in  this  Province,  on  account 
of  the  considerable  expense  that  Envoy  would  have  occasioned  him.  He  dares  flatter  himself  that 
you  will  be  favorable  to  him  and  he  will  not  cease  to  offer  his  prayers  to  Heaven  for  your  Excellency's 
preservation 

Quebec  15th  Octob'  1771. 


DEED  OF  SALE  OF  THE  SEIGNIORY  OF  LAMANAUDIERE 

ON  THE  EAST  SIDE  OF  LAKE  CHAMrLAIN,  27th  SEPTEMBER  1766 
[  From  the  same.  ] 

Before  the  undersigned  Notaries  residing  in  the  City  of  Montreal  in  the  Province  of  Quebec,  ap- 
peared Sieur  Jean  Marie  Raimbault  and  Dame  Louise  De  Montigny  his  Wife  whom  he  duely  author- 
ized, and  Demoiselle  Lse  Raimbault  his  daughter  of  age,  living  at  the  Cote  de  la  Montague  near  this 
City  of  Montreal  acting  as  well  for  themselves  as  for  Sieur  Claude  Raimbault  their  brother  absent 
from  this  Province  for  whom  they  render  themselves  guaranty  k  security ;  Who  have  by  these  Pre- 
sents voluntarily  sold,  ceded  and  transported  from  now  and  forever,  promised  k  promising  jointly  as 
well  in  their  names  as  in  those  of  their  Executors,  Administrators,  Heirs  and  Assigns  to  guarantee 
from  all  Troubles,  Grants,  Doweries,  Debts,  Mortgages  and  other  Burthens  in  general  whatsoever, 
except  solely  the  Troubles  and  Hindrances  which  may  be  caused  on  the  part  of  Governments,  unto 
Benjamin  Price  Esq.  Daniel  Robertson  Esq.  and  John  Livingston  Esq1-  the  said  Sieurs  Robertson  k 


364 


FRENCH  SEIGNORIES  ON  LAKE  CIIAMPLAIN. 


Livingston  purchasers,  present  at  and  accepting  as  well  tor  themselves  as  for  said  Sieur  Price,  their 
Executors  Administrators  &  Assigns,  a  Seigniory  called  Im  Manaudiere  situated  on  Lake  Champlain 
on  the  East  Side,  containing  four  leagues  front  by  five  leagues  deep,  the  said  four  Leagues  commenc- 
ing in  descending  the  Lake,  from  the  Bounds  of  the  Seigniory  granted  to  Sieur  La  I'  rviere  on  the 
sixth  of  July  One  thousand  seven  hundred  and  thirty  four,  in  which  is  included  the  Kiver  called  A 
la  Mouelle,  with  the  Isles,  Islets,  and  Battures  adjacent,  with  the  Privilege  of  High,  Low  and  Middle 
Justice,  Rights  of  Hunting,  Fishing  and  Indian  Trade  and  the  Rights  and  Prerogatives  annexi  d  to 
said  Seigniory  without  any  Exception  whatsover,  nothing  being  reserved  nor  retarded  by  the  said 
Sellers  to  whom  the  said  Seigniory  belongs  as  sole  heirs  of  the  late  M.  Pierre  Raimbault  their  Father 
in  his  life  time  Lieut:  General  lor  his  Most  Christian  Majesty  of  the  Jurisdiction  of  this  City,  to  which 
said  Sieur  Raimbault  the  said  Seigniory  belonged  by  Grant  to  him  made  by  His  said  Most  Christian 
Majesty  according  to  the  Patent  of  Ratification  of  the  thirtieth  of  April  One  thousand  seven  hundred 
&  thirty  seven  duly  enregistered  at  the  Superior  Council  of  Quebec,  formal  conveyance  whereof  the 
said  Sellers  promise  to  immediately  give  the  said  Purchasers :  The  Present  Sale  made  on  con'dition 
that  the  said  Purchasers  pay  from  this  day  and  render  to  the  Domain  of  His  Majesty,  our  Most  Sov- 
ereign Lord  the  King  of  Great  Britain  all  the  Rights  and  Duties  for  which  the  said  Seigniory  is  bound 
to  Him  ;  and  besides  give  the  price  and  sum  of  Ninety  Thousand  livres  current  Money  of  this  Pro- 
vince half  of  winch  in  gold  and  silver  Specie  and  the  other  half  in  Merchandize  at  the  prices  current 
in  this  City,  wliich  the  said  Sellers  acknowledge  and  Confess  to  have  now  received  from  the  said 
Purchasers  ;  The  said  Sieurs  Robertson  &  Livingston  Declaring  that  three-fourths  of  the  said  Seig- 
niory will  belong  to  them  and  the  other  fourth  will  belong  to  said  Seur  Benjamin  Price — in  conse- 
quence whereof  the  said  Sellers  consent  that  said  Purchasers  enjoy,  do  with,  and  dispose  of,  the  said 
Seigniory  and  its  Dependancies,  as  to  them  will  seem  good  and  enter  therein  in  good  Seizin  and 
infeoffment.  For  thus  &c.  Promising  &c.  Obliging  &c.  Renouncing  &c.  Done  and  Executed  in  the 
said  Montreal  in  the  Year  One  Thousand  seven  hundred  &,  sixty  six,  the  twenty  seventh  of  Septem- 
ber after  noon  ;  and  the  Sellers  have  Signed  and  Sealed  these  Presents  with  the  said  Sieurs  Robertson 
&  Livingston,  acting  for  the  said  Sieur  Price,  after  reading  being  done. 

f  Raimbault  (ls) 

Signed    ^Louise  Montigny  Raimbault  (ls.) 

<^  Louise  Raimbault  (ls  ) 

Signed,  Sealed  &  delivered  in  pre-    Jj0HN  Livingston  (ls.) 

sence  of                                  VDan'l  Robertson  (ls.) 


„.      ,  {  Pre  Panet     )  XT 
b,Sned  \  Fr.  Simonnet  \  NotS 


Quebec,  27.  July  17G7. 

Received  from  Benjamin  Price,  Daniel  Robertson  and  John  Livingstone  Esquire  the  sum  of  Twelve 
Pounds,  Lawful  Money  of  this  Province  for  the  Droit  de  Quint  or  Mutation  fine  for  the  Seigniory 
called  La  Manaudiere  situate  on  the  East  side  of  Lake  Champlain,  joining  on  a  Seigniory  granted  to 
M  La  Perriere  by  the  French  King  G  July  1764,  purchased  by  them  of  Jean  Marie  Raimbault, Louise 
Montigny  his  Wife  &  Louise  Raimbault  of  Montreal  as  specified  in  the  Contract  of  Sale,  signed  by 
the  parties  the  27'1'  of  September  last,  having  remitted  to  the  said  Purchasers  one  Third,  pursuant  to 
the  Ancient  Custom  of  this  Colony,  and  by  which  I  have  put  the  same  Benjamin  Price,  Daniel  Ro- 
bertson and  John  Livingston  Esquires  in  good  Possession  and  Seizing  of  the  said  Seigniory,  they 
having  for  that  effect  paid  the  fine  due  to  His  Majesty. 

Signed  Thomas  Mills,  Rr  Genj. 


FRENCH  SEIGNIORIES  ON    LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


365 


The  above  and  foregoing  are  true  Copies  of  a  Deed  of  Sale  of  the  Seigniory  called  La  Manaudiere 1 
and  of  the  Receipt  for  the  Droit  de  Quint,  as  taken  from  the  French  Register  Letter  E.  pages  313  & 
358.  in  niy  office. 

Given  under  my  hand  at  Quebec  this 
I5*h  August  1771. 

Geo.  Allsopp  D*  Reg1' 

&  Clk  of  Enrolments. 


[N.  Y.  Council  Minutes,  XXVI.  ] 

At  a  Council  held  at  Fort  George  in  the  city  of  New  York, 
on  Monday  the  sixth  day  of  January  1772. 
Present  His  Excellency  William  Tryon  Esq.  Captain  General  &ca. 

Mr  Watts  M*  Morris  Mr  Cruger  M'  White 

Mr  Apthorp  Mr  Smith  M*  Wallace  M'  Axtell 

Mr.  Smith  from  the  Committee  to  whom  by  Order  of  the  31st  ultimo  was  referred  the  Papers  re- 
lative to  the  French  claims  to  Lands  on  Lake  Champlain  presented  to  His  Excellency  the  Committee's 
Report  thereupon,  which  being  Read  was  on  the  Question  being  put  agreed  to  and  approved  of,  and 
Ordered  to  be  entered  in  the  Minutes  and  is  as  follows : — 

REPORT  OF  THE  COMMITTEE  ON  THE   SUBJECT  OF  THE   FRENCH  CLAIMS  TO  LANDS  ON  LAKE 

CHAMPLAIN. 

May  it  please  your  Excellency : 

The  Committee  to  whom  were  referred  the  several  Writings  lately  transmitted  (in  pursuance  of 
your  Proclamation)  from  the  Province  of  Quebec  relative  to  the  French  Claims  to  Lands  within  this 
Government  humbly  Report 

That  soon  after  his  Majesty  was  pleased  by  his  Royal  Proclamation  of  the  7th  October  1763  to  de- 
clare the  45lh  Degree  of  Northern  Latitude  to  be  the  Boundary  between  this  and  the  Province  of 
Quebec,  clivers  Tracts  of  Land  were  granted  under  the  Great  seal  of  this  Province  to  the  Northward 
of  Crown  Point  on  both  sides  of  Lake  Champlain,  and  chiefly  to  the  reduced  Officers  and  Soldiers 
claiming"  his  Majesty's  Bounty  Graciously  promised  by  that  Proclamation. 

That  Sir  Henry  Moore  and  Mr  Carlton  the  Governors  of  the  two  Provinces  fixed  the  place  of  the 
Latitude  of  45,  by  actual  observation  near  the  North  end  of  the  Lake  in  the  Month  of  September 
1767,  and  that  on  the  12th  August  1768  his  Majesty  was  pleased  to  declare  his  Approbation  in  Privy 
Council,  and  to  direct  in  favour  of  his  New  Canadian  Subjects  that  nothing  in  the  Order  of  that  Date 
contained  should  affect  the  property  of  such  as  had  possessions  under  proper  Titles  in  Lands  on  the 
South  side  of  the  Line,  the  Dominion  of  which  was  not  disputed  on  the  part  of  the  Crown  of  Great 
Britain ;  And  that  the  said  Determination  shoftld  not  operate  wholly  to  deprive  them  of  such  Con- 
cessions on  the  South  side  of  said  Line,  whereon  they  had  made  actual  settlements  and  Improve- 
ments, altho'  the  said  Line  might  have  been  disputed  by  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain,  but  proportioned 
to  their  Improvements  at  the  Rate  of  50  acres  for  every  three  that  were  improved,  with  the  Provisoe 

1.  The  present  Town  of  Burlington,  Vt.,  is  situated  on  part  of  the  above  Seigniory. 


366 


FRENCH  SEIGNIORIES  ON    LAKE  CIIAMrLAIN. 


that  Grants  should  be  sued  out  under  the  seal  of  New  York,  Subject  to  the  usual  Quit  Rents,  and 
that  a  Grant  to  one  Person  should  not  exceed  20,000  acres. 

The  Committee  have  examined  the  Council  Books  and  cannot  discover  that  the  Government  of 
Quebec  ever  gave  the  least  Intimation  to  this  Province  of  any  French  Grants  upon  LakeChamplain, 
neither  before  nor  after  the  said  Order  of  August  1708  until  excited  thereunto  by  your  Excellency's 
late  proclamation,  nor  is  there  an  Entry  to  be  found  of  any  Notification  of  such  Claim  by  Private 
persons,  nor  even  of  an  application  for  any  grant  or  Confirmation  under  this  Government  for  Lands 
Granted  in  Canada  before  the  surrender  of  that  Country. 

The  Committee  therefore  conceive  that  it  was  a  natural  and  reasonable  presumption  either  that 
there  were  no  such  French  Grants  or  that  the  Grantees  and  their  Assigns  considered  them  as  invalid 
and  perhaps  forfeited  to  the  French  Crown  before  the  Conquest  or  that  they  declined  the  acceptance 
of  British  Confirmations  subject  to  Quit  Rents  and  new  Patent  Charges,  intending  to  set  themselves 
up  as  sufficient  under  the  Capitulation  Articles  in  the  Courts  of  Law, upon  the  supposition  that  they 
were  within  the  Ancient  Dominions  of  the  Crown  of  France,  and  agreeable  thereto  this  Government 
began  again  to  Grant  Lands  in  that  Quarter,  and  continued  the  practice  until  Your  Excellency  was 
pleased  to  communicate  to  the  Council  his  Majestys  50th  Instruction  prohibiting  Patents  for  Lands  to 
the  Northward  of  Crown  Point,  claimed  under  French  Titles,  and  if  the  late  Grants  of  this  Province 
are  detrimental  to  those  Claimants,  the  Committee  are  of  Opinion  that  the  Blame  falls  upon  them- 
selves, as  it  is  owing  to  their  neglecting  to  give  the  Information  naturally  to  be  expected,  if  they 
intended  to  submit  to  and  take  advantage  of  the  Royal  order  of  the  12th  August  1768. 

The  Committee  observe  that  among  the  Papers  now  transmitted  from  Quebec,  there  are  no  French 
Concessions  and  Ratifications  for  any  of  the  Lands  mentioned  in  the  List  of  those  said  to  be  Granted 
en  Roture,  nor  for  several  of  those  in  the  List  of  the  Seignevries,  besides  those  specified  in  Mr 
Cramahe's  Letter  to  your  Excellency,  nor  is  there  a  single  petition  sent  or  preferred  by  either  of  those 
Claimants  for  a  Confirmation  under  this  Province  of  any  of  their  Grants,  which  is  the  more  extra- 
ordinary as  Your  Excellency's  Proclamation  required  a  full  exhibition  of  their  Titles,  and  the  Crown 
is  greatly  interested  in  the  Question  concerning  the  Validity  of  the  French  Claims  in  the  Articles  both 
of  Quit  Rents  and  Escheats,  their  pretentions  extending  not  only  to  a  vast  Quantity  of  Land,  but  to 
Lands  the  more  valuable  for  their  Contiguity  to  the  Forts  and  Passes,  and  the  Navigable  Waters  of 
the  Lake  :  and  from  the  whole  we  conjecture  that  this  Conduct  is  owing  to  their  adopting  an  Opinion 
which  deserves  a  serious  attention  to  wit : 

That  the  Lands  they  Claim  are  situated  to  the  Northward  of  the  Antient  British  Claim,  and  that 
consequently  they  can  maintain  a  Title  under  the  Surrender  without  the  aid  of  the  Crown,  and 
free  from  the  usual  Reservations,  Restrictions,  Conditions,  and  Quit  Rents. 

With  respect  therefore  to  the  Lands  Southward  of  Crown  Point,  and  to  those  to  the  Northward  of 
that  Fort,  not  within  the  Limits  of  the  French  Grants,  we  are  of  Opinion  that  your  Excellency  may 
issue  Patents  lor  them  as  Lands  to  which  the  50th  Article  of  the  Royal  Instructions  has  clearly  no 
relation. 

Nor  do  we  think  that  Article  ought  to  be  considered  to  prohibit  the  Grant  of  those  Tracts  to  which 
no  French  Concessions  or  Ratifications  appear  to  be  transmitted  from  Quebec,  nor  any  Excuse  assigned 
for  not  laying  them  before  this  Government  pursuant  to  the  late  Proclamation,  it  being  very  plain 
from  the  Instruction  that  it  was  intended  to  restrain  only  new  Patents  for  Lands  before  claimed  by 
Titles  derived  from  the  French  King,  and  prior  to  the  Surrender  of  Canada  and  as  clear  that  it  was 
the  indispensable  Duty  of  all  such  Claimants  in  Justice  to  the  Crown  to  give  due  Notice  of  their 
Claims. 

But  in  due  deference  to  his  Majesty's  authority,  we  advise  as  to  the  Lands  to  the  Northward  of 
Crown  Point,  and  included  by  the  Concessions  k.  Ratifications  lately  notified  to  this  Government,  that 


FRENCH  SEIGNIORIES  ON   LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


367 


all  Petitions  for  them  or  any  part  of  them  be  sent  Home,  together  with  Copies  of  the  French  Grants 
for  His  Majesty's  Royal  consideration. 

Several  points  of  Enquiry  will  arise  upon  those  Grants,  concerning  which  the  Committee  chuse 
not  to  decide,  on  account  of  their  singular  Importance  and  Delicacy. 

1st.  Whether  a  Title,  if  good  under  the  French  Government  will  by  the  Surrender  be  valid  by  our 
Laws,  without  the  Royal  Confirmation ;  or  in  other  Words  whether  the  Capitulation  gives  more 
to  the  French  Grantee,  than  an  Equitable  Right  to  be  preferred  before  others  in  the  Application 
for  a  new  Grant  ] 

2nd ly.  Whether  those  Lands  were  not  forfeited  to  the  Crown  of  France  by  the  Conditions  in  the 
Grants  before  the  Surrender,  and  so  became  thereby  transferred  to  his  Majesty  1  And 

3rd iy  Whether  they  were  not  within  the  Antient  British  Claim  and  consequently  never  Grantable 
by  the  Crown  of  France  \ 

And  upon  this  last  Question  the  Committee  beg  Leave  to  remark  that  the  British  Claim  of  Dominion 
before  the  last  War,  extended  to  the  Southerly  Bank  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  and  by  Treaty  to  all 
the  Country  of  the  Six  Nations  in  particular,  of  which  the  controverted  Grants  are  a  part,  and  we 
find  that  so  early  as  the  3rd  of  September,  1696,  a  patent  did  pass  to  Godfrey  Dellius,  under  the  Seal 
of  this  Province,  for  Lands  including  some  of  those  now  claimed  under  the  Canadian  Grants,  greatly 
to  the  Northward  of  Crown  Point,  of  which  the  French  were  not  possessed  till  nearly  forty  years 
afterwards,  to  wit  about  the  year  1731,  and  whether  it  is  imputable  to  the  Consciousness  in  the  French 
of  their  want  of  Title  or  to  any  other  Cause,  the  Committee  cant  help  observing  to  your  Excellency 
that  in  Fact  very  few  Settlements  or  Improvements  were  found  upon  any  of  those  Canadian  Grants, 
except  about  the  French  Forts  at  or  since  the  Conclusion  of  the  last  Peace ;  the  Country  near  Lake 
Champlain,  but  for  the  late  Settlements  under  this  Colony,  being  in  general  in  a  wild  and  uncultivated 
State. 

And  as  it  may  be  of  essential  Moment  to  the  reduced  Officers  and  soldiers  and  others  who  have 
seated  themselves  in  that  District  that  his  Majesty  be  fully  informed  t  X  the  numerous  Patents  that 
have  passed  the  Seal  of  this  Colony  since  the  acquisition  of  Canada,  we  recommend  it  to  your  Excel- 
lency to  order  the  Surveyor  General  to  frame  a  Map  exhibiting  the  French  Grants  and  English 
Patents  to  the  Northward  of  Crown  Point,  to  be  laid  before  his  Majesty  with  all  convenient  speed, 
with  a  List  of  the  Patentees  and  an  account  of  the  Quantity  of  Land  contained  in  their  Patents  and 
the  Quitrents  they  are  chargeable  with.  And  for  the  security  and  satisfaction  of  the  French  Grantees, 
we  also  advise  that  in  the  Interim  the  several  papers  referred  to  us,  be  filed  in  the  Secretarys  Office, 
and  a  Copy  of  this  Report  and  the  Order  to  be  made  thereon  transmitted  to  the  Commander  in  Chief 
of  Quebec.    All  which  is  nevertheless  most  humbly  submitted  by  your  Excellency's 

Most  obed1  humble  servants, 
Council  Chamber  at  By  order  of  the  Committee, 

Fort  George,  in  New  York  Wm  Smith,  Chairman. 

January  6th  1772. 

And  thereupon  It  is  ordered  by  his  Excellency  the  Governor  with  the  advice  of  the  Council,  that 
the  Surveyor  General  of  this  Province  do  frame  a  Map  exhibiting  the  French  Grants,  and  the  Patents 
which  have  passed  the  seal  of  this  Colony  to  the  Northward  of  Crown  Point,  in  order  to  be  laid 
before  his  Majesty,  with  a  List  of  the  Patentees,  and  an  account  of  the  Quantity  of  Land  contained 
in  their  Patents,  and  the  Quit  rents  they  are  chargeable  with.  That  the  several  papers  referred  to  in 
the  Report  of  the  Committee  be  filed  in  the  Secretary's  office,  and  that  a  Copy  of  the  said  Report  and 
of  this  Order  be  prepared  in  order  to  be  transmitted  to  the  Commander  in  Chief  of  Quebec. 


368 


FRENCH    SEIGNIORIES  ON    LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


G0YR.  TRYON  TO  LORD  HILLSBOROUGH. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XLIII.  ] 

New  York  I.  Septr.  1772. 

My  Lord — I  have  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  Lordship's  dispatches  No*  11,  12  &  13. 

It  is  matter  of  real  concern  to  me  to  learn  the  consideration  of  the  Canada  Claims  has  not  under- 
gone a  final  decision.  Upon  a  more  strict  examination  of  the  claims  of  the  French  grantees  to  lands 
within  this  Governt  I  cannot  be  persuaded  that  the  last  Treaty  of  peace,  or  the  articles  of  the  Capitula- 
tion at  the  surrender  of  Canada  gives  any  valid  title  to  such  claims.  The  territory  southwards  of 
St.  Lawrence  River  has  been  always  acknowledged  the  property  of  the  Five  Nations,  subjects  or  allies 
of  Great  Brittain,  &  as  the  French  settlements,  as  well  as  grants  within  that  district  were  made,  not 
under  the  sanction  of  Cession,  purchase  or  conquest,  but  by  intrusion,  the  justice  of  the  Title  of 
those  claimants  seems  to  rest  on  His  Majtys  generosity  which  will  operate  no  doubt  as  powerfully  in 
the  behalf  of  those  Officers  &  Soldiers,  who  now  hold  a  great  part  of  those  disputed  lands  under 
grants  from  this  provce  in  consequence  of  His  Majesty's  proclamation  in  1763. 


LORD  DARTMOUTH  TO  G0VR  TRYON. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XLIII.] 

Whitehall  4  Novr  1772. 

The  State  of  the  French  Claims  on  Lake  Champlain  appears  to  me,  as  far  as  I  am  at  present  in- 
formed to  be  a  consideration  of  great  difficulty  and  delicacy,  and  by  no  means  of  a  nature  to  admit 
of  an  hasty  decision.  Those  Claims  are  now  before  the  Board  of  Trade  in  consequence  of  a  refer- 
ence from  the  privy  Council,  and  I  will  not  fail  from  what  you  say  of  the  State  of  the  Colony,  as 
well  in  respect  to  those  Claims  as  to  the  increasing  disorders  &  confusion  on  the  Eastern  Frontiers  in 
genera],  to  press  an  immediate  attention  to  both  these  important  considerations. 

The  whole  of  this  very  important  business  will,  I  am  persuaded,  be  discussed  by  the  Lords  of 
Trade  with  that  impartiality  that  has  always  distinguished  their  conduct ;  I  shall  therefore  avoid  say- 
ing any  thing  more  upon  that  subject  or  upon  the  Canadian  Claims  further,  than,  that  I  think  it 
proper  to  observe  that  the  proposition  in  your  letter  N°  43,  that  all  the  territory  on  the  south  side  of 
the  River  St.  Lawrence  was  the  property  of  the  five  Nations,  and  therefore  that  every  Canadian 
Grant  on  that  side  of  the  River,  was  an  encroachment  on  the  British  possessions,  does  not  appear  to 
me,  from  any  information  I  have  been  able  to  collect,  to  be  maintainable  on  any  fair  ground  of  argu- 
ment ;  an  observation  which  I  think  I  am  called  upon  to  state  to  you,  lest  by  my  silence  on  that 
subject  I  should  appear  to  acquiesce  in  a  proposition  that,  if  adopted  in*  the  extent  you  state  it,  would 
strip  one  half  of  the  King's  new  subjects  of  their  ancient  possessions  and  must  spread  au  alarm  that 
may  have  very  fatal  consequences  to  the  King's  interest. 

I  am,  ettc. 

Dartmouth. 


FRENCH  SEIGNIORIES  ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


3C9 


MINUTE  OF  MR.  EDMUND  BURKE  ATTENDING  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE. 

Thursday  Nov  12^  1772 
At  a  meeting  of  His  Majesty's  Commrs  for  Trade  k  Plantations  Present,  Mr  Gascoyne,  Lord  Greville 
Lord  Garlies  ;  The  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  one  of  His  Majesty's  Principal  Secretaries  of  State, 
attending 

Mr.  Edmund  Burke  attended  k  moved  their  Lordships  that  he  might  be  heard  by  his  Council, 
as  well  in  behalf  of  the  Province  of  New  York  as  of  sundry  persons,  Proprietors  of  Lands  within 
the  said  Province,  under  grants  from  the  Governor  and  Council  thereof,  against  the  confirmation  by 
the  Crown,  of  any  grants  made  by  the  French  King  or  the  Government  of  Canada — within  the 
limits  of  the  said  Province  of  New  York. 

Their  Lordships  upon  consideration  of  Mr  Burke's  motion,  agreed  that  he  should  be  heard  by  his 
Counsel,  and  he  was  desired,  so  soon  as  his  Councel  should  be  prepared,  to  acquaint  the  Secretary 
therewith,  in  order  that  an  early  day  might  be  fixed  for  the  further  consideration  of  this  business. 

Ordered  that  the  Secretary  do  acquaint  Monsr  Lotbiniere  who  now  attends  to  solicit  the  Confirma- 
tion of  two  seigneuries  on  Lake  Champlain,  of  which  he  claims  the  possession,  with  Mr.  Burke's 
application  to  be  heard  by  counsel,  and  that  he  will  also  be  at  liberty  to  be  heard  by  his  Counsel  in 
support  of  Ins  pretensions  if  he  thinks  fit. 

Greville. 


G0VR  TRYON  TO  LORD  DARTMOUTH.  EXTRACT. 

New  York  5  January  1773 

The  opinion  I  presumed  to  give  your  Lordship  respecting  the  Canadian  Claims,  was  grounded  on 
the  following  facts,  which  if  I  am  rightly  informed  are  capable  of  satisfactory  proof.  I  hope  con- 
sidering the  importance  of  the  subject,  to  be  excused  in  submitting  them  to  your  Lord??3  consid- 
eration. 

The  Dutch,  who  first  settled  this  Colony,  claimed  the  whole  of  Connecticut  River  and  Lake  Chain - 
plain,  and  all  the  Country  to  the  Southward  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence  down  to  Delaware  River  ;  this 
appears  from  many  ancient  Maps,  and  particularly  from  Blair's  and  Ogilby's,  which  I  have  had  an 
opportunity  of  seeing.  In  1664,  King  Charles  the  Second  granted  this  country  to  the  Duke  of  York, 
expressly  comprehending  all  the  Lands  from  the  west  side  of  Connecticut  River. 

On  a  late  actual  survey  by  Commissi  from  this  k  Quebec  Govern1,  the  head  of  that  River  is  found  to 
lie  several  miles  to  the  Northward  of  the  Latitude  of  forty  five  degrees,  lately  established  by  his 
Majesty  as  the  boundary  between  this  Colony  and  Quebec. 

A  west  line  therefore  from  the  head  of  Connecticut  River  (which  will  comprehend  Lake  Cham- 
plain)  has  been  always  deemed  the  ancient  boundary  of  New  York,  according  to  the  Royal  Grant ; 
nor  has  it  been  abridged  but  in  two  instances.  His  Majl>s  proclamation  limiting  the  extent  of  Que- 
bec, and  an  agreement  confirmed  by  the  Crown  with  Connecticut.  Every  Act  and  Commission  sub- 
sequent to  King  Charles's  grant,  describes  the  Province  in  General  words — "  The  Province  of  New 
York  and  the  territories  depending  threupon  "  and  supposes  its  limits  to  be  notorious,  k  properly 
established  by  that  grant.    On  this  principle  the  Judicatories,  here  have  grounded  their  determina- 

[Vol.  I.]  47 


370 


FRENCH   SEIGNIORIES  ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


tions,  in  suits  between  the  New  York  Patentees,  and  the  N.  Hampshire  claimants.  The  original 
Colony  of  New  Hampshire  as  it  was  granted  by  the  Council  of  Plymouth,  &  confirmed  by  the  Ciown 
about  the  year  1635,  lay  altogether  on  the  East  side  of  Connecticut  River,  which  it  did  not  reach  by 
20  miles.  As  it  was  new  modelled  &  enlarged  by  the  Commission  to  Gov  Benning  Wentworth  in 
1742,  no  distance  from  the  sea,  or  station  is  given  :  but  it  is,  bounded  to  the  west  by  th«_  king's  other 
Govern18  and  could  not  comprehend  the  Lands  on  the  west  side  of  the  Connecticut  River  which  were 
already  a  part  of  New  York,  as  established  by  the  Grant  of  the  Crown  abovementioned  H  ace  on 
the  footing  of  original  Right,  our  Courts  determined,  that  the  New  Hampshire  Grants  were  void  for 
want  of  a  legal  authority  in  that  Govern1.  They  considered  His  Maj'ys  order  in  Privy  Council  in 
1761,  as  a  confirmation  of  a  prior  Right,  &  not  as  having  altered  or  enlarged  the  ancient  Jurisdiction. 

I  am  now  cautious  to  give  an  opinion  on  the  propriety  of  this  decision,  but  barely  mention  the 
principles  as  they  have  been  represented  to  me  for  your  Lordp's  information. 

Whether  the  Dominions  of  the  French  in  Canada  interfered  with  the  bounds  of  this  Colony  as 
anciently  established  by  King  Charles  the  Second,  remains  to  be  considered.  All  the  Country  to  the 
Southward  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence  originally  belonged  to  the  five  Nations  or  Iroquois,  and  as 
such,  it  is  described  in  the  above  mentioned  and  other  ancient  Maps,  &  particularly  Lake  Champlain 
is  there  called  "  Mere  des  Iroquois"  Sorel  River  which  leads  from  the  Lake  into  the  River  St.  Law- 
rence "  Rivier  des  Iroquois,"  and  the  Tract  on  the  East  side  of  the  Lake,  Irocoisia. 

So  early  as  the  year  1683,  the  Five  Nations  by  Treaty  witli  the  Gov1'  of  New  York,  submitted  to 
the  Sovereignty  &  protection  of  Great  Brittain,  and  have  ever  since  been  considered  as  subjects,  & 
their  Country  as  part  of  the  dominions  of  the  Crown. 

By  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  the  French  King  expressly  recognized  the  Sovereignty  of  Great  Brittain 
over  those  Nations. 

Godfrey  Dellius's  purchase  from  the  Mohocks,  &  grant  under  the  Seal  of  New  York  in  the  year 
1696,  is  esteemed  a  memorable  proof  of  the  Right  of  this  Province,  under  the  Crown,  to  the  Lands 
on  Lake  Champlain.  It  comprehends  a  large  Tract  extending  from  Soraghtoga  along  Hudson's  Rh  er, 
the  Wood  Creek,  k  Lake  Champlain,  on  the  East  side  upwards  of  twenty  miles,  to  the  northward  of 
Crown  Point ;  &  it  is  thought  a  circumstance  of  no  small  importance,  that  this  Grant  was  repealed 
by  the  Legislature  in  the  year  1699,  as  an  extravagant  favour  to  one  subject ;  which  act  would  have 
been  a  nullity  if  that  territory  had  not  been  within  the  jurisdiction  of  this  Province. 

Altho'  the  Canadians  by  their  Savage  depredations  had  long  obstructed  the  settlement  of  this 
Frontier  part  of  the  Colony,  it  wras  not  till  the  year  1731,  that,  in  profound  peace,  they  took  posses- 
sion of  Lake  Champlain  &  ordered  Fort  St.  Frederick  at  Crown  [  point  J ;  &  afterwards  another  Fort 
at  Ticonderoga.  This  was  regarded  as  an  act  of  hostility,  and  as  such  complained  of  &  resented  ; 
and  the  Colonies  before  the  late  war,  to  disappoint  so  dangerous  a  project,  raised  money  and  Troops 
to  erect  Fortifications  on  His  Majesty's  lands,  at,  or  near  Crown  Point.  The  operations  became  more 
general,  and  the  success  of  his  Majtvs  arms,  rendered  it  unnecessary. 

The  French  had  endeavored  to  fortify  their  encroachments  by  Ncgociations ;  in  1756  their  Am- 
bassador insisted  as  a  condition  of  the  Convention  then  proposed  that  Great  Brittain  should  relinquish 
her  claim  to  the  south  side  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence, and  the  lakes  which  discharge  themselves  into 
that  River ;  a  demand  which  was  peremptorily  rejected,  &  put  an  end  to  the  conference.  I  depend, 
My  Lord  on  Entiv's  history  of  the  late  war  for  the  truth  of  this  Fact.  If  it  is  well  founded, it  seems 
to  show  in  a  strong  point  of  light  the  sense  of  the  Crown  at  that  crisis,  respecting  the  territory  under 
consideration. 

If  it  was  necessary,  My  Lord,  to  add  prior  instances  of  the  encroachments  of  the  Canadians,  I 
would  beg  leave  to  refer  your  Lordp  to  Governor  Burnet's  Speeches  to  the  General  Assembly  of  this 
Province  in  1725,  1726  &,  1727,  and  the  resolutions  of  that  house,  stated  in  their  Journals,  deposited 


FRENCH    SEIGNIORIES  ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


371 


in  the  Plantation  Office,  on  the  subject  of  those  encroachments.  That  Gov  in  his  speech  of  the  30th 
Septr  1727,  has  these  remarkable  words  :  "I  have  the  satisfaction  to  inform  you,  that  your  Agent  has 
been  very  active  in  solliciting  the  affairs  of  this  Provce,  &  particularly  that  he  has  succeeded  in  ob- 
taining, that  pressing  instances  might  be  made  at  the  Court  of  France,  against  the  Stone  House  built 
at  Niagara,"  ettc.  This  shows  that  the  Govern1  at  home  so  early  as  that  period  viewed  this  measure 
of  the  French  as  an  encroachment  on  the  limits  of  this  Colony. 

I  assure  your  Lordp  that  I  had  no  idea  that  the  decision  of  this  controversy  could  affect  the  ancient 
possessions  of  any  of  his  Mat5S  new  subjects.  Unacquainted  with  their  settlements  on,  and  near  the 
south  side  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  I  carried  my  views  no  further  than  the  Province  over  which  I 
preside  :  and  which,  as  it  is  now  limited  does  not  include  the  whole  of  Lake  Champlain.  I  have 
frequently  been  informed,  by  those  on  whom  I  thought  I  could  depend,  that  when  the  French, on  the 
approach  of  Sir  Jeffry  Amherst  in  1759,  abandoned  Crown  Point,  there  were  found  no  ancient  pos- 
sessions, nor  any  improvements,  worthy  of  consideration  on  either  side  of  the  Lake.  The  Chief 
were  in  the  environs  of  the  Fort,  and  seemed  intended  meerly  for  the  accommodation  of  the  Garri- 
sons, and  I  have  reason  to  believe,  that  even  at  this  day,  there  are  very  few, if  any,  to  the  Southward 
of  the  latitude  forty  five,  except  what  have  been  made  since  the  peace,  by  British  subjects  under  the 
grants  of  this  Colony.  I  had  the  honor  of  transmitting  to  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough  a  paper  on  this 
subject  drawn  up  by  Council  here,  at  the  request  of  the  reduced  officers,  to  whom  &  the  disbanded 
Soldiers  a  very  considerable  part  of  the  Country  on  the  East  side  of  Lake  Champlain,  hath  been 
granted  in  obedience  to  his  Majlys  Royal  proclamation.  The  proof  of  several  material  facts,  which 
influenced  my  opinion,  are  there  stated,  and  to  which  I  beg  leave  to  refer  your  Lordp. 


LORD  DARTMOUTH  TO  GOV*  TRYON. 

Whitehall  3  March  1773. 

With  regard  to  the  grants  heretofore  made  by  the  Governors  of  Canada  adjacent  to  Lake  Cham- 
plain, &  by  the  Gov  of  New  Hampshire  to  the  west  of  Connecticut  River,  I  do  not  conceive  that  the 
titles  of  the  present  claimants  or  possessors  ought  to  have  been  discussed  or  determined  upon  any 
argument  or  reason  drawn  from  a  consideration  of  what  were  or  were  not  the  ancient  Limits  of  the 
Colony  of  New  York.  Had  the  soil  and  jurisdiction  within  the  Provce  of  New  York  been  vested  in 
proprietaries  as  in  Maryland,  Pennsylvania,  Massachusets  Bay,  or  other  Charter  Govern'8,  it  would 
have  been  a  different  question  :  but  when  both,  the  soil  and  jurisdiction  are  in  the  Crown,  it  is  I  con- 
ceive, entirely  in  the  breast  of  the  Crown,  to  limit  that  jurisdiction  and  to  dispose  of  the  property  in 
the  soil  in  such  manner  as  shall  be  thought  most  fit :  and  after  what  had  passed,  and  the  restrictions, 
which  had  been  given  respecting  the  claims,  as  well  on  Lake  Champlain,  as  in  the  district  to  the 
westward  of  the  Connecticut  River,  by  which  the  King  had  reserved  to  himself  the  consideration  of 
those  claims,  I  must  still  have  the  misfortune  to  think  that  no  steps  ought  to  have  been  taken  to  the 
prejudice  of  the  claimants  under  the  original  Titles.  At  the  same  time  confident  of  your  integrity 
and  impressed  with  the  most  favorable  sentiments  of  your  conduct,  so  far  as  rests  upon  the  Intention, 
I  will  not  fail  to  do  the  fullest  justice  to  the  explanation  of  it,  contained  in  your  letters  upon  this 
subject,  and  there  is  no  one  of  your  friends,  that  will  be  more  forward  than  myself  to  bear  testimony 
of  the  sense  of  your  zeal  for  the  King's  service, or  more  ready  to  concur  in  any  proposition,  that  may 
induce  the  conferring  on  you  such  marks  of  the  King's  Favour,  as  shall  be  judged  adequate  to  your 
great  merit 

I  am  Sir  your  most  obed1  humble  serv1 

Dartmouth. 


372 


FRENCH  SEIGNIORIES  ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


EDMUND  BURKE  ESQR 

TO  THE  SECRETARY  15  JUNE  1773. 

Sir  I  am  honoured  with  your  letter  of  the  14th  wishing  to  be  informed,  on  whose  behalf,  and  on 

what  question,  I  desire  to  have  Counsel  heard  against  the  Canadian  Grants  on  Lake  Champlain.  You 
will  be  so  good  as  to  acquaint  their  Lordpps  that  I  would  have  Counsel  heard  on  behalf  of  the  grantees 
under  New  York  Govern1  who  are  composed  in  a  great  measure  of  half-pay  Officers,  that  have  received 
grants,  agreeably  to  his  Majesty's  proclamation.  And  I  am  instructed  to  take  care  of  the  interests 
of  these  Grantees,  not  only  so  far  as  they  are  concerned,  but  also  so  far  as  the  territorial  rights  of 
the  Province  may  be  affected  by  the  French  claims. 

I  beg  leave  to  be  heard  by  Counsel  (if  their  Lordpps  should  not  expressly  confine  the  Counsel)  to 
all  such  matters,  as  they,  or  the  parties  shall  advise  as  proper  and  effectual  towards  invalidating  the 
said  French  Grants,  and  establishing  the  rights  of  the  New  York  Grantees. 

I  am  with  great  regard  Sir 

Your  most  obed1  &  humble  serv1 

Edm  :  Burke. 


EXTRACT  FROM  A  REPORT 

OF  A  COMMITTEE  OF  COUNCIL  OF  THE  PROTINCE  OF  QUEBEC  RELATIVE  TO  COMPLETING  THE  BOUNDARY  LINE 
BETWEEN  THAT  PROVINCE  &  NEW  YORK,  DATED  QUEBEC,  AUG1  4.  1773. 

[  Council  Minutes  XXVI.  ] 

We  think  .  .  .  Your  Honour  may  safely  give  the  necessary  Directions  for  going  on  with  the 
service  immediately  under  the  following  Reservations,  which  we  consider  as  the  only  expedient  for 
Resolvinc  the  many  Difficulties  which  have  occurred,  and  without  which  we  must  find  ourselves 
under  the  necessity  of  deferring  the  Proceedings  till  another  year. 

That  every  thing  shall  remain  between  the  two  Provinces  exactly  in  the  same  situation  as  well 
with  regard  to  Jurisdiction  as  Property  after  the  Line  is  run,  as  it  does  now  until  his  Majesty's  Plea- 
sure upon  that  subject  shall  be  known. 

That  his  Excellency  the  Governor  of  New  York  will  engage  not  to  pass  any  new  Grant  or  Grants 
of  Land  to  the.  southward  of  the  Line,  the  property  of  which  is  now  or  has  at  any  Time  been  claimed 
under  any  Title  from  the  Crown  of  France. 

That  we  do  not  by  our  Consent  to  the  running  of  the  Line  give  up  or  in  any  manner  recede  or 
depart  from  any  Right  or  Claim  to  Lands  to  the  Southward  of  the  Line  which  have  at  any  time  been 
or  now  are  disputed  between  the  two  Provinces,  but  that  the  whole  shall  be  submitted  to  his  Ma- 
jesty's Pleasure  without  Prejudice  or  advantage  of  any  kind  to  be  taken  of  this  Instance,  which  we 
are  willing  to  show,  tho'  at  some  Hazard,  of  our  Desire  of  a  good  Correspondence  at  all  times  with 
the  Province  of  New  York. 


FRENCH  SEIGNIORIES  ON    LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


373 


GOV.  TRYON  TO-LT.  GOV.  CRAMAHE. 

Quebec  4th  August  1773. 

Sir,  I  am  honoured  with  your  Letter  of  this  Day  with  the  Report  of  the  Council  of  your  Govern- 
ment on  the  subject  Matter  of  my  Letters  to  you  of  the  5th  and  25th  July. 

It  is  with  singular  pleasure  I  can  inform  you  I  accept  of  and  assent  to  the  Terms  contained  in  the 
Reservations  of  the  said  Report ;  at  the  same  time  I  assure  you  it  never  has  been  nor  is  my  Wish  or 
Design  to  take  any  Advantage  either  over  the  Jurisdiction  of  the  Government  of  Quebec,  or  of 
French  claims  lying  within  the  Government  of  New  York ;  but  am  determined  to  wait  the  declaration 
of  the  Royal  Mind  concerning  the  Premises ;  I  own  I  do  not  apprehend  Hazard  in  paying  Obedience 
to  the  King's  Proclamation  of  1763,  and  carrying  into  execution  the  reciprocal  obligations  of  both 
governments. 


THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE  TO  THE  COMMITTEE  OF  THE  PRIVY  COUNCIL.    25  MAY,  1775. 

[Lond.  Doc.  XLV.] 

My  Lords ;  Pursuant  to  your  Lordships  order  dated  the  17th  day  of  June  1772,  we  have  taken  into 
our  consideration  the  Petition  of  Michel  Chartier  de  Lotbiniere,  Chevalier  and  styling  himself  Seigneur 
de  Alainville  and  d'Hocquart,  setting  forth  amongst  other  things  that  he  has  been  deprived  and  dis- 
possessed of  liis  two  Lordships  of  d' Alainville  and  d'Hocquart  situated  at  t:ie  head  of  Lake  Champlain 
in  a  most  advantageous  position  and  consisting  of  the  best  and  richest  land  in  the  Province  of  New 
York  to  which  they  were  annexed  eighteen  months  after  the  Treaty  of  Peace  and  humbly  praying 
for  the  reasons  therein  contained  that  they  [he  ?]  may  be  reinstated  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  his  said 
two  Lordships  in  the  same  manner  as  when  under  the  Government  of  France  and  that  he  may  be 
reimbursed  the  expense  he  has  been  at  in  endeavoring  to  obtain  redress  therein  and  to  be  indemnified 
for  having  been  kept  out  of  his  Estate  and  property  for  so  long  a  time  as  well  as  for  the  damage  his 
said  Estates  may  have  sustained.    Whereupon  we  beg  leave  to  Report  to  your  Lordships : — 

That  the  Petition  of  Monsr  de  Lotbiniere  refers  to  two  Tracts  of  Land  under  very  different  circum- 
stances. 

With  regard  to  that  Tract  which  is  claimed  by  the  Petitioner  under  a  Title  derived  from  a  purchase 
made  by  him  of  Monsr  d'Hocquart  in  April  1763  after  the  conclusion  of  the  Peace  with  France,  it 
consists  of  two  Seigneuries  which  amongst  several  other  Seigneuries  were  granted  by  the  Most 
Christian  King,  or  under  his  authority  by  the  Governor  of  Canada  upon  Lake  Champlain  after  France 
had  in  violation  of  the  Rights  of  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain  usurped  the  possession  of  the  lake  and 
the  circumjacent  Country  and  forcibly  maintained  that  possession  by  erecting  in  the  year  1731  a 
Fortress  at  Crown  Point. 

It  appears  by  the  most  authentic  evidence  upon  the  Books  of  our  office  that  Lake  Champlain  and 
the  circumjacent  Country  were  at  all  times  claimed  by  the  Five  Nations  of  Indians  as  part  of  their 
Possessions  and  that  by  agreement  with  them  the  Land  on  both  sides  the  Lake  to  a  very  great  extent 
was  granted  by  the  Gov8  of  New  York  to  British  Subjects  long  before  any  possession  appears  to  have 
been  taken  by  the  Crown  of  France  which  having  by  the  express  Stipulation  of  the  fifteenth  Article 


374 


FRENCH    SEIGNIORIES  ON    LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  acknowledged  the  Sovereignty  of  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain  over  the  Five 
Nations  had  upon  every  principle  of  Justice  and  Equity  precluded  itself  from  any  claim  to  the  pos- 
session of  any  part  of  their  Territory. 

Upon  these  Grounds  it  was  that  erecting  a  Fort  at  Crown  Point  in  1731  was  then,  and  ever  after 
complained  of  as  an  Incroachment  on  the  British  Territories  and  a  Violation  of  Our  Rights  and  so 
carefull  were  the  Ministers  of  this  Country  to  preserve  those  Rights  that  when  in  consequence  of  the 
Treaty  of  Aix  la  Chapelle  Commissaries  were  in  the  Year  1750  appointed  to  settle  with  Commissaries 
on  the  part  of  France  the  limits  of  each  others  possessions  in  North  America,  they  were  instructed 
to  insist  that  France  had  no  right  to  any  possession  on  the  South  side  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence. 

Under  these  circumstances  therefore  and  for  as  much  as  we  are  clearly  of  opinion  that  the  Stipula- 
tions of  the  Treaty  of  Paris,  by  which  Canadian  property  is  reserved  doth  both  in  the  letter  and 
spirit  of  them  refer  only  to  the  property  and  possession  of  the  Canadians  in  Canada  of  which  we 
insist  that  the  Country  upon  Lake  Champlain  was  no  part,  we  cannot  recommend  to  Your  Lordships 
to  advise  his  Majesty  to  Comply  with  what  is  requested  by  the  Petitioner  or  to  do  any  Act  which 
may  in  any  respect  admit  a  right  in  the  Crown  of  France  to  have  made  those  Grants  under  which 
the  possessions  upon  Lake  Champlain  are  now  claimed  either  by  Canadian  Subjects  or  others  deriving 
that  Claim  under  purchases  from  them  :  We  do  not,  however,  mean  by  any  opinion  of  Ours  to  preju- 
dice their  Claims  in  any  suit  they  may  bring  for  establishing  those  claims  by  due  course  of  Law  and 
we  submit  under  any  circumstances  of  the  Case  the  question  in  dispute  between  these  Claimants  and 
the  possessors  under  New  York  Grants  cannot  be  properly  decided  by  his  Majesty  in  Council,  unless 
upon  any  appeal  from  such  Courts  as  have  constitutionally  the  cognizance  of  such  matters. 

On  the  other  hand  when  we  consider  that  many  of  his  Majesty's  subjects  trusting  to  the  validity 
of  the  Canadian  Titles  have  become  proprietors  of  those  Seigneuries  under  purchases  for  valuable 
considerations  We  cannot  but  be  of  opinion  that  the  making  Grants  under  the  Seal  of  New  York  of 
any  part  of  those  Seigniories  was  an  unjust  and  unwarrantable  proceeding,  That  the  claimants  there- 
fore ought  to  be  quieted  in  the  possession  of  at  least  those  parts  which  remain  yet  ungranted  by  such 
order  as  his  Majesty's  Law  Servants  shall  think  more  effectual  for  that  purpose  that  the  Governor  of 
New  York  should  receive  the  most  positive  orders  not  to  make  any  further  Grants  whatever  of  any 
part  of  the  Lands  within  the  limits  of  any  of  those  Seigneuries  and  that  a  suitable  compensation 
should  be  made  to  the  Claimants  for  what  has  already  been  taken  away  by  giving  them  gratuitous 
Grants,  equivalent  in  quantity,  in  other  parts  of  his  Majesty's  Provinces  of  Quebec  or  New  York. 

With  regard  to  the  other  Tract  claimed  by  the  petitioner  under  the  description  of  the  concession 
of  d'Alainville,  when  we  consider  its  situation  to  the  South  of  Crown  Point,  that  it  is  stated  to  have 
been  Granted  to  him  at  a  time  when  his  Majesty's  armies  had  penetrated  into,  and  occasionally  pos- 
sessed themselves  of  the  Country  and  that  independent  of  these  objections  there  is  no  evidence  of  the 
Grants  having  been  ratified  by  the  Crown  of  France,  or  registered  within  the  Colony,  we  cannot 
recommend  to  Your  Lordships  to  advise  His  Majesty  to  give  any  countenance  thereto  j  But  the 
Petitioner,  if  lie  thinks  he  lias  a  good  title,  should  be  left  to  establish  that  Title  by  due  course  of  law 
in  such  mode  as  he  shall  be  advised  to  pursue  for  that  purpose. 

Having  said  thus  much  upon  the  merits  of  the  Petition  itself,  in  so  far  as  it  regards  the  validity  of 
the  Petitioner's  title  to  the  Lands  he  claims  we  think  it  necessary  in  Justice  to  the  Noble  Lord,  that 
presided  at  this  Board  in  the  year  17G4  to  take  some  notice  of  what  is  alledged  therein,  in  respect  to 
the  declaration  said  to  have  been  made  by  his  Lordship  to  the  effect  of  what  is  stated  by  the  petitioner ; 
and  to  observe  that  admitting  that  his  Lordship  had,  in  conversation  with  the  petitioner  made  use  of 
the  expressions  he  states,  they  could  only  refer  to  possessions  and  property  in  general  any  where,  to 
which  he  could  shew  a  legal  title ;  and  as  an  evidence  of  this  meaning  we  beg  leave  to  lay  before 
your  Lordships  the  annexed  Extract  of  a  Letter  to  the  Lieutenant  Governor  of  New  York  written  in 


FRENCH   SEIGNIORIES  ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


375 


consequence  of  the  petitioners  application  and  subscribed  by  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough  which  is  so 
far  from  admitting  a  Title  in  the  petitioner  to  those  Lands  which  he  claims  in  particular  that  it  ex- 
pressly reserves  any  discussion  upon  that  question  until  the  evidence  of  the  legality  of  the  Title 
should  be  more  authentically  adduced  and  in  the  mean  time  with  equal  Justice  k  humanity  forbids 
any  further  Grants  being  made  within  the  limits  of  the  Seigneuries  claimed  by  the  Petitioner. 

We  are  my  Lords 

Your  Lordships  Most  Obedient  and 

Most  humble  Servants 
Dartmouth 
Soame  Jenyns 
Bamber  Gascoyne 

Whitehall  Whitshed  Keene 

May  25.  1775.  Greville 


THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE  TO  THE  COMMITTEE  OF  THE  PRIVY  COUNCIL  FEB.  13th  1776. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XLVI.  ] 

My  Lords — Pursuant  to  your  Lordships  Order  of  the  21st.  Dec.  last  We  have  taken  into  our  con- 
sideration the  Matters  therein  contained  respecting  the  case  of  Michel  Chartiere  de  Lotbiniere  stiling 
himself  Signeur  d'Allainville  and  de  Hocquart  and  the  reasonableness  of  making  some  adequate 
compensation  to  him  for  his  pretensions  to  the  said  Lordships  of  Alainville  and  de  Hocquart  by  recom 
mending  him  to  His  Majesty  for  a  Grant  of  Land  in  some  one  of  his  Majesty's  American  Provinces 
in  consideration  of  his  said  pretensions  as  well  as  of  the  losses  and  expenses  in  which  he  has  been 
involved  by  the  proceedings  of  His  Majesty's  Governors  of  New  York  in  Granting  away  Lands  within 
the  aforementioned  Lordships  in  express  disobedience  to  orders  received  from  hence  whereupon  we 
beg  leave  to  Report  to  your  Lordships. 

That  before  we  state  Our  opinion  of  what  may  be  a  reasonable  compensation  to  M.  Lotbiniere  in 
the  matter  referred  We  must  observe  that  although  his  claims  extend  to  both  the  Lordships  of  Alain- 
ville and  Hocquart  yet  upon  a  review  of  our  proceeding  in  his  Case  we  cannot  for  the  reasons  set 
forth  in  Our  report  to  your  Lordships  of  the  25th  of  May  last  see  any  such  foundation  in  his  preten- 
sions to  Alainville  as  can  warrant  the  advising  any  compensation  whatever  to  be  made  to  him  lor  his 
interest  in  that  Lordship  so  that  whatever  we  have  to  recommend  will  be  grounded  solely  on  his 
claim  to  the  Lordship  of  Hocquart  and  the  consideration  of  the  losses  and  expenses  in  which  [he] 
has  been  involved  by  the  proceedings  of  the  Governor  of  New  York. 

The  Lordship  of  Hocquart  is  described  as  lying  on  the  East  side  of  Lake  Champlain  extending 
four  leagues  in  front  and  five  leagues  in  Depth  and  may  be  computed  to  contain  about  115,000  acres 
of  Land. 

By  the  proceedings  of  the  Council  of  New  York  on  the  2nd  day  of  Sept1".  1771  it  appears  that 
almost  the  whole  of  this  Lordship  was  granted  away  under  the  Seal  of  New  York  principally  to 
officers  and  soldiers  according  to  His  Majesty's  proclamation  of  the  7th  Oct.  1773  [1763?] 

As  the  greatest  part  therefore  and  probably  the  best  in  quality  of  those  lands  has  been  thus  granted 
away  we  think  that  the  most  equitable  way  of  making  compensation  to  M.  Lotbiniere  will  [be]  for 
his  Majesty  to  direct  the  Governor  of  Quebec  to  make  a  new  Grant  to  M.  Lotbiniere  of  other  Lands 


376 


FRENCH  SEIGNIORIES  ON    LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


within  that  Colony  equivalent  as  nearly  as  may  be  in  point  of  extent  and  in  the  advantages  of  Soil 
and  Situation  to  that  of  Hocquart  to  be  held  upon  the  like  terms  and  considerations  as  Lands  are 
now  held  by  His  Majesty's  other  Canadian  Subjects ;  provided  that  upon  his  being  put  in  possession 
of  this  Grant  he  shall  cause  a  full  and  ample  surrender  to  be  made  of  all  his  right  and  title  to  the 
aforesaid  Lordship  of  Hocquart  so  that  the  present  occupants  who  cliiefly  consist  of  Officers  and 
Soldiers  disbanded  at  the  conclusion  of  the  last  war  may  be  quieted  &  secured  in  their  possessions. 

At  the  same  time  that  we  state  this  as  what  we  think  will  be  a  liberal  compensation  to  M.  Lot- 
biniere,  we  should  have  been  glad  to  have  informed  your  Lordships  that  he  had  acquiesced  in  the 
same  sentiments  but  as  he  has  declined  giving  his  attendance  at  Our  Board  though  invited  thereto 
we  submit  the  whole  to  your  Lordships  with  this  observation  that  if  M.  Lotbiniere  shall  not  think 
proper  to  accept  the  proposed  compensation  it  will  then  remain  for  him  to  pursue  his  claim  or  Claims 
by  due  Course  of  Law  in  such  manner  as  he  shall  be  advised. 

We  are  my  Lords  your  Lordships 

Most  obedient  and  humble  servants 

Soame  Jenyns 
W.  Jalliffe 
Whitshed  Keene 
C.  F.  Greville. 

Whitehall  Feb.  13,  1770 


T.'n  Remaining  pari 

o/'O/i/o 


r/'  t/ie  "T  ZM  M  »V  if  the 

ii i//,  t/u  £Wm\ini  \ in e ,  taMisiu  d 

JIiIhiiii  //it ni  mill  tin  /iiiliiuis  lit  t/n  Treat)' 
In  hi  In  S  Will  John  .sen  >il  /''.' '  .Slanirr.r  in.  \i>i  ' 
/  70S 

( i  rrrfttfi  eintf  fmprovrft.  fvtnn  Bl  -nt.v  .  \f>t/i 

By  GnyJohtuson  th /> ./</' '"/'/net.  Mttur 


XX 


Botmlrarg  tint  between  tl)e  toljttes  emir  Jnbians. 


[Vol.  I.] 


48 


DEED  EXECUTED  AT  FORT  STANWIX  NOV.  5.  176a 

ESTABLISHING  A  BOUNDARY  LINE  BETWEEN  THE  WHITES  AND  INDIANS,  OF  THE  NORTHERN  COLONIES. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XLI.  ] 

To  all  to  whom,  These  presents  shall  come  or  may  concern.  We  the  Sachems  &  Chiefs  of  the  Six 
Confederate  Nations,  &  of  the  Shawaneese,  Delawares,  Mingoes  of  Ohio  &  other  Dependant  Tribes  on 
behalf  of  ourselves  &  of  the  rest  of  our  Several  Nations  the  Chiefs  &  Warriors  of  whom  are  now  here 
convened,  by  Sir  William  Johnson  Baronet  His  Majesty's  Superintendent  of  our  affairs  send  Greeting. 
Whereas  His  Majesty  was  graciously  pleased  to  propose  to  us  in  the  year  one  thousand  seven  hundred 
&  sixty  five  that  a  Boundary  Line  should  be  fixed  between  the  English  &  Us  to  ascertain  &  establish 
our  Limitts  and  prevent  those  intrusions  &  encroachments  of  which  we  had  so  long  &  loudly  com- 
plained &  to  put  a  stop  to  the  many  fraudulent  advantages  which  had  been  so  often  taken  of  us  in 
Land  affairs,  which  Boundary  appearing  to  us  a  wise  and  good  measure  we  did  then  agree  to  a  part 
of  a  Line  &  promised  to  settle  the  whole  finally  when  so  ever  Sir  William  Johnson  should  be  fully 
empowered  to  treat  with  us  for  that  purpose  And  Whereas  his  said  Majesty  has  at  length  given  Sir 
William  Johnson  orders  to  compleat  the  said  Boundary  Line  between  the  Provinces  &  Indians  in 
conformity  to  which  orders  Sir  William  Johnson  has  convened  the  Chiefs  &  Warriors  of  our  respec- 
tive Nations  who  are  the  true  &  absolute  Proprietors  of  the  Lands  in  question  and  who  are  here  now 
to  a  very  considerable  Number.  And  Whereas  many  uneasynesses  &  doubts  have  arisen  amongst  us 
which  have  given  rise  to  an  apprehension  that  the  Line  may  not  be  strictly  observed  on  the  part  of 
the  English  in  which  case  matters  may  be  worse  than  before  which  apprehension  together  with  the 
dependant  state  of  some  of  our  Tribes  &  other  circumstances  which  retarded  the  Settlement  &  became 
the  subject  of  some  Debate  Sir  William  Johnson  has  at  length  so  far  satisfied  us  upon,  as  to  induce 
us  to  come  to  an  agreement  concerning  the  Line  which  is  now  brought  to  a  conclusion  the  whole 
being  fully  explained  to  us  in  a  large  Assembly  of  our  People  before  Sir  William  Johnson  and  in  the 
presence  of  His  Excellency  the  Governor  of  New  Jersey  the  Commissioners  from  the  Provinces  of 
Virginia  and  Pensilvania  &  sundry  other  Gentlemen  by  which  Line  so  agreed  upon,  a  considerable 
Tract  of  Country  along  several  Provinces  is  by  us  ceded  to  His  said  Majesty  which  we  are  induced 
to  &  do  hereby  ratify  &  confirm  to  His  said  Majesty  from  the  expectation  &  confidence  we  place  in 
His  royal  Goodness  that  he  will  graciously  comply  with  our  humble  requests  as  the  same  are  ex- 
pressed in  the  speech  of  the  several  Nations  addressed  to  His  Majesty  through  Sir  William  Johnson 
on  Tuesday  the  first  of  the  Present  Month  of  November  wherein  we  have  declared  our  expectation 
of  the  continuance  of  His  Majesty's  favour  &  our  desire  that  our  ancient  Engagements  be  observed 
&  our  affairs  attended  to  by  the  officer  who  has  the  management  thereof  enabling  him  to  discharge  all 
these  matters  properly  for  our  Interest.  That  the  Lands  occupied  by  the  Mohocks  around  their  vil- 
lages as  well  as  by  any  other  Nation  affected  by  this  our  cession  may  effecutually  remain  to  them  & 
to  their  Posterity  &  that  any  engagements  regarding  property  which  they  may  now  be  under  may  be 
prosecuted  &  our  present  Grants  deemed  Valid  on  our  parts  with  the  several  other  humble  requests 
contained  in  our  said  speech  And  Whereas  at  the  settling  of  the  said  Line  it  appeared  that  the  Line 


0 


380  BOUNDARY  LIKE  BETWEEN  THE  WHITES  AND  INDIANS. 

described  by  His  Majesty's  order  was  not  extended  to  the  Northward  of  Oswegy  or  to  the  Southward 
of  Great  Kanhawa  river  We  have  agreed  to  k  continued  the  Line  to  the  Northward  on  a  supposition 
that  it  was  omitted  by  reason  of  our  not  having  come  to  any  determination  concerning  its  course  at 
the  Congress  held  in  one  thousand  6even  hundred  k  sixty  five  and  in  as  much  as  the  Line  to  the 
Northward  became  the  most  necessary  of  any  for  preventing  encroachments  at  our  very  Towns  & 
Residences  We  have  given  the  line  more  favorably  to  Pensylvania  for  the  reasons  k  considerations 
mentioned  in  the  Treaty,  we  have  likewise  continued  it  South  to  Cherokee  River  because  the  same 
is  k  we  do  declare  it  to  be  our  true  Bounds  with  the  Southern  Indians  k  that  we  have  an  undoubted 
right  to  the  Country  as  far  South  as  that  River  which  makes  the  cession  to  His  Majesty  much  more 
advantageous  than  that  proposed.    Now  therefore  Know  Ye  that  we  the  Sachems  k  Chiefs  aforemen- 
tioned Native  Indians  or  Proprietors  of  the  Lands  herein  after  described  for  k  in  behalf  of  ourselves 
k  the  whole  of  our  Confederacy  for  the  considerations  hereinbefore  mentioned  and  also  for  and  in 
consideration  of  a  valuable  Present  of  the  several  Articles  in  use  amongst  Indians  which  together 
with  a  large  sum  of  money  amount  in  the  whole  to  the  sum  of  Ten  thousand  four  Hundred  and  sixty 
pounds  seven  shillings  k  three  pence  sterling  to  Us  now  delivered  k  paid  by  Sir  William  Johnson 
Baronet  His  Majesty's  sole  agent  and  superintendent  of  Indians  affairs  for  the  Northern  department 
of  America  in  the  name  and  on  behalf  of  our  Sovereign  Lord  George  the  third  by  the  Grace  of  God 
of  Great  Britain  France  k  Ireland  King  Defender  of  the  Faith  the  receipt  whereof  we  do  hereby 
acknowledge.    We  the  said  Indians  Have  for  us  and  our  Heirs  k  Successors  granted  bargained  sold 
released  k  confirmed  k  by  these  presents  do  grant  bargain  sell  release  and  confirm'' unto  our  said 
Sovereign  Lord  King  George  the  Third  all  that  Tract  of  Land  situate  in  North  America  at  the  Back 
of  the  British  Settlements  bounded  by  a  Line  which  we  have  now  agreed  upon  &  do  hereby  establish 
as  the  Boundary  between  us  k  the  British  Colonies  in  America  beginning  at  the  Mouth  of  Cherokee 
or  Hogohege  River  where  it  emptys  into  the  River  Ohio  k  running  from  thence  upwards  along  the 
South  side  of  said  River  to  Kittanning  which  is  above  Fort  Pitt  from  thence  by  a  direct  Line  to  the 
nearest  Fork  of  the  west  branch  of  Susquehanna  thence  through  the  Allegany  Mountains  along  the 
south  side  of  the  said  West  Branch  until  it  comes  opposite  to  the  mouth  of  a  creek  called  Tiadaghton 
thence  across  the  West  Branch  along  the  South  Side  of  that  Creek  &  along  the  North  Side  of  Burnetts 
Kills  to  a  Creek  called  Awandae  thence  down  the  same  to  the  East  Branch  of  Sasquehanna  k  across 
the  same  and  up  the  East  side  of  that  River  to  Oswegy  from  thence  East  to  Delawar  River  and  up 
that  River  to  opposite  where  Tianaderha  falls  into  Sasquehanna  thence  to  Tianaderha  k  up  the  West 
side  of  the  West  Branch  to  the  head  thereof  k  thence  by  a  direct  Line  to  Canada  Creek  where  it 
emptys  into  the  Wood  Creek  at  the  West  of  the  Carrying  Place  beyond  Fort  Stanwix  k  extending 
Eastward  from  every  part  of  the  said  Line  as  far  as  the  Lands  formerly  purchased  so  as  to  compre- 
hend the  whole  of  the  Lands  between  the  said  Line  &  the  purchased  Lands  or  settlements,  except 
what  is  within  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania, together  with  all  the  Hereditaments  and  appurtenances 
to  the  same  belonging  or  appertaining  in  the  fullest  and*  most  ample  manner  and  all  the  Estate  Right 
Title  Interest  Property  Possession  Benefit  claim  and  Demand  either  in  Law  or  Equity  of  each  and 
every  of  us  of  in  or  to  the  same  or  any  part  thereof  To  have  and  to  hold  the  whole  Lands  and  Pre- 
mises hereby  granted  bargained  sold  released  and  confirmed  as  aforesaid  with  the  Hereditaments  and 
appurtenances  thereunto  belonging  under  the  Reservations  made  in  the  Treaty  unto  our  said  Sove- 
r  .ign  Lord  King  George  the  third  his  Heirs  &  Successors  to  and  for  his  and  their  own  proper  use  k 
behoof  for  ever.    In  Witness  whereof  We  the  Chiefs  of  the  Confederacy  have  hereunto  set  our 
murks  and  Seals  at  Fort  Stanwix  the  fifth  day  of  November  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  sixty 
e'.g'it  in  the  ninth  year  of  His  Majesty's  Reign. 

for  the  Mohawks. 
Tyorhansere  als  Abraham  lu^^^v)     [ l-  s  I 


BOUNDARY  LINE  BETWEEN  THE  WHITES  AND  INDIANS. 


381 


for  the  Oneidas. 


Canaghaguieson 


L  S 


for  the  Tuscaroras. 


Seguareesera 


+ 

for  the  Onondagas. 


l  s 


Otsinoghiyata  als  Bunt 


n 


L  S 


for  the  Cayugas. 


Tegaaia 


L  S 


lor  the  Senecas. 


Gaustrax 


L  S 


Sealed  and  delivered  and  the  consideration  paid  in  the  presence  of 

Wm  Franklin  Governor  of  New  Jersey 

Fre.  Smyth  Chief  Justice  of  New  Jersey 

Thomas  Walker  Commissioner  for  Virginia 

Richard  Peters  >  of  the  Council 

James  Tilghman  y  of  Pensylvania. 
The  above  Deed  was  executed  in  my  presence  at  Fort  Stanwix  the  day  and  year  above  Written 


W.  Johnson. 


XXI. 


PAPERS 


RELATING  TO 


City  of  NetB-fJork* 


FIRST  APPLICATION  FOR  A  MUNICIPAL  FORM  OF  GOVERNMENT. 


[  Holland  Doc.  Vol.  IV.  ] 

To  the  Noble,  High  and  Mighty  Lords 
the  Lords  States  General  of  the  United  Netherlands, 
our  Most  Illustrious  Sovereigns. 

Gracious  Lords, — This  Province  of  New  Netherland  having  been  reduced,  in  the  course  of  time 
to  a  very  sad  and  utterly  ruinous  condition,  in  consequence,  as  we  presume,  of  firstly,  An  unsuitable 
government ;  secondly,  Scantiness  of  privileges  and  exemptions  ;  thirdly,  Heavy  burthens  of  imposts, 
exactions  and  such  like  ;  fourthly,  Long  continued  war  ;  fifthly,  The  wreck  of  the  Princess  ;  sixthly, 
The  multitude  of  Traders  and  fewness  of  Boors  and  farm  servants;  seventhly,  Great  scarcity  in 
general ;  eightly  and  lastly,  The  insufferable  arrogance  of  the  Natives  and  Indians  arising  from  the 
paucity  of  our  numbers  etc.  and  having  long  waited  in  vain,  though  we  have  petitioned  and  sought 
for  aid  redress  and  assistance  from  the  Lords  Directors,  in  the  highest  degree  necessary  for  them  and 
for  us  ;  We,  therefore,  unable  to  delay  any  longer,  being  reduced  to  the  lowest  ebb,  have  determined 
to  fly  for  refuge  to  their  High  Mightinesses,  our  gracious  Sovereigns  and  the  Fathers  of  this  Province, 
most  humbly  praying  and  beseeching  them  to  look  with  merciful  eyes  on  this  their  Province  and 
that  their  High  Mightinesses  would  be  pleased  to  order  and  correct  matters  so  that  dangers  may  be 
removed,  troubles  terminated,  and  population  and  prosperity  promoted,  as  their  High  Mightinesses 
in  their  renowned  wisdom  shall  be  determined,  We,  with  humble  reverence  only  deeming  it  good 
and  necessary  to  petition  their  High  Mightinesses  for  the  following  Points  as  of  advantage  for  this 
Province  : — 

Firstly;  We  supplicate  and  beseech  their  High  Mightinesses  to  people  New  Netherland  so  that  it 
may  support  sustain  and  defend  itself  against  Indians  and  others  who  might  trouble  and  invade  it ; 
for  if  this  should  fail,  that  country  will  not  only  fall  into  the  uttermost  ruin,  but  also  become  easily 
appropriated  by  our  Neighbors  ;  and  those  who  already  dwell  there  will  be  forced  to  use  all  possible 
means  to  return  and  save  themselves  from  misery,  or  to  submit  to  foreign  Nations.  All  which,  ac- 
cording to  our  humble  understanding,  is  to  be  remedied 

pt.  When  their  High  Mightinesses  shall  be  pleased  to  take  this  Province  under  their  own  gracious 
safeguard,  and  to  allow  their  Fatherly  affection  for  this  Land  to  be  promulgated  and  made 
manifest,  throughout  the  United  Netherlands,  by  their  own  accorded  privileges.  Many 
would,  then,  be  attracted  towards  this  country,  whilst,  on  the  contrary  every  one  is  dis- 
couraged by  the  Company's  harsh  proceedings  and  want  of  means. 
2nd.  Were  their  HigVMightinesses  pleased  to  equip  some  ships  for  a  few  years,  for  the  free  con- 
veyance and  transportation  of  people  principally  Boors  and  farm  servants  with  their  poverty 
hither,  together  with  some  necessary  maintenance  until  the  poor  people  had  obtained  some- 
thing in  esse,  their  High  Mightinesses  would  not  only  relieve  many  incumbered  men,  but  also 
expect  from  God,  through  their  intercession,  luck,  blessing  and  prosperity. 
3rd.  If  their  High  Mightinesses  would  please  to  order  all  vessels  proceeding  and  trading  toward 
these  northern  parts  of  America,  to  call  first  at  the  Manhattans  in  New  Netherland,  and  brine 
with  them  as  many  persons  as  they  can  seasonably  procure  and  conveniently  carry,  at  suita- 
JVol.  l.J  49 


386  PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  CITY  OF  NEW-YORK. 

bly  fixed  rates,  many  proprietors  would,  no  doubt,  emigrate  within  a  short  time  to  New 
Netherland. 

Secondly,  We  humbly  solicit  permanent  privileges  and  exemptions  which  promote  population  and 
prosperity  &  which  in  our  opinion  consist  in 

1st.  Suitable  Burgher  Government,  such  as  their  High  Mightinesses  shall  consider  adapted  to  this 

Province  and  resembling  somewhat  the  Laudable  government  of  our  Fatherland. 
2nd.  Freedom  from  duties,  tenths  and  imposts  which  at  the  first  beginning  arc  useless  and  op- 
pressive, until  the  country  is  peopled  and  somewhat  firmly  established. 
3rd.  That  the  Returns  in  Tobacco  shipped  hence,  be  free  from  all  duties,  which  would  not  only 
afford  great  encouragement  to  the  planters  who  convert  the  forest  into  farms  but  be  better 
also  for  their  servants  who  could  thus  be  accommodated  with  all  sorts  of  necessaries. 
4th.  Also,  permission  to  export,  sell,  &  barter  grain,  timber  work,  and  all  other  wares  and  mer- 
chandize the  produce  of  the  country  every  way  and  every  where  their  High  Mightinesses 
have  allies  and  have  granted  to  the  Netherlanders  the  privilege  of  resort  and  trade. 
5th.  That  their  High  Mightinesses  would  be  pleased  to  accord  privileges  and  freedoms  for  the  en- 
couragement of  the  Inhabitants  in  favor  of  the  fisheries,  which  many  suppose  were  good 
and  profitable  heretofore,  and  would  hereafter  be  of  great  consequence. 
Thirdly,  We  humbly  beseech  their  High  Mightinesses  to  be  pleased  to  determine  and  so  to  estab- 
lish and  order  the  Boundaries  of  this  Province,  that  all  causes  of  difference,  disunion  and  trouble 
may  be  cut  off  and  prevented  ;  that  their  High  Mightinesses  subjects  may  live  and  dwell  in  peace 
and  quietness,  and  enjoy  their  liberty  as  well  in  trade  and  commerce  as  in  intercourse  and  settled 
limits.    2d.  That  their  High  Mightinesses  would  be  pleased  to  preserve  us  in  peace  with  the  neigh- 
bouring Republicks,  Colonies  and  others  their  Higli  Mightinesses  allies,  so  that  we  may  pursue  with- 
out let  or  hindrance,  under  proper  regulations  from  their  High  Mightinesses,  the  trade  of  our  country 
as  well  along  the  coast  from  Terra  Nova  to  Cape  Florida  as  to  the  West  Indies  and  to  Europe  when- 
ever our  Lord  God  shall  be  pleased  to  permit ;  and  3d.  to  make  manifest  to  the  incredulous  their 
High  Mightinesses  earnest  support  of  this  Province,  we  respectfully  request  that  their  H.  M.  would 
be  pleased  to  quarter  here  a  company  or  two  of  soldiers,  for  the  defence  of  those  residing  at  a  dis- 
tance and  the  establishment  of  New  Plantations  and  Colonies,  until  by  our  progress,  we  shall  dread 
neither  Indians  or  other  enemies,  but  even  shall  be  able  to  prevent  their  mischievious  designs. 

All  this  have  we  concluded  with  humble  reverence  to  propose  according  to  our  limited  knowledge 
and  understanding,  earnestly  supplicating  their  High  Mightinesses,  for  the  love  of  New  Netherland 
which  now  lies  at  its  extremity,  as  is  to  be  seen  at  length  in  our  annexed  Remonstrance,  to  be  pleased 
to  direct  their  attention  thereto  according  to  their  wise  and  provident  council,  and  to  interpret  most 
favorably  this  our  presumption. 

We  pray  and  hope  that  the  name  of  New  Netherland  and  the  conversion  of  the  Heathen  which 
ought  to  be  hastened,  shall  move  their  H.  M.  hereunto.  Expecting,  therefore,  a  happy  deliverance 
we  commend  their  H.  M's  persons  and  deliberations  to  the  protection  of  the  Almighty,  and  remain 
their  H.  M.'s  humble  and  obedient  servants.  Written  in  the  name  and  on  the  behalf  of  the  Com- 
monalty of  New  Netherland,  the  Six  and  Twentieth  of  July,  in  the  Year  of  Our  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
One  Thousand,  Six  hundred,  Nine  &  Forty,  in  New  Amsterdam  on  the  Island  Manhattans  in  New 

Netherland.  (Signed,) 

Auriaen  Van  der  Donck,  Olokf  Stevens, 

Augustin  Herman,  Michael  Jansen, 

Arnoldus  Van  Hardknberch,  Thomas  Hall, 

Jacob  Van  Couwenhoven,  Elbert  Elbertzen, 

Govert  Loockehmans,  Jan  Evertsen  Bout, 

Hendrick  Hendricksen  Kip. 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  CITY  OF  NEW-YORK. 


387 


PROVISIONAL  ORDER 

FOR  THE  GOVERNMENT,  PRESERVATION  AND  PEOPLING  OF  NEW  NETHERLAND.      ANNO.   1G50.  \Extract.] 

[Holland  Doc.  V.  ] 

Art.  X.  The  request  for  freedoms  and  exemptions  shall  be  more  fully  examined,  together  with  the 
considerations  moved  thereupon. 

XVII.  And  within  the  city  of  New  Amsterdam  shall  be  erected  a  Burgher  Government,  consist- 
ing of  a  Sheriff",  two  Burgomasters,  and  five  Schepens. 

XVIII.  In  the  meanwhile  shall  the  Nine  men  continue  for  three  years  longer,  and  have  Jurisdic- 
tion over  Small  Causes  arising  between  Man  and  Man,  to  decide  definitively  such  as  do  not  exceed 
the  sum  of  Fifty  Guilders,  and  on  higher,  with  the  privilege  of  appeal.1 


THE  DIRECTORS  OF  THE  WEST  INDIA  COMPANY 

TO  THE  DIRECTOR  AND  COUNCIL  OF  NEW  NETHERLAND;  DATED  AMSTERDAM,  THE  4th  APRIL  1652. 

[  Dutch  Records,  Letter  Q.  1648—1664.  ] 

u  We  have  already  connived  as  much  as  possible  at  the  many  Impertinences  of  some  Restless  spirits 
in  the  hope  that  they  might  be  shamed  by  our  discreetness  and  benevolence,  but  perceiving  that  all 
Kindnesses  do  not  avail,  we  must,  therefore,  have  recourse  to  God,  to  Nature  and  the  Law.  We 
accordingly  hereby  charge  and  command  your  Honors,  whenever  you  shall  certainly  discover  any 
Clandestine  Meetings,  Conventicles  or  machinations  against  our  States'  government  or  that  of  our 
Country,  that  you  proceed  against  such  malignants  in  proportion  to  their  crimes,  with  this  precaution 
however,  that  we  in  no  wise  require  that  any  one  should  have  it  in  his  power  to  complain,  with 
reason  or  cause,  that  he  wras  injured  through  private  malice,  which  is  far  from  our  intention. 

"  We  remark  in  many  Representations,  though  of  Malversants  that  some  hide  themselves  under 
this  cloak,  though  we  must  believe  and  even  see,  that  they  have  not,  in  reality,  so  suffered ;  yet  to 
stop  the  mouth  of  all  the  world,  we  have  resolved,  on.your  Honors'  proposition,  to  permit  you  here- 
by, to  erect  there  a  Court  of  Justice  (em  banck  van  Jusiitie)  formed,  as  much  as  possible,  after  the 
custom  of  this  City :  to  which  end  printed  copies  relative  to  all  the  Law  Courts  and  their  whole 
government  are  sent  herewith.  And  we  presume  that  it  will  be  sufficient  at  first  to  choose  one 
Sheriff,2  two  Burgomasters  and  five  Schepens,  from  all  of  whose  judgments  an  appeal  shall  lie  to  the 
Supreme  Council,  where  definite  judgment  shall  be  decreed. 

"  In  the  Election  of  the  aforesaid  persons  every  attention  must  be  paid  to  honest  and  respectable 
individuals  who  we  hope  can  be  found  among  the  Burghers  ;  and  especially  do  we  wish  that  those 
promoted  thereto  be,  as  much  as  possible,  persons  of  this  Nation,  who  we  suppose  will  give  the  most 
satisfaction  to  the  Burghers  and  Inhabitants. 

1  The  above  "'order"  will  be  found  entire  in  O'Callaghan's  Hist,  of  N.  Netherland.  Vol.  2.  p.  132,  but  so  much  of  it 
only  is  given  here  as  applies  to  the  first  establishment  of  a  Municipal  form  of  government,  in  the  present  city  of  New  York. 

2  In  a  Duplicate  of  the  above  Despatch,  the  words  "  een  Schout"  (a  Sheriff,)  are  crossed  over  with  ink,  tho'  not  of  the 
same  color  as  that  in  which  the  original  was  written.    New  Amsterdam  did  not  have  a  City  Sheriff  until  1660. 


388  PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  CITY  OF  NEW-YORK. 


INSTRUCTION  FOR  THE  SHERIFF  OF  NEW  AMSTERDAM. 

[  Dutch  Records;  Letter  V.  1652—1663.  ] 

1.  In  the  first  place,  the  Sheriff'  shall,  as  the  Director  General  and  Council's  guaiuian  uf  the  law 
in  the  district  of  the  city  of  New  Amsterdam,  preserve,  protect  and  maintain,  to  the  best  of  his 
knowledge  and  ability,  the  preeminences  and  immunities  of  the  privileged  West  India  Coiupuiiy,  in 
as  far  as  these  have  been  delegated  by  previous  Instruction  to  the  Board  of  Burgomasters  and  Sche- 
pens ;  without  any  dissimulation,  or  regard  for  any  private  favor  or  displeasure. 

2.  In  the  quality  aforesaid,  he  shall  convoke  the  meetings  of  Burgomasters  and  Schepens  and  pre- 
side thereat,  also  propose  all  matters  which  shall  be  brought  there  for  deliberation,  collect  the  Votes, 
and  resolve  according  to  the  plurality  thereof. 

3.  He  shall,  ex  officio,  prosecute  all  contraveners,  defrauders  and  transgressors,  of  any  Placards, 
Laws,  Statutes  and  Ordinances  which  are  already  made  and  published  or  shall  hereafter  be  enacted 
and  made  public,  as  far  as  those  are  amenable  before  the  Court  of  Burgomasters  and  Schepens,  and 
with  this  understanding  that,  having  entered  his  suit  against  the  aforesaid  Contraveners,  he  shall 
immediately  rise,  and  await  the  judgment  of  Burgomasters  and  Schepens  who  being  prepared  shall 
also,  on  his  motion,  pronounce  the  same. 

4.  And  in  order  that  he  may  well  and  regularly  institute  his  complaint,  the  Sheriff',  before  entering 
his  action  or  arresting  any  person,  shall  pertinently  inform  himself  of  the  crime  of  which  he  shall 
accuse  him,  without  his  being  empowered  to  arrest  any  one,  on  the  aforesaid  information,  unless  the 
offence  be  committed  in  liis  presence. 

5.  He  shall  take  all  his  Informations  in  the  presence  of  two  members  of  the  Board  of  Burgomasters 
and  Schepens  if  the  case  shall  permit  it,  or  otherwise  in  the  presence  of  two  discreet  persons  who, 
with  the  Secretary  or  his  deputy  shall  sign  the  albresaid  informations. 

G.  Which  aforesaid  Secretary  with  the  Court  Messenger  are  expressly  commanded  to  assist  and  be 
serving  unto  the  Sheriff'  in  whatever  relates  to  their  respective  offices. 

7.  He  shall  take  care  in  collecting  and  preparing  informations  to  act  impartially,  and  to  bring  the 
truth  as  clear  and  naked  as  possible  to  light,  noting  to  that  end,  all  circumstances  which  in  any  w  ay 
deserve  consideration,  and  appertain  to  the  case. 

8.  Item.  The  aforesaid  Sheriff",  on  learning  or  being  informed  that  any  persons  have  injured  each 
other  or  quarrelled,  shall  have  powrer  to  command  the  said  individuals,  either  personally  or  by  the 
court  messenger,  or  his  deputy  to  observe  the  peace,  and  to  forbid  them  committing  any  assault,  on 
pain  of  arbitrary  correction  at  the  discretion  of  the  Burgomasters  and  Schepens. 

9.  He  shall  not  have  power  to  compound  w  ith  any  person  for  their  committed  offences  except  with 
the  knowledge  of  the  Burgomasters  and  Schepens. 

10.  He  shall  take  care  that  all  Judgments  pronounced  by  the  Burgomasters  and  Schepens,  and 
which  are  not  appealed  from,  shall  be  executed  conformably  to  the  above  mentioned  Instruction  given 
to  the  same,  according  to  the  stile  and  custom  of  Fatherland  and  especially  the  city  of  Amsterdam. 

11.  In  like  manner,  that  authentic  copies  of  all  the  Judgments  Orders,  Actes  and  Resolutions  to 
be  adopted  by  the  aforesaid  Burgomasters  and  Schepens  shall  be  communicated  once  every  year,  to 
the  Director  (Jeneral  and  Council  of  Newr  Netherland. 

12.  And  in  case  he  receive  any  information  or  statement  of  any  offences  which  from  their  nature, 
or  on  account  of  the  offending  person  are  not  subject  to  his  complaint,  he  shall  be  bound  forthw  ith 
to  communicate  the  same  to  the  Fiscal  (Attorney  Genl.)  without  taking  any  information  himself, 
much  less  arresting  the  offender,  unless  in  actual  aggression  to  prevent  greater  mischief,  or  hinder 
flight  In  consequence  of  the  enormity  of  the  crime. 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  CITY  OF  NEW-YORK. 


389 


13.  Which  being  done,  he  shall,  as  before,  surrender  without  any  delay  the  apprehended  person 
with  the  information  taken  to  the  Fiscal,  to  be  proceeded  against  by  him  in  due  form  as  circum- 
stances demand. 

14.  In  order  that  the  aforesaid  Sheriff  shall  be  the  more  encouraged  hereunto,  he  shall  enjoy  &c. 
This  must  be  fixed  in  the  country  yonder,  with  advice. 

15.  Should  the  sheriff  violate  any  of  these  Articles  he  shall  be  prosecuted  on  the  complaint  of  the 
Fiscal  before  the  Director  and  Council,  to  be  punished  according  to  the  nature  of  the  case. 


NICOLLS'  CHARTER  1665. 

[  Book  of  General  Entries  1.  ] 

The  Governo1-3  Revocation  of  ye  ft'orme  of  Government  of  New  Yorke  undr  yc  style  of  Burgomastr 

&  Schepens. 

By  virtue  of  his  Maties  Letters  Pattents  bearing  date  the  12th  day  of  March  in  the  16th  year  of  his 
MatieS  Reigne,  Granted  to  His  Royall  Highnesse,  James  Duke  of  Yorke  wherein  full  &  absolute  power 
is  given  and  granted  to  his  Royall  Highnesse  or  his  Deputyes  to  Constitute,  appoint,  revoke  &  dis- 
charge all  Officers  both  Civill  &  military,  as  also  to  alter  &  change  all  Names  &  styles  iformes  or 
Ceremonyes  of  Governm4 :  To  the  End  that  His  Maties  Royall  Pleasure  may  be  observed  &  for  the 
more  Orderly  establishment  of  his  MatiCs  Royall  authority,  as  near  as  may  bee  Agreeable  to  the 
Lawes  and  Customes  of  his  Maties  Realme  of  England  ;  upon  Mature  deliberacion  k  advice,  I  have 
thought  it  necessary  to  Revoke  &  discharge,  and  by  these  P'sents  in  his  Maties  Name,  do  revoke  and 
discharge  the  ftbrme  and  Ceremony  of  Government  of  this  his  Maties  Towne  of  New  Yorke,  under 
the  name  or  names,  style  or  styles  of  Scout,  Burgomasters  &  Schepens ;  As  also,  that  for  the  future 
Administracon  of  Justice  by  the  Lawes  established  in  these  the  Territoryes  of  his  Royall  Highnesse 
wherein  the  welfares  of  all  the  Inhabitants  and  the  Preservacon  of  all  their  due  Rights  and  Privi- 
ledges,  Graunted  by  the  Articles  of  this  Towne  upon  Surrender  under  his  Maties  Obedience  are  con- 
cluded ;  I  do  further  declare,  That  by  a  particular  Commission,  such  persons  shall  be  authorized  to 
putt  the  Lawes  in  Execucon,  in  whose  abilityes  prudence  &  good  affection  to  his  Matics  Service  and 
ye  Peace  and  happinesse  of  this  Governm1  I  have  especial  reason  to  put  Confidence,  which  persons 
so  constituted  and  appointed,  shall  be  knowne  and  call'd  by  the  Name  &  Style  of  Mayor  Aldermen  & 
Sherriffe,  according  to  the  Custome  of  England  in  other  his  Maties  Corporacons :  Given  under  my 
hand  k  Seale  at  ffort  James  in  New  Yorke,  this  12th  day  of  June  1665. 

Richard  Nicolls. 


The  Mayor  8f  Aldermm 's  Commission. 

Whereas  upon  mature  deliberacon  and  advice,  I  have  found  it  necessary  to  discharge  the  fforme  of 
Governm1  late  in  practice  wthin  this  his  Maties  Towne  of  New  Yorke,  under  the  name  and  style  of 
Scout,  Burgomasters  and  Schepens,  which  are  not  knowne  or  customary  in  any  of  his  Matics  Do- 
minions ;  To  the  end  that  the  course  of  Justice  for  the  future  may  be  legally,  equally  and  impartially 
administered  to  all  his  Ma1^8  Subjects  as  well  Inhabitants  as  Strangers ;  Know  all  Men  by  these 


390 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  CITY  OF  NEW-YORK. 


Presents,  That  I  Richard  Nicolls,  Deputy  Govern*  to  his  Royall  Highnesse,  the  Duke  of  York,  by 
virtue  of  his  MattieS  Letters  Pattents,  bearing  date  the  12th  clay  of  March  in  ye  16th  yeare  of  his 
Malies  Reigne,  Doordaine,  constitute  and  declare,  that  the  Inhabitants  of  New  Yorke,  New  Harlem, 
wth  all  other  his  Maties  Subjects  Inhabitants  upon  this  Island,  commonly  called  k  knowne  by  the 
Name  of  the  Manhattans  Island,  are  and  shall  bee  for  ever  accounted,  nominated  and  Established,  as 
one  Body  Politique  and  Corporate  under  the  Governm*  of  a  Mayor,  Aldermen  and  Sheriffe,  and  I  do 
by  these  P'sents  constitute  and  appoint  for  one  whole  year,  commencing  from  the  date  hereof,  and 
ending  the  12th  day  of  June  wcl1  shall  be  in  the  yeare  of  our  Lord  1666 ;  Mr  Thomas  Wfllett  to  bee 
Mayor,  Mr  Thomas  Delavall,  Mr  Oloffe  Stuyvesant,  Mr  John  Brugges,  Mr  Cornelius  Van  Ruy ven  k 
Mr  John  Lawrence  to  bee  Aldermen,  &  Mr  Allard  Anthony  to  be  Sheriffe ;  Giving  k  Granting  to  them 
the  said  Mayor  and  Aldermen,  or  any  four  of  them,  whereof  the  said  Mayor  or  his  Deputy,  shall  bee 
alwayes  one,  and  upon  Equall  division  of  voyces,  to  have  always  the  casting  and  decisive  voyce,  full 
power  and  authoritye  to  Rule  k  Governe  as  well  all  the  Inhabitants  of  this  Corporacon,  as  any  Stran- 
gers, according  to  the  Generall  Lawes  of  this  Governm1  and  such  peculiar  Lawes  as  are,  or  shall  be 
thought  convenient  k  necessary  for  the  good  and  Welfare  of  this  his  Maties  Corporacon ;  as  also  to 
appoint  such  under  officers,  as  they  shall  judge  necessary,  for  the  orderly  execution  of  Justice;  and 
I  do  hereby  strictly  charge  and  command  all  persons  to  obey  k  execute,  from  Time  to  Time,  all  such 
warrants,  orders  k  Constitutions  as  shall  be  made  by  the  said  Mayor  and  Aldermen  as  they  will 
answer  the  Contrary  at  their  utmost  Perills ;  And  for  the  due  administracon  of  Justice,  according  to 
the  ftorme  and  manner  prescribed  in  this  Commission,  by  the  Mayor,  Aldermen  k  Sheriffe,  These 
Presents  shall  bee  to  them,  k  every  of  them,  a  sufficient  Warrant  and  discharge  in  that  behalfe ; 
Given  under  mv  hand  and  seale  at  ffort  James  in  New  Yorke  this  12th  day  of  June  1665. 

Rich  Nicolls 


BENCKES  AND  EVERTSEN'S  CHARTER.  1673. 

[  New  Orange.  Rec.  ] 

The  Commanders  and  Honble  Council  of  War  in  the  service  of  Their  High  Mightinesses  the  Lords 
States  General  of  the  United  Netherlands  and  his  Serene  Highness  the  Lord  Prince  of  Orange,  etc. 
Health  ! 

Whereas  We  have  deemed  it  necessary,  for  the  advantage  and  prosperity  of  Our  City  New  Orange, 
recently  restored  to  the  Obedience  of  the  said  High  and  Mighty  Lord  States  General  of  the  United 
Netherlands  and  his  Serene  Highness  the  Lord  Prince  of  Orange,  to  Reduce  the  form  of  Government 
of  this  City  to  its  previous  character  of  Schout,  Burgomasters  and  Schepens  as  is  practised  in  all  the 
Cities  of  our  Fatherland,  to  the  end  that  Justice  may  be  maintained  and  administered  to  all  good 
Inhabitants  without  Respect  or  Regard  to  Persons ;  Therefore  We,  by  virtue  of  our  Commission,  in 
the  names  and  on  behalf  of  the  High  and  Mighty  Lords  States  General  of  the  United  Netherlands 
and  his  Serene  Highness  the  Lord  Prince  of  Orange,  have  elected  from  the  Nomination  exhibited  by 
those  in  office  as  Regents  of  this  City  for  the  term  of  one  current  year, 

As  Schout  Anthony  de  Adit. 

{  Johannes  Van  Brugen, 
As  Burgomasters  1  Johannes  de  Peyster, 
(  Egedius  Luyck. 
/  Willem  Beeckman, 
\  Jeronimus  Ebbyng, 
As  Schepens       \  Jacob  Kip, 

J  Louwerena  Vender  Spiegel, 
v  Geleyn  Verplanck. 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  CITY  OF  NEW-YORK. 


391 


Which  abovenamed  Schout  Burgomasters  and  Schepens  are  hereby  authorized  and  empowered  to 
govern  the  Inhabitants  of  this  City,  both  Burghers  &  Strangers,  conformably  to  the  Laws  and  Statutes 
of  our  Fatherland,  and  make  therein  such  orders  as  they  shall  find  advantageous  and  proper  to  this 
City  [Here  the  paper  is  destroyed.]  And  the  Inhabitants  of  this  City  are  well  and  strictly  ordered 
and  enjoined  to  respect  &  honour  the  above  named  Regents  in  their  respective  qualities,  as  all  Loyal 
and  Faithful  Subjects  are  bound  to  do.    Done  ffortress  Willem  Hendrick,  this  17th  August  A0  1673. 

(Was  Signed) 

Jaco3  Benches  Cornelius  Eversten,  the  Younger 

NlCOLAAS  BOES  A.  COLVE. 

A  F.  Van  Zeyll. 


INSTRUCTIONS  FOR  THE  UNDER  SHERIFF  AND  SCHEPENS 

OF  THE  SUBURBS   (BUYTEN    LUYDEN)   BETWEEN    HAERLEM  AND  THE    FRESH   WATER;    DATED  THE   14th  OF 

NOVEMBER,  1G73 

[  New  Orange  Record.  ] 

Firstly.  The  Under  Sheriff  shall  preside  at  all  the  meetings  but  when  he  officiates  for  himself  as  a 
party,  or  on  behalf  of  justice,  he  shall  on  such  occasions  rise  up  and  absent  himself  from  the  Bench, 
and  in  this  case  have  neither  an  advisory  much  less  a  casting  vote,  but  the  oldest  Schepen  shall  preside 
in  his  place. 

2nd.  The  Under  Sheriff  and  Schepens  are  authorized  to  pronounce  definitive  judgment,  without 
appeal,  in  suits  for  debt  between  man  and  man  &c.  arising  within  taeir  District  to  the  amount  of 
fl.  100  Seawan  currency;  also  in  minor  criminal  cases  such  as  fighting,  striking,  scolding  &  such  like, 
but  in  all  cases  exceeding  said  sum  of  fl.  100,  the  aggrieved  person  may  appeal  to  the  Honble  Court 
here. 

3dly.  Whenever  any  cases  come  before  the  court  in  which  any  of  the  Schepens  are  interested  as 
parties,  in  such  cases  they  shall  rise  up  and  absent  themselves  from  the  Bench  as  is  hereinbefore 
directed  in  the  first  article  of  the  Under  sheriff. 

4th1  y.  All  Inhabitants  within  the  aforesaid  District  shall  be  citable  before  the  said  Under  Sheriff  and 
Schepens  who  shall  hold  their  court  as  often  as  necessary. 

5th'y.  The  said  Under  Sheriff  and  Schepens  shall  be  obliged  strictly  to  observe  and  punctually  to 
execute  all  such  placards  and  orders  as  shall  from  time  to  time-be  directed  to  them  from  the  Worship- 
ful Court  here. 

gthiy.  Whereas  We  are  informed  of  the  great  ravages  the  Wolf  commits  on  the  small  cattle,  there- 
fore to  animate  and  encourage  the  proprietors  who  will  go  out  and  shoot  the  same,  We  have  resolved 
to  authorize  the  Under  Sheriff  and  Schepens  to  give  public  notice  that  whoever  shall  exhibit  a  Wolf 
to  them  which  hath  been  shot  on  this  Island  on  this  side  Haarlem  shall  be  promptly  paid  therefor  by 
them;  For  a  Wolf  fl.  20.  and  for  a  She  Wolf  fl.  30  Seawan  or  the  value  thereof  which  said  Under 
Sheriff  and  Schepens  shall  by  their  messenger  levy  from  those  who  keep  any  cattle,  large  or  small, 
within  their  district,  on  said  Island,  each  of  whom  shall,  according  to  the  number  of  cattle,  be  bound 
to  contribute  &  pay  thereto  whatever  he  shall  be  taxed  thereupon  by  the  Under  Sheriff  and  Schepens. 

7ll,'y.  Whoever  shall  fail  to  pay  his  fine  on  the  first,  second  and  third  notice  in  the  name  of  the 
Under  Sheriff  and  Schepens,  shall  be  proceeded  against  with  prompt  execution  by  the  Under  Sheriff. 


392 


l'Al'ERS   RELATING  TO  THE  CITY  OE  NEW-YORK. 


gthly  Whoever  shall  allow  execution  to  issue,  must  pay  in  addition  five  stivers  on  each  guilder 
which  he  owes  for  the  behoof  of  the  Under  Sheriff  for  the  trouble  of  the  Execution. 

9th'}.  Whereas  'tis  necessary  that  the  Pound  shall  be  properly  kept,  the  Under  Sheriff  &  Schepens 
are  therefore  authorized  and  ordered  to  attend  that  the  same  be  maintained  conjointly  by  those  who 
have  lands  there  ;  and  further  make  such  orders  regarding  the  impounding  of  cattle  as  they  shall 
find  for  the  advantage  of  Agriculture,  which  orders  each  and  every  are  required  promptly  to 
observe  as  if  they  were  made  by  Ourselves. 

10th,y.  Said  Under  Sheriff  and  Schepens  shall  take  good  heed  in  the  suits  brought  before  them 
strict  justice  to  administer  according  to  the  best  of  their  knowledge,  without  distinction  or  respect  of 
persons,  or  any  partiality ;  and  further,  the  Under  Sheriff  shall  as  much  as  possible  prevent  and 
check  all  disputes  and  quarrels  that  may  arise  within  his  District. 

Uthiy.  The  Under  Sheriff  and  Schepens  shall,  as  often  as  they  deem  necessary,  give  publick  Notice 
that  any  person  who  causes  or  allows  trees  to  fall  in  a  common  wagon  road  shall  again  remove  the 
same,  branches  and  all,  from  the  road,  before  the  going  down  of  the  Sim  subsequent  to  the  falling  of 
the  tree,  and  make  the  road  passable — or  in  default  thereof  and  in  case  a  fine  be  imposed  therefor  by 
the  Under  Sheriff  or  his  order,  he  shall  pay  for  each  tree  found  across  the  highway,  a  fine  of  fl.20. 
to  be  applied,  one  half  for  the  Under  Sheriff  &  the  other  half  for  the  informer  ;  and  the  person  fined 
shall,  notwithstanding,  this  be  bound  to  remove  the  tree  instantly  from  the  road. 

jothiy.  if  any  one  exhibit  any  indisposition  towards  the  order  of  the  Under  Sheriff  and  Schepens, 
and  come  before  the  Court  here,  and  the  matter  be  discovered  well  founded,  he  shall  pay  double  the 
imposed  fine. 

13ll,ly.  The  choice  of  all  Inferior  officers  (the  Secretary  alone  excepted)  shall  be  henceforward 
made  by  the  said  Under  Sheriff  and  Schepens,  &  they  shall  be  confirmed  in  their  respective  Qualities 
after  being  approved  by  the  Worship1  Court  here. 

14th,y.  If  any  thing  further  be  necessary  for  Agriculture,  or  should  there  be  any  obscurity  or 
omission  or  want  of  clearness  in  these  Instructions,  the  Under  Sheriff"  and  Schepens  shall  on  occasion, 
commiuiicate  the  iact  to  the  Bench. 

And  finally,  said  Under  Sheriff  &  Schepens  shall,  14  days  before  the  Expiration  of  their  Year, 
apply  to  the  Honble  Court  here  to  receive  its  order  regarding  the  new  Nomination  of  the  Under 
Sheriff  &  Schepens.  Thus  done  in  the  City  Hall  of  this  City,  at  the  Court  of  the  Schout,  Burgo- 
masters &  Schepens. 


COLVES  CHARTER,  1674. 

[  New  Orange  Rec.  ] 

Provisional  Instruction  for  the  Schout)  Burgomasters  and  Schepens  of  the  City  of  JVeic  Orange. 

1st.  The  Schout  and  Magistrates,  each  in  his  quality  shall  take  care  that  the  Reformed  Christian 
Religion  conformable  to  the  Synod  of  Dordrecht  shall  be  maintained,  without  suffering  any  other 
Sects  attempting  any  thing  contrary  thereto. 

2.  The  Schout  shall  be  present  at  all  Meetings  and  preside  there,  unless  the  Honble.  Hecr  Gover- 
nour  or  some  person  appointed  by  him  be  present  who  then  shall  preside,  when  the  Schout  shall  rank 
next  below  the  youngest  acting  Burgomaster.  But  whensoever  the  Schout  acts  as  Prosecutor  on 
behalf  of  Justice  or  otherwise,  having  made  his  complaint,  he  shall  then  rise  uy>  and  absent  liimself 
from  the  Bench  during  the  deciding  of  the  case. 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  CITY  OF  NEW-YORK. 


393 


3.  All  matters  appertaining  to  the  Police,  Security,  and  Peace  of  the  Inhabitants,  also  to  Justice 
between  man  and  man,  shall  be  determined  by  final  Judgment  by  the  Schout,  Burgomasters  and 
Schepens  aforesaid  to  the  amount  of  Fifty  Beavers  and  under,  but  in  all  cases  exceeding  that  sum. 
each  one  shall  be  at  liberty  to  appeal  to  the  Heer  Governour  General  &  Council  here. 

4.  All  Criminal  offences  which  shall  be  committed  within  this  City  and  the  Jurisdiction  thereof 
shall  be  amenable  to  the  Judicature  of  said  Schout,  Burgomasters  and  Schepens  who  shall  have 
power  to  judge  and  sentence  the  same  even  unto  Death  inclusive;  provided  and  on  condition,  that 
no  sentence  of  corporal  punishment  shall  be  executed  unless  the  approval  of  the  Heer  Governour 
General  and  Council  shall  be  first  sought  and  obtained  therefor. 

5.  The  Court  shall  be  convoked  by  the  President  Burgomaster  who  shall,  the  night  before,  make 
the  same  known  to  Capt.  Willem  Knyff,  (who  is  hereby  provisionally  qualified  and  authorized  to  be 
present  at  and  preside  over  the  Court  in  the  name  and  on  the  behalf  of  the  Hr  Governour,)  and  so 
forth  to  the  remaining  Schout,  Burgomasters  and  Schepens. 

6.  All  motions  shall  be  put  by  the  first  Burgomaster,  whose  proposition  being  made  and  submitted 
for  consideration,  the  Commissioner  there  presiding  in  the  name  of  the  II  Governour,  shall  first  vote 
there,  and  so  afterwards  the  remaining  Magistrates  each  according  to  his  rank  ;  and  the  votes  being 
collected,  it  shall  then  be  concluded  according  to  plurality  ;  But  if  it  happen  that  the  votes  are  equal, 
the  President  shall  then  have  power  to  decide  by  his  vote,  in  which  case  those  of  the  contrary  opinii  >n 
as  well  as  those  of  the  minority  may  Register  their  opinions  on  the  Minutes,  but  not  publish  the  same 
in  any  manner  out  of  the  Court  on  pain  of  arbitrary  Correction. 

7.  The  Burgomaster  shall  change  Rank  every  half  year,  wherein  the  oldest  shall  first  occupy  the 
place  of  President  and  the  next  shall  follow  him  ;  but  during  this  current  Year  the  change  shall  take 
place  every  4  months,  since  three  Burgomasters  are  appointed  for  tins  year. 

8.  The  Schout,  Burgomasters  and  Schepens  shall  hold  their  Session  and  Court  Meeting  as  often  as 
the  same  shall  be  necessary,  on  condition  of  previously  appointing  regular  days  therefor. 

9.  The  Schout,  Burgomasters  and  Schepens  shall  have  power  to  enact,  and  with  the  approbation  of 
the  Hr  Governour  to  publish  and  affix  some  Statutes,  Ordinances  and  Placards  for  the  Peace,  Quiet 
and  Advantage  of  this  City  and  the  inhabitants  thereof  within  their  district,  provided  that  the  same 
do  not  in  any  wise  conflict,  but  agree,  as  much  as  possible,  with  the  Laws  and  Statutes  of  our  Fatherland. 

10.  Said  Schout,  Burgomasters  and  Schepens  shall  be  bound  rigidly  to  observe  and  cause  to  be 
observed  the  Placards  and  Ordinances  of  the  Chief  Magistracy,  and  not  to  suffer  any  thing  to  be 
done  contrary  thereto,  but  proceed  against  the  Contraveners  according  to  the  tenor  thereof;  and 
further  promptly  execute  such  orders  as  the  Heer  Governour  General  shall  send  them  from  time  to 
time. 

11.  The  Schout,  Burgomasters  &  Schepens  shall  be  also  bound  to  acknowledge  their  High  Mighti- 
nesses the  Lords  States  General  of  the  United  Netherlands  and  his  Serene  Highness  the  Lord  Prince 
of  Orange  as  their  Sovereign  Rulers,  and  to  maintain  their  High  Jurisdiction,  Right  and  Domain  in 
this  Country. 

12.  The  election  of  all  inferior  officers  and  servants  in  the  employ  of  said  Schout,  Burgomasters 
and  Schepens  shall,  with  the  sole  exception  of  the  Secretary,  be  made  and  confirmed  by  themselves. 

13.  The  Schout  shall  execute  all  judgments  of  the  Burgomasters  and  Schepens,  without  relaxing 
any,  unless  with  the  advice  of  the  Court,  also  take  good  care  that  the  jurisdiction  under  his  authority 
shall  be  cleansed  of  all  Vagabonds,  Whorehouses,  Gambling  houses  and  such  impurities. 

14.  The  Schout  shall  receive  all  fines  imposed  during  his  time,  provided  they  do  not  exceed  yearly 
the  sum  of  Twelve  hundred  Guilders  Seawant  value,  which  having  received  he  shall  enjoy  the  just 
half  of  all  the  other  fines,  on  condition  that  he  presume  neither  directly  nor  indirectly  to  compound 
with  any  criminals,  but  leave  them  to  the  judgment  of  the  Magistrates. 

|  Vol.  I.]  50 


394  PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  CITY  OF  NEW-YORK. 

15.  The  Schout,  Burgomasters  and  Schepens  aforesaid  shall  convoke  an  Assembly  on  the  lltl>  day 
of  the  month  of  August,  being  eight  days  before  the  Election  of  new  Magistrates,  and  in  presence  of 
the  Commissioner  to  be  qualified  lor  that  purpose  by  the  Honble  Govern1- General,  nominate  a  double 
number  of  the  best  qualified  honorable  and  wealthy  persons,  and  only  such  as  are  of  the  Relbrmed 
Christian  Religion,  or  at  least  well  affected  towards  it,  as  Schout,  Burgomasters  and  Schepens  afore- 
said, which  nomination  shall  be  handed  and  presented  folded  &  sealed,  on  the  same  day,  to  his  Honor ; 
from  which  nomination  the  Election  shall  then  be  made  by  his  Honor  on  the  17th  day  of  the  Month 
of  August,  with  continuation  of  some  of  the  old  Magistrates,  in  case  his  Honor  shall  deem  the  same 
necessary.    Done,  Ffort  Willem  Hendrick  the  15th  January  167-4. 

By  Order  of  the  Honble  Heer 

Governr  General  of 

New  Netherlands 
(Was  Signed)  N.  Bayard,  Secret? 


CENSUS  OF  NEW- YORK  CITY. 


395 


CENSUS  OF  THE  CITY  OF  NEW-YORK. 

[ABOUT  THE  YEAR  1703.] 


EAST  WARD. 


MASTERS  OF  FAMILYS. 


Ebenezr  Wilson  . . . 

Mr  Leuis  

Mr  Everson   

Mrs  Vantyle  

Mr  Haris  

Thorns  Dyer  

Mrs  Smith  

Garot  Haier  

Frances  Coderos 

John  Lasly  

Thorns  Evens  

Hendrick. 

Peter  Vantilbry  

Frances  Wessells... 

Mrs  Basset  

Capt  Novered  

John  Morthouse  .... 

Beverly  Latham  

Mrs  Rabi  

Capt  Morris   

Peter  Mountu  

Hendrick  Mayr  

John  Stephens  

Capt  Tudor  

Stucn  Volo  

Fany  ye  Doctr  

Abraham  Brazier  . . . 

Mr  Sinkeler   

Mr  Lees  , 

Capt  Forkell  , 

Peter  Thouet  , 

James  pencer  , 

Margrett  Bribes  

Doctr  Defany  

Mr  Sellwood  

Widd  Brown  

Mr  Cholwell  

John  Ledham  

Andrew  Gravenrod  .. 

William  Apell  

James  Blower  

John  Vanderspeygel  . 

John  Rures  

Mrs  Blaekgrove  

Mrs  Byner  

Doctr  Peters  

John  Devi   

Mr  Burger  

John  Brockman  

John  Bason  

John  Dyer  

Capt  Borditt  

Capt  Baker   

James  Emmett  

Samson  Boutons  

James  Bouloro  

Evert  Pelts  

Mr  Carter  

Joseph  Isacks  

John  Theobalds  

Mr  Rinderson  

Widd  Smith  

Leend  Hewsen  

Benj  Druelef  

Mr  Waters  


o 

c 

0)  u 

S 


l 

5 


i 

2 
1 

2 


39G 


CENSVS  OF  NEW-YORK  CITY. 


MASTERS  OF  FAMIDVS 


a 


Male  Children 

female  Children 

Male  Negros 

00 

O 
u 

bo 
■ 

a 

«— 

£  c 

t£  V 
C  - 

so  : 

o 

N 
fci 

0)  c 

Bo 

a 

all  above  t'O 

2  ! 

o 
s 

2 
1 
1 

1 

3 

•1 

1 
1 

1 

1 

i 

2 

i 

] 

1 

1 
1 

Q 

3 

2 
1 

4 

2 

2 

1 
1 

1 

1 
1 

2 

3 

1 
I 

i 

4 
1 
1 
1 

2 
4 

1 
1 
1 

1 
1 

2 
2 

1 
1 

2 
1 

2 



i 

1 

1 

1 

1 

A 

4 

o 
9 

2 
4 
3 

1 

1 

1 

1 

i 
1 

1  y 
X 

4 
1 
1 

3 

a 
o 

1 

2 
3 

n 

5 

2 
1 

2 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

6 
1 

2 

1 

2 

2 
4 
2 
2 
1 
2 

4 
3 
7 

2 
2 

1 
1 

1 
1 

1 

2 
1 

1 

1 

1 

1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
4 
1 
1 
1 
4 

1 
1 

2 
1 

1 

1 

1 

4 

4 
1 
1 

1 

1 
1 

0 

2 

1 

2 
1 
4 
1 

1 

2 
2 
1 

1 

1 

1 
1 

2 
5 
1 
3 
4 
3 
2 
1 
2 

1 

1 

1 

2 

I 
1 

1 
1 

1 

1 

Mr  Lysoner  

Mr  Hardinburg  

Paul  Myler  

('apt  Vancrougcr  

Mrs  Clobery  

John  Marteris  

Georg  Stanton  

Daniel  Janden  

Abraham  Vanhorn  

Abraham  Abranson.... 
Andrics  Abrahamse.  . .. 

Deride  Adolph  

John  Manbruitts  

Garott  Van  Caver  

Hogland. 

Mr  Read  

Mr  Monsett  

Thorns  Caroll  

Widd  Petersebants  

Aaron  Bloom  

Mr  Toy  

Georg  Maynard  

Abraham  Wandell  

John  Tomson  

Benj  Barns   

Capt  Cragior  

"A'm  Nasroses  

Wrm  Shickles  

Nicholas  Dauly  

Caston  Lusen  

Johnas  Longstrauts. . . . 

Abraham  Molts  

('apt  Trevett  

Georg  Elesworth  

Colonl  Depyster  

Georg  Dunken  

Widd  Decay  

Meyer  Merett  

Capt  Shelly  

Peter  Morrayn  

Thorns  Adams  

Widd  Kidd   

Widd  Vanbroug   

Widd  Proost  

Jacobus  Vanderspcgle . 

Doct  Stets  

Elyes  Now  

Widd  Van  Vous  

John  Davi  

Abraham  Johns  

Simon  Honan  

Widd  Vanbusing  

Widd  Adolph  

Thorns  Child  

Saml  Phillips  

Amnn  Honan  

Johanes  D.  Wandler.. 

Joseph  Smith  

Johanes  Dohneare  .... 
John  Godfry  

Barnardaa  Smith  

Elyes  Rambcrt  

Jacob  Bratt  

Peter  Rous  

Widd  .Ionian  

Thorns  Sanderson  

Michcll  

Denes  Rishey  

Andrew  l.arrance  

Agustous  Loukes  

Cornelius  .loussos  

John  Poulee  

Mr  Funnell  

Mr  D  Romer  

Capt  Peneson  

.lames  Turse  

James  Tune  


CENSUS  OF  NEW-YORK  CITY. 


397 


MASTERS  OF  FAMILYS. 

Males  from  16 
to  (iO 

Females 

Male  Children 

female  Children 

Male  Negros 

female  Negros 

Male  Negro 
Children 

female  Negro 
Childran 

all  above  60 

2 
1 

2 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 

1 

1 

2 
2 

1 

1 
1 

3 

1 

1 

1 
1 
1 

2 
2 
3 
1 
1 

1 

1 
1 

1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 

2 

4 
1 
4 
2 
1 
1 
1 

1 

1 
1 

] 

0 

0 
j 

1 

} 
1 

2 
1 
o 
5 
2 
2 

T 

0 
0 
2 
4 

1 
1 
1 
1 

! 

0 
0 

1 
l 
l 

! 

1 
1 

1 
0 

1 

2 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 

0 
1 
1 

2 
0 
0 
2 
3 
1 

U 
1 

2 
1 

2 
1 

2 

1 

1 

0 

1 

0 

1 

1 
1 
1 
1 

0 
3 

1 

0 

1 

2 
3 
0 
3 

1 

1 

0 
2 
1 
1 
1 

1 
1 
1 

3 

1 

0 

2 

1 

2 

0 

2 

3 
1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

2 
2 

2 
3 

3 
2 
1 

1 
1 
1 





1 

j 

1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 

4 
4 

2 

1 

1 

1 

2 

4 
5 

1 

1 

1 

1 

0 

1 

1 

1 
1 

2 

o 
2 

1 

1 

1 

2 

,  1 

0 

2 

2 

398 


CENSUS  OK  NEW-YORK  CITY. 
SOUTH  WARD. 


e 

V 
u 

'2 
o 

"3 
S 

female  Children 

Male  Negro* 

female  Negros 

Male  Negro 
Children 

female  Negro 
Children 

all  above  60 

0 
4 
3 
0 
1 
0 

U 
2 
0 
1 
2 
1 

n 

•i 

l  1 

(i  n 

0 
0 

1 

0 

0 

] 
1 
1 

3 
0 
0 

I 

2 
0 

4 

3 
2 
1 
1 
3 
1 
2 
1 
3 
1 

u 
o 

1 

(j 
] 

0 

1 

1 
1 
1 

1 

I 

1 

1 
] 
0 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

3 

1 

2 

1 

i 

1 
1 

0 

2 

o 

1 
1 
1 

1 

1 

y 

1 

3 

1 

3 

I 

3 

3 
1 

3 
0 
3 
1 

o 

1 

1 

3 
j 

1 

2 

1 

3 
4 
1 

1 

1 

1 
1 

1 

i 

1 



2 
1 

2 
1 

2 
1 

1 

2 

2 

1 

12 

2 
1 
1 

1 

2 

3 

2 

2 

2 

1 
1 
1 

1 

2 
2 

2 
2 
3 

2 

2 

1 

1 
1 

2 
1 
1 
1 
7 
2 
2 
1 
2 
3 

3 
1 
1 

3 

2 

1 

1 

1 

1 

4 
1 

2 

1 
1 
2 
1 
1 

1 
1 

1 
1 

1 
1 

1 

1 

2 

1 

1 



1 

i 

(1 
1 
1 
2 
1 

1 

1 

2 
1 
1 
i 

1 

2 

1 

o 
1 

1 
1 

3 

MASTERS  OK  EAMILYS 


Danill  Roberts  

Mr  Ling  

John  Elias  Petram 
Hendrick  Kellison... 
Archibald  Morris.... 

Jurian  Bush  

Victor  Bicker  , 

Elizabeth  Eliot  

Sarah  Scouton  


3 
2 
2 
1 
1 
1 
1 
0 

a 

Saml  Sokane  \  1 

Jacobus  Cornelius  

Peter  Wcsels  

Jacobus  Morrisgreen  

William  Syms  

John  Wattson  >  

William  Haywood  

John  Canoon  


Widdow  Bush  

William  Kage  

Widdow  Wessells  

William  Jackson  

Johannes  Van  Geser  

\\  illelmus  Neuenhousen  

W  illiam  Taylor  

Michael  Hardin  

Thomas  Hardin  

Anna  Smith  

Mr  Shaepass  

Capt  Debrouts  

Madam  Duboise  

Cornelius  Depeyster  

Widdow  ffrouse  

Thomas  Robeits  

John  Elison  

Isaac  Depeyster  

Widdow  Howard  

Nicholas  Tinovcn  

Mr  Davenport  • 

Giles  Gaudenoa  

Widdow  Stokes  

Robert  Elison  

Andreas  Maer  

Benjamin  Winecope  

VV  iddow  Stukey  

Madm  Weaver  

Thomas  Ives   2 

Derick  Ten  Eyck   3 

John  Pe:oe   1 

Thos  Glcaves  1 

Pasco   I 

Mr  Cosens   1 

Andrew  Law   2 

Widdow  Bas<;ett  

William  Lloyd  

Adrian  Man  

Wid  low  Lyscnner  

Mr  Van  Darn  

Widdow  Cloper  

John  Pitt  

Robert  Deinlant  

Widdow  Dikey  

Widdow  van  Searck  

Capt  Corbutt  

Delancena  Jew  

Anthony  Farmer  

Gilbert  Vanimbroiigh  

Abraham  Vanderell  

Lawrence  Heading  

Widdow  Symonse  Janson  

Widdow  Hallgrave  

Widdow  Phillips  

Stephen  Richards  

Mr  RossoM  

Widdew  Seiler  


0 


CENSUS  OF  NEW-YORK  CITY. 


1399 


MASTERS  OF  FAMIEYS 


John  Wansart  

Herman  Rutgese  

Widdow  Nespot  

Widdow  Deforest  

Justus  Jay  

Widdow  Brown  

Peter  Myir  

Widdow  Doweher  

John  Kingstone  

Nicholas  Lorteen  

Capt  Matthews  

Johannes  Johnson  

John  Petraaslot  

James  Many  

Samll  Burges  

Mr  Cooper  

Johannes  Vanrost  

Mr  Vangoson  

Mr  Vangoson  

Capt  Tinoven  

Christophr  Hogland 

Widdow  van  plank  

Johannes  Vanderhield. . 

Widdow  Keisted  

Andreas  Breestad  

Widdow  Deshamp  

Mr  Antill  

Wilellmus  Navensusen 

Francis  Vincent  

Peter  Kip  

Gre  Robertson  

Jacob  Maurice  

Garrett  Vesey  

Widdow  Bush  

Johannes  Craft  

Samll  Beekman  

Mr  Honan  

Widdow  Cortland  

Widdow  Keisteed  

Hendrick  Mester  

Abraham  Webrana  

Edward  Blagg  

Capt  ffinch  


NORTH  WARD 


Isaac  Stoutenbrough. 

Lydiah  Rose  

Johannes  Veckden... 

Gerrard  Grans  

Jeemz  Lie  

Freerick  Bloom  

Wm  Ockton  

Gerret  De  Boogh  ... 

Mangell  Ransen  

Danl  Domskon  

Jacob  Van  Direse... 

Eleazer  Bogert  

Joriz  Breger  

Jasbuz  Boz  

Johannes  Bogert.... 

Wm  Waderson  

Johannes  Proovoos.. 
Joseph  Waderson... 

Henry  Coleman  

Philip  Bellenz  

Joseph  Bresser  

Ratie  Vanderbeeck. 

Johannes  Bant  

Jacob  Balck  

Saml  Marten  

Jo  Dicker  

John  Terree  

Kuijbert  Vandenberg 

John  Bentell  

Joseph  Paling  

Mr  Evert  

Jacob  Swart  


Male  Children 

female  Children 

Male  Negros 

female  Negros 

Male  Negro 
Children 

female  Negro 
Children 

all  above  60 

1 

1 
1 

5 
3 
3 
4 

2 

2 

2 

1 

1 
1 
1 

3 
2 
1 

2 
2 
1 

1 

i 

3 
2 
3 

1 

j> 
2 
1 
1 

i 
i 

1 

1 

1 

i 

1 

2 

1 

5 
4 
1 

2 

3 

1 
1 

1 
1 

2 

1 

2 

1 

4 

A 

2 
2 
1 

2 

1 
1 

2 

1 

1 

i 
i 

1 
1 

1 
1 

*J 
O 

2 

4 

h 

3 

1 

i 
1 

Q 

A 

c 
0 

1 
i 

X 

i 
1 

A 

2 
0 

2 
1 
1 

4 

1 

2 
1 
1 
1 

2 

1 
2 
1 
1 

4 

nj 

2 

2 
1 

3 

2 

1 

1 

0 

1 

3 
1 
J 
1 

o 

1 

2 
2 
0 

1 

2 
1 

3 

1 

0 
2 

3 
3 
1 

1 

0 

1 
1 

400 


CENSUS  OF  NEW- YORK  CITY. 


1*1  So  1  B«KO  UK    r  AM 1L1& 

* 

Males  from  Ki 
to  60 

females 

Male  Children 

female  Children 

00 
O 
U 

■ 

■ 
of 

or 
u 

fcc 

2 
- 

c 

0 
>S 

«,  f< 

c  2 
«  0 

0 

04 

68 .« 

0  = 

Z£ 

B  2 
'- 

Be 

j  all  above  60 

It'irthnlnntfiitr  VnnAl 

1 

11 

I  ■   i  . .  f 

1 

1    1  2 

1  1 

111 

1 

12' 

1 

1 

. 

() 

1 

1 

1  1 

1 

1 

1 

i 

1 

| 

1 

1 

1 

1 

2 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

I 

}, 

0 

1 

1 

7 

3 

2 

1 

2 

1 

2 

2 

1 

2 

1 

0 

2 

...... 

i 

1 

l 

2 

i 

2 

l 

2 

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1 

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2 

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l 

2 

1 

1 

l 

2 

i 

5 

l 

2 

1 

1 

l 
l 
l 

2 

l 

j 

2 

l 

2 

1 

l 

3 

2 

1 1  F              4  1  1  _  1  1 

l 

l 
i 
l 

i 
l 

i 
i 

l 
1 

\ 

\ 

0 

2 
2 

1 

4 
3 
5 
I 
4 

5 
2 
2 
4 
3 

1 

4 
1 

1 

1 
1 

2 
2 
0 

2 
2 
1 

2 

1 
1 

1 

Hrntlrick  Hoz  

Garret  Eansen  

l 
l 
l 

i 

i 
i 
i 

i 
i 
i 
l 

\ 

1 

1 

3 
2 

1 
1 

2 
5 
1 

3 

2 

2 
3 
3 

2 

1 
1 

6 

1 

3 
1 

1 



1 

AnnetieTIenne  

Mr  Vandriek  

Abraham  Kip  

l 

1 

3 

4 

1 
1 

... 

..... 

**i 

...... 

■IVans  Vandyck  

Roller!  Podventon  

Aaron  Vanvlarden  

! 

1 

!  i 
I  i 

..... 

John  Van  strijp  

1 

i 
i 

"2 

1 

1 

1 



I  i 

1 

1 

CENSUS  OF  NEW-1    jU£  CITY. 


401 


MASTERS  OF  FAMILYS. 


Male  Children 

female  Children 

Male  Negros 

female  Negros 

Male  Negro 
Children 

female  Negro 
Children 

all  above  60 

3 

3 

3 
3 

2 
7 

2 

2 
2 
1 

2 

3 

4 
1 
0 

2 
1 

2 
2 

1 

1 

1 

3 

1 

2 

1 

1 
1 

3 
2 

2 
3 

4 
2 
1 

4 
1 

j 

1 

3 
3 
2 
3 
1 
5 
1 

2 
3 
1 
2 
1 

1  1 

A  1 

2 

5 

1 
1 
1 

2 
1 
2 
1 

2 

2 
1 
4 

1 

2 

] 

9 

1 

2 

1 

1 

o 
o 

9 

1 

1 

1 

i 

2 
1 

1 

4 
1 
1 

2 
0 

4 

1 

1 

2 

2 

'  2 

2 

2 
2 

2 
3 

1 

1 

? 

2 

1 
1 

\ 
i 

2 

Yan  Sivvere  

Yan  Hilie  

Yan  Yonz  

Stijntie  Yoris  

Anenez  Tiebout  

Wm  Yorster  

Wm  Proovoost  

Mr  Kinning  

Catharina  Selecoat  

Fillet  Sweer  

Wm  Pell  

Cornelia  Vandervoers. . . 

Yan  Meet  

Barent  Vantilburgh  

Wm  Stenton  

Loo  Witten  

N  ieste  Viene  

Yan  Devenne  

Cornelia  Maruz  

Doreman  Stor  

Mrs  Lindslee  

Swerez  Hendricks  

David  Hoesaert  

Ante  Burgers  , 

Ysack  Brat   

Elsie  Sippie  

Yohanniz  Vandewater . . 

Nelte  Plaurere  , 

Gariet  Hallaer  

Hardmen  Holduz  

Solomon  Vanderboogh. . 

Allebertuz  Ringo  

Vansent  Tielo  

Hester  Montaine  

David  Christeaense  

Yan  Keoeck  

Sarebz  Loeter  

Mrs  Stevez  , 

Anderiez  Marschalock.. 

Yacob  Bennett  , 

Wm  Bogaert  

Yan  Vanhorn  

Aennez  Ynick  

Garret  Wouterse  

Hatie  Provoost  

Martic  Vandeheyden. . . . 

Barent  Lool  

Yannez  Laegerau   

Garret  Onckelback  

Yan  "Vantilburgh  , 

Saml  Lockeriest  

Barnarduz  Smit  

Yan  Pietet  se  Boz  

Caterina  Bootz  

Barnardus  Hardebroer. . . 

Corneliz  Loris  

Peter  Boz  

Mrs  Monvel  ;  

Garret  Burger  

Yan  Herrick  

Garret  Wynanse  

Lavie  Vandmirse  

Sijmon  Breeste  

Yannetre  Wande  Watte. 

Am  Reijt  

Yacob  deportee  

Yan  Narbree  

Yohannez  Vantiburgh  . . 

Yan  Konce  

Mrs  Boseit  

Wessell  Eversee  

Bettie  Rammesen  


[Vol.  I.] 


51 


402 


CENSUS  OF  NEW-YORK  CITY. 
WEST  WARD. 


MASTERS  OF  FAMILYS 


Peter  Bayard  

Garret  Vantright  

Cornelius  Lodge   

Wm  Smith  AUlermn  

Ball:  Bayard   

Matt:  De  Hart  

Jacob  Vansune  

Catherine  Rolejome  

Charles  Denisoe  

Robt  Darkins  

Derus  Vandinbrough  

Bar :  Laroox  

John  Burbarie  

James  Colett   

John  Dublett  

Peter  Munvil  

Isaac  De  Boogh   

Peler  Pieret  

Mrs  Rumboll  

Evert  Van  Howk  

Robt  White  

Margrett  Hudson  

Catherine  White  

Wm  Walch  

Johan  :  Van  Gelder  

Isaac  Anderson  

John  Hutchins  

Susannah  Wells  

Deborah  Symcom  , 

Cornelius  Clopper  

And  :  Faucout  

Augustus  Grassett  

Jacobus  Berry  

Coll :  Peartiee  

Urian  Blank  

Mary  Blank  

Robt  Edwards  

Rebekah  Adams   

Geor&e  Williams  

Wm  Stoks  

Francis  Bocketts  

Tobias  Stoutcnbrough... .  • , 

Agnes  Davis  

Daniel  Ebbetts  

Eliz:  Plumley  

Samp:  Shilton  Braughton 

Han  :  Tenijck  

Robt  Anderson  

Peter  Johnson  

Ahra:  Masiear  

John  Anen   

Wm  Arison  

David  Mackdugell  

Isaac  Garners  

Will :  Shulhvood  

Laynard  D  Graw  

J  ores  Ricrsie  

John  Cure  

Archibald  Reed  

Hanna  Tinbrook  

Andrew  I,amarue  

Michael  Harring  

Edwd  Burley  

Lieft  Buckley  

Rinear  Risoe  

Walter  D  Boise  

Garret  Cosyn  

Pietr  Parmy ter  

Alberts  Laynderls  

Pual  Tuk  , 

Peter  Marks  

Armanus  Van  Geldr  

Phill  :  Dolcy  

Jno  D.  Le  ffbuntaine  

Juaob  Kuwning  


2 
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CENSUS  OF  NEW -YORK  CITY.  403 


MASTERS  OF  FAMILYS 

Males  from  16 
to  60 

females 

Male  Children 

female  Children 

Male  Ncgros 

female  Negros 

Male  Negro 
Children 

female  Negro 
Children 

|  all  above  60 

1 
1 
1 
1 
1 

2 
1 

1 

4 

2 

4 

11 

2 

2 

1 
1 

2 

1 
1 

4 

2 

3 

1  • 

2 

1 

| 

1 

2 

1 

1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
2 

1 
1 
1 

2 

1 

1 
4 

1 
1 

1 

3 

1 

2 

2 

1 

1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 

....  . 

4 
1 

2 
1 
2 
1 
1 
2 
2 

2 

1 
1 

1 

2 

1 
1 

3 
2 
1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
2 

1 
1 

1 
4 
1 

3 

1 

1 

2 

1 
1 
1 

2 
3 

4 

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1 
1 
1 
1 

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1 

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1 

2 

1 

3 

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1 

2 

2 
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1 
2 

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1 

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1 
1 

1 
1 
1 

1 

1 
1 
1 

1 

1 

5 
2 
1 

1 

1 

1 
1 

1 

1 

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1 

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2 
2 

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1 
1 
1 

1 

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3 
2 
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1 

2 

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1 

2 

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1 

1 

1 

1 

3 
2 
1 
0 
1 

1 
1 

3 

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1 
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2 
2 

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l  l 

404 


CENSUS  OF  NEW-YORK  CITY. 


MASTERS  OF  FAMILYS 


«  z 
S 


Male  Children 

female  Children 

Male  Negros 

female  Negros 

Male  Negro 
Children 

female  Negro 
Childran 

all  above  60 

\ 
1 

1 

2 

1     1  1 

2 
2 
1 
1 

1 
1 

1 

1 
1 
1 

2 

1 

1 

1 

2 
2 
2 

2 
4 

2 

1 

2 
1 
2 
1 

1 
1 

3 

1 
1 

1 

1 

1 

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2 
1 

2 
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2 
1 

3 
2 
4 
1 

01 
2 
3 
1 

1 
1 
1 

1 

1 
1 

1 

1 
1 
1 

2 

1 

1 

5 
3 

1 

1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 

1 

2 

3 

1 

3 
1 

1 

6 



1 

3 
1 
1 

1 
1 

3 
1 

2 

1 

i 



2 

1 
1 
1 

i 

2 

i 

1 
1 

1 
1 

l 

1 

1 

1 

2 
2 

2 
1 
2 
1 

1 

2 

1 

2 

1 

1 

1 

2 

2 
1 

3 

1 

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1 

l 

2 
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2 
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1 
1 
1 
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1 

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2 

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1 
1 

1 

1 

1 

4 

1 

1 

1 

2 
2 
2 
1 

2 
1 

3 
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1 

5 

1 
1 

1 

1 

1 

1 
1 

1 

2 

1 

1 

1 

2 

1 

2 

3 
1 

2 

i 

Mis  Allie  , 

David  Logall  , 

Thos  Burrough  

Capt  Simes  

Robt  Skclton  

Charles  Wooley  

Garret  Vanhorne  

Paul  Drulett  

Lewis  ffarree  , 

Stephen  D'lancey  

Jno  James  Vanveale  

Widdow  flaget  

Hendrick  Vand  :  Hull  

John  Shackmaple  , 

Peter  Hemoims  

John  Van  home  

Jacobus  vancourtlandt  

Jacobus  Decay  ~. .  .. 

Mrs  Cuylar  '  

Jacob  Ten  Eyck  

Abraham  Governere  

English  Smith  

Cornelius  Jacobs  

David  Provost  Junr  - 

Widdow  Sanders  

Affey  Tuder  

Widdow  D  Roblus  , 

Widdow  Dillics  &  Nathaniei  Masston  in  Ditto  , 

Widdow  Vanhorne  

Abraham  Sanford  

William  Walton  

Christopher  Gillin  

William  Clumbers  

Johannes  outman  

Isaac  D  Markeys  

Widdow  Lawrence  

Peter  I-akerman  

John  Gurney   

Widdow  So  walls  

Coll.  Nich:  Bayard  

ffrancis  Garrabrant  

William  Barkely  

Nicholas  flieldon  

Bartholomew  Hart  

Overin  

Thomas  Wenham  

Hibon  

Vandemar  

iv  Cookers  

John  Scott   

Widdow  D.  Pyster  

John  Lorring   

Nicholas  Garrett?  

Abraham  V:  D:  waters  

Harmanes  Burger  

Marlines  Crigcr  

Andris  Tenbrook  

Rugert  Waldron  

John  Davis  

Widdow  Buddinot  ■.  

Richard  Willit  

•  vis  Gomas  , 

John  Harperding  

Avert  Elberscye  

Roger  Jones   

Johannes  Thiebout  

Martin  Coock   »  

Albert  Coock  .   

Lawrence  Vanhock   

Cornelius  Veilin  

Abr.ihm  Mettelares  

John  Lansing  

Evert  Van  f).  watr  

William  Keheles  

Edwar  I  Marshall  

.1  ohn  W  anshares  

^ohn  Vansent  

William  Bradford  

Conrad  Ten  Eyke  


CENSUS  OF  NEW- YORK  CITY. 


405 


M  A*ITFR<!   np  riMTT  VC 

Males  from  16 
to  60 

females 

Male  Children 

female  Children 

Male  Negros 

female  Negros 

Male  Negro 
Children 

female  Negro 
Childran 

all  above  60 

1 
I 

2 
1 
1 
1 
\ 

0 

2 
1 

1 

 | 

i 
i 

1 
1 

1 
1 
1 

1 
1 
1 

1 



1 

2 

1  I 

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1 
1 

2 

1 

1 
3 
1 
4 
1 

4 

2 

1 

1 

wi  ;  l  t ; \\j  v»  i  t  a  inn  n  * 

2 

1 

2 

1 

2 
1 
1 
1 

2 

1 

3 
1 
1 

2 

1 

2 
1 

3 
2 

3 
3 

1 

2 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

3 
1 
1 

2 
1 
2 

2 

1 

2 

1 

2 

2 
2 
1 
1 
1 
1 
2 
1 

2 
1 
1 
1 
4 

i 

4 

9 

1 

2 
2 
1 

OUT  WAP 

1  1 

A 

1 
1 

1 
1 

3 

5 

o 

1 

2 

TI.J.h    Dnlf  Vi/v 

1 

2 
1 
1 

o 

T 
1 
1 

2 
2 
o 

i 

2 

1 

2 

1 
i 
i 

3 

1 

*               L,  „  l)nln, 

2 

1 

1 

2 
3 
2 

1 

3 

2 

1 

o 
0 

2 
4 
3 
1 
1 
2 

1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
j 

1 
1 
1 
1 
1 

1 

...... 

1 

o 

1 
1 
1 

1 

1 
j 

1 

1 
2 
1 
1 

1 

2 

4 
1 

1 

2  i 

2 
3 

1 

1 

•       /  ■  •> . .  t  ■  i  \  ii 

1 
2 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
2 
2 
1 
1 
1 

2 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
2 
1 
1 
1 
.1 

6 
1 

2 

2 
1 
1 

1 
4 
1 

2 
1 

2 

2 
1 

Z 
1 

0 
1 

_ 
1 

2 
2 
1 

a 
i 

2 
1 

2 

0 

1 

2 
3 

2 

1 
1 

6 
1 

1 

l    1  1 

1 

1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
3 

2 
3 
1 

1 

1 
1 

1 

1 

1 
1 
1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 
1 
1 
1 

1 
1 

2 
1 
1 

5 
2 

1 
1 

1 

2 

1 

2 

2 
1 

1 

2 
2 
1 

2 
1 
2 
1 

1 

2 
1 

1 
1 

1 
1 

4 
4 
1 

2 
1 

*  These  names  cannot  be  made  out  on  account  of  the  MS.  being  torn. 


406  MINISTERS  OF  THE  DUTCH  REFORMED  CHURCHES. 


NAMES  OF  THE  MINISTERS  OF  THE  DUTCH  REFORMED  CHURCHES  IN  NEW-YORK 

AND  NEW  JERSEY. 

[  Naamregister  der  Predikanten ;  Te  Leiden  &e.  ] 

1758. 

Johannes  Ritzema  -------  1 744 

,  ,  _    _  >  New  York  1 

Lambertus  de  Ronde  )  \7§\ 

Reinliard  Erichson    Freehold     -  -  ...  .  \7ZQ 

Fridericus  Muzelius    Tappan    Emeritus  -  -  1726 

Gerard  Haaghoort    Second  River  -  -  1735 

Georgius  Wilhelmus  Mancius,    Kings  Tovme      -  1 732 

Johannes  Schuiler    Hakkingsack,  fyc      -  -  -  1756 

Johannes  Casparus  Fryenmoet,    Menissink,  Machakomich,  Walpek  and  Smitsfield  -  1744 

Benjamin  Meinema,  Pakeepsie  &  Fishkil  174b 

Theodorus  Frielinghausen,  Theod.  Jac.  fil.,  New  Albany  -  1746 

Ulpianus  Van  Sinderin,  Ulp.  fil.    Long  Island    -  -  1746 

Johannes  Henricus  Goetschlus,  Hakkingsak  and  Schralenburg     -  -  1748 

Johannes  Lyecht,    Brunswick     -------  174Q 

Benjamin  Van  der  Linden,    Paremes     -------  1743 

Samuel  Verbryk,    Tappan         ........  1748 

David  Marinus,    Achquecknouck  ......  1752 

Barent  Vromans,    Schonegtade  -------  -  175Q 

Thomas  Romein,    Queens  Comity,  Oyster  bay      -  -  I753 

Johan.  Caspar  Rubel,  Joh.  Casp.  fil.,    Rhynbeck  -  I755 

Johannes  Schenema,  Kats-Kil  fy  Cogsackie         -----  2753 

William  Jackson,  Bergen  if  Staten  Island  ......  2 757 

New  Paltz  }  (  Kinderhook 

Schoggarie  >  Vacant  •?  Klaverack 
Manor  of  Livingston  )  (  Kings  County 

1796. 

Johannes  Ritzema    JVew  York    Emeritus,  1784  -  1744 

Ulpianus  Van  Sinderen,  Ulp.  fil.  Kings  Co.  Long  Island,  Emer.  1784      ...  1746 

Johannes  Lyecht,    Brunsurick     --------  1743 

Benjamin  Van  der  Linden,    Paremes      -  -  1748 

Samuel  Verbryck,    Tappan        -  -  -  -  1750 

Lambertus  de  Ronde,    New  York    Emeritus  1784  ...  1750 

Barent  Vrooman,  1752    Schonectade       -  ...  \7bG 

Thomas  Romein,  1753    Menissinck        .......  17S1 

Joh.  Schenema,    Kats-Kil  tf  Cogsackie    -------  1753 

William  Jackson,  A.  L.  M.  Bergen  §"  Staten  Island  -  -  -  1757 

Jacob  Rutsen  Hardcnberg    Old  Raritans  ......  1758 

Eilardus  Westorloo,  Is.  fil.    New  Jllbany  ...  1 7(30 

Johannes  Martinus  Van  Harlingen,  Millston  &■  New  Schonnick    -  -  -  1761 

Gerardus  Daniel  Cock,    Camp  Sf  Rhinebeck        ......  1762 


MINISTERS  OF  THE  DUTCH  REFORMED  CHURCHES.  407 

Hermanus  Meyer,  1763    Pomtan  if  Totoa          ......  1775 

Isaacus  Rysdyk,    New  Hakkingsack  if  Hopwel    -          -          -          -          -          -  1765 

Warmoldus  Kuypers,  1769    Hakkingsack  §■  Schralenburg         -•  1771 

Johannes  Levingston,  Th.  Doct.    New  York,  Eng  Lang.           ....  1770 

Johan  Daniel  Gross,    Kings-Town         .......  1773 

Christianus  Fredericus  Fuhring,  1770  New-York,  German  Lang.           ...  1773 

Joh.  Gabriel  Gebhard,  1772  New-  York,  German  Lang. 
Martinus  Schoemaker,    New  Haarlem  if  Gravesend 
[Dirck]  Romein,  Thorn,  fr.    Marbletown  if  Mombach. 

[Will"'.]  Linn,    New  York,  Eng.  Lang.  -          -  1784 

.    .    .    Kuypers,  Warm.  fil.    New  York      -          -                   ...  1734 

Some  Places,  Vacant. 


XXII. 


PAPERS 


RELATING  TO 


Cong   3  s  I  a  n  ft  . 


[Vol.  I.] 


52 


DIRECTOR  KIEFTS  PATENT  TO  THE  TOWN  OF  GRAVESEND.    AMO  1645. 


f  Gravesend  Records.  ] 

Whereas  it  hath  pleased  the  High  k  Mighty  Lords  the  Estates  Genl  of  the  United  Belgfck  Provccs — 
His  Highness  Fredrick  Hendrick  by  ye  grace  of  God  Prince  of  Orange,  &c.  and  the  lit  Honourable 
ye  Lords  Bewint  Hebbers  of  the  W.  I.  Company  by  theyr  several  Commissions  under  theyr  hands 
and  seales  to  give  and  grant  unto  me  W™  Kieft  sufficient  power  and  authorities  for  the  general  rule 
&  gouvernment  of  this  Prouince  called  the  New  Netherlands,  k  likewise  for  ye  settling  of  townes, 
collonies,  plantations,  disposing  of  ye  land  within  this  prouince,  as  by  ye  said  Commissions  more  att 
large  doth  and  maye  appeare,  Now  Know  yee  whomsoever  these  Presents  may  any  ways  concerne 
that  I,  William  Kieft,  Gouvernor  Generall  of  this  Prouince  by  vertue  of  ye  authoritie  abovesaid  k 
with  ye  aduice  k  consent  of  ye  Councell  of  State  heere  established  have  given  and  graunted  k  by 
virtue  of  these  presents  doe"  give  grant  k  confirme  unto  ye  Honoured  Lady  Deborah  Moody,  Sr 
Hennry  Moody  Barronett,  Ensign  George  Baxter  k  Sergeant  James  Hubbard  theyr  associates,  heyres, 
executors,  administrators,  successours,  assignes,  or  any  they  shall  join  in  association  with  them,  a 
certaine,  quantitie  or  p'cel  of  Land,  together  with  all  ye  hauens,  harbours,  rivers,  creeks,  woodland, 
marshes,  and  all  other  appurtenances  thereunto  belonging, lyeing  &  being  uppon  &  about  yc  Western- 
most parte  of  Longe  Island  k  beginning  at  the  mouth  of  a  Creeke  adjacent  to  Coneyne  Island  k  being 
bounded  one  ye  westwards  parte  thereof  with  ye  land  appertaining  to  Anthony  Johnson  k  Bob1  IV- 
noyer  &  soe  to  run  as  farre  as  the  westernmost  part  of  a  certain  pond  in  an  ould  Indian  field  on  the 
North  side  of  ye  plantation  of  ye  said  Robbert  Pennoyer  &  from  thence  to  runne  direct  East  as  farre 
as  a  valley  begginning  att  ye  head  of  a  flye  or  Marshe  sometimes  belonging  to  yeland  of  Hughe  Gar- 
rettson  k  being  bounded  one  the  said  side  with  the  Maine  Ocean,  for  them  the  sd  pattentees,  theyr 
associates  heyres,  executors,  adminisrs,  successours,  assigns,  actuallie  reallie  &  perpetuallie  to  injoye 
k  pocesse  as  theyr  owne  free  land  of  inheritance  and  it  to  improve  k  manure  according  to  their  owne 
discretions,  with  libertie  likewise  for  them  the  sd  pattentees,  theyr  associates,  heyres,  and  successours 
and  assignes  to  put  what  cattle  they  shall  think  fitting  to  feed  or  graze  upon  the  aforesd  Conyne 
Island,  forther  giving  granting  k  by  vertue  of  these  presents  Wee  doe  give  k  graunt  unto  the  sJ 
Patentees  theeir  associates  heyrs  k  successours  full  power  k  authoritie  uppon  the  said  land  to  build 
a  towne  or  townes  with  such  necessarie  fortifications  as  to  them  shall  seem  expedient  k  to  haue  and 
injoye  the  free  libertie  of  conscience  according  to  the  costome  and  manner  of  Holland,  without  mo- 
lestation or  disturbance  from  any  Madgistrate  or  Madgistrates  or  any  other  Ecclesiasticall  Minister 
that  may  p'tend  iurisdiction  over  them,  with  libertie  likewise  for  them,  the  sd  pattentees,  theyr  asso- 
ciates heyres  &c  to  erect  a  bodye  pollitkpue  and  ciuill  combination  amongst  themselves,  as  free  men 
of  this  Province  &  of  the  Towne  of  Grauesend  &  to  make  such  civill  ordinances  as  the  Maior  part 
of  ye  Inhabitants  ffree  of  the  Towne  shall  thinke  fitting  for  theyr  quiett  and  peaceable  subsisting  k 
to  Nominate  elect  k  choose  three  of  ye  Ablest  approued  honest  men  k  them  to  present  annuallie  to 
ye  Gouernor  Generall  of  this  Prouince  for  the  tyme  being,  for  him  ye  said  Gouernr  to  establish  and 


412 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


confirme  to  wch  sd  three  men  soe  chosen  k  confirmed,  wee  doe  hereby  give  k  graunt  full  power  k 
authoritie,  absolutelie  k  definitiuely  to  determine  (wthout  appeal  to  any  superior  Court)  fur  debt  or 
trespasse  not  exceeding  ffiftie  Holland  Guilders  ffor  all  such  act"8  as  shall  happen  wthin  yc  iurisdict" 
of  the  above  said  lirnitt  with  power  likewise  for  any  one  of  the  said  three  to  examine  uppon  oath  all 
witnesses  in  cases  depending  before  them  k  in  case  any  shall  refuse  to  stand  to  the  award  of  what 
the  Maior  part  of  the  sd  three  shall  agree  unto,  in  such  cases  wee  doe  hereby  give  and  graunt  full 
power  and  authoritie  to  any  two  of  yc  sd  three,  to  attache  k  ceise  uppon  ye  lands  goods,  catties  k 
chatties  of  yc  parties  condemned  by  their  said  sentence  k  fourteen  days  after  the  sd  ceizure  (if  ye 
partie  soe  condemned  agree  not  in  the  interim  k  submitte  himself  unto  ye  sentence  of  the  sd  three 
men)  the  said  three  or  three  appointed  men  as  atforsd  to  take  or  ioyen  to  themselves  two  more  of 
theyre  neighbours  discreete  honest  men,  and  w,h  the  advice  of  them  to  apprise  the  lands,  goods  cat- 
ties k  chatties  wthin  the  above  sd  jurisdict"  k  belongs  to  the  partie  condemned  as  aforesd  to  ye  full 
valleu  k  then  to  sell  them  to  any  that  will  paye,  that  satisfaction  k  paiement  may  be  made  according 
to  the  sentence  of  ye  appointed  men  ;  Likewise  giuing  k  graunting  k  by  virtue  hereof  wee  doe  give 
k  graunt  unto  ye  said  Pattentees,  theyre  associates  heyres,  successours  kc  full  power  k  authoritie  to 
Elect  k  nominate  a  certaine  officer  amongst  themselves  to  execute  the  place  of  a  Scoute  k  him  like- 
wise to  present  annuallie  to  the  Gouernor  Generall  of  this  Province  to  bee  established  and  confirmed 
to  wch  sl1  officer  soe  chosene  confirmed,  Wee  doe  hereby  give  k  graunt  as  large  k  ample  power  as  is 
usuallie  given  to  ye  Scoutes  of  any  Village  in  Holland  lor  the  suppression  or  prevention  of  any  dis- 
orders that  maye  theyr  arise,  or  to  arrest  and  app'hend  the  body  of  any  Criminall,  Malefactouer  or 
of  anye  that  shall  by  worde  or  act  disturbe  the  publick  tranquilletie  of  this  Province  or  civill  peace 
of  the  inhabitants  w,hin  the  above  sd  jurisdict11  k  him,  them  k  her  so  arrested  or  apprehended  to 
bring  or  case  to  be  brought  before  the  Gouernor  Gen11  of  this  Province  k  theyre  by  way  of  Processe 
declare  against  the  P'tie  soe  offending ;  farther  Wee  doe  give  k  graunt  unto  the  P'tentees  theyr  asso- 
ciates heyres  &c  free  libertie  of  hawking,  hunting,  fishing,  fowling  within  the  above  sd  limitts ;  k  to 
use  or  exercise  all  manner  of  trade  k  commerce  according  as  the  Inhabitants  of  this  Province  may 
or  can  by  Virtue  of  any  Priviledge  or  graunt  made  unto  them,  inducing  all  and  singular  yc  sd  pattees 
theyr  associates,  heyres  kc  with  all  &  singular  the  immunities  k  priueledges  allready  graunted  to  ye 
Inhabitants  of  this  Provce  or  hereafter  to  be  graunted,  as  if  they  were  natives  of  the  United  Belgick 
Provinces,  allways  prouided  the  sd  pattentes  yr  associates  heyres  &c  shall  faithfully  acknowledge  k 
reverently  respect  the  above  named  High  Mightie  Lords  &c.  for  theyr  Superiour  Lords  k  patrons  k 
in  all  loialtie  k  fidellitie  demeane  themselves  towards  them  k  theyr  successours  accord'g  as  the  In- 
habitants of  this  prouince  in  dutye  are  bound,  soe  long  as  they  shall  | be]  within  this  iurisdict"  k  att 
the  experat"  of  ten  yeares  to  beginne  from  the  daye  of  the  date  hereof  to  paye  or  cause  to  bee  paid 
to  an  olficer  thereunto  deputed  by  the  Gouern'  Gen1  of  this  Provce  for  the  time  being, the  tenth  parte 
of  the  reueneew  that  shall  arise  by  the  ground  manured  by  the  plough  or  howe,  in  case  it  bee  de- 
manded to  be  paid  to  the  sd  officer  in  the  ffield  before  it  bee  housed,  gardens  or  orchards  not  exceed- 
ing one  Hollands  acre  being  excepted,  and  in  case  anye  of  the  sd  pattentees  theyr  associates  heyres 
&c  shall  only  improue  theyr  stocks  in  grasing  or  breeding  of  cattle,  then  the  partie  soe  doing  shall 
att  the  end  of  the  ten  yeares  afforesaid  paye  or  cause  to  be  paid  to  an  officer  deputed  as  aforesd  such 
reasonable  sattisfact"  in  butter  and  cheese  as  other  Inhabbat8  of  other  townes  shall  doe  in  the  like 
cases :  Likewise  injoyning  the  said  pattentees  theyre  associates  heyres  kc  in  the  dating  of  all  public 
instruments  to  use  the  New  Style  wlh  the  wu  k  measure  of  this  place.  Given  under  my  hand  & 
Scale  of  this  Prouince  this  19th  of  December  in  the  fort  Amsterdam  in  New  Nethcrland.  1G45 

Signed  Wilhem  Kieft. 

Endorsed, — Ter  ordonnantie  van  de  Hr  Direct1  Generael  k  Baden  van  Nieuw  Nederlandt. 

Cornelis  Van  Tienhouen,  Secret.*. 


PAPERS    RELATING   TO   LONG  ISLAND. 


413 


In  the  name  of  the  LORD — Amen. 
Description  of  the  Founding  or  Beginning  of  New  Utrecht, 
for  the  information  of  us  and  our  successors.    Together  with 
their  Grants  and  Privileges  likewise  the  names  of  their 
officers  and  magistrates  thereunto  added  and  that 
from  the  year  Sixteen  hundred  seven  and  fifty, 
also  the  names  of  the  first  Patentees  and 
farmers,  for  the  encouragement  and 
information  of  their  posterity. 
A.D.  1657 
1658 
1659 
1660 

The  beginning  and  progress  of  New  Utrecht. 
This  land  was  originally  granted  to  the  Heer  Cornells  Van  Werckhoven,  who  was  born  in  Utrecht 
in  the  Netherlands,  and  who  here  personally  undertook  to  plant  a  colonie.  After  some  years  he 
returned  to  his  Fatherland,  where  he  died.  On  his  return  to  the  Netherlands  he  left  in  his  place  as 
his  agent  one  Jacques  Cortelliau.  After  the  death  of  his  late  Lord,  Cortelliau  having  no  means  in 
his  hands  to  procure  settlers  to  plant  and  found  the  colonie,  was  advised  not  to  allow  the  beautiful 
land  to  lie  unfruitful  and  without  inhabitants,  and  as  he  was  assured  that  such  a  course  was  in  direct 
opposition  to  the  orders  and  placards  of  the  Noble  and  Right  Honorable  Lords  Directors  of  the  West 
India  Company  at  Amsterdam,  our  Patrons,  as  also  of  the  Noble  Lord  Director  General  Petrus 
Stuyvesant  and  the  Counsellors  Nicasius  DeSille,  and  Johan  Montagne  Senor.,  he  concluded  to  present 
to  the  Director  General  and  Counsellors  the  following  Petition : — 

To  the  Noble  and  Right  Honorable  Lord  Director  General  and  Council  of  New  Netherlanc1  : 
Whereas  no  lands  here  can  be  laid  out  and  settled  except  with  your  Honors'  approbation  and  con- 
sent, therefore  the  petitioner  addresses  himself  to  your  Honors  for  consent  to  found  a  Town  on  Long- 
Island  on  the  Bay  of  the  North  River. 

was  signed  Ja.  Cortelliau. 

Agent  for  the  heirs  of  the  deceased  Cornelis  Van  Werckhoven. 

In  the  margin  stood  "  let  the  petition  be  granted,  provided  that  they  deliver  by  the  first  oppor- 
tunity, a  map  thereof,  to  the  Director  General  and  Council.  Dated  fortress  Amterdam  in  New 
Netherland,  this  16th  January  A.  D.  1657. 

Underneath  which  was  written,  By  Order  of  the  Right  Honorable  Director  General  and  Council  of 
New  Netherland.  Subscribed  by  C.  V.  Ruyven,  Secretary. 

Liberty  being  thus  given  to  commence  the  settlement,  Jacques  Cortelliau  laid  out  and  surveyed  the 
place,  and  divided  it  into  20  lots  containing  25  morgen  (50  acres)  each,  which  lots  were  granted  to 
the  following  patentees  who  were  desirous  of  making  a  settlement ; — 

Jacques  Cortelliau  Albert  Albertsen 

The  Lord  Councillor  k  Fiscal  Nicasius  de  Sille  William  Willemsen 

Pieter  Buys  Huybert  Hoock 

Jacob  Hellickers  alias  Swart  Pieter  Jansen 

Joncker  Jacobus  Corlaer  Jan  Jacobson 

Johan  Tomasse  Jacobus  Backer 

Rutgert  Joosten  Jacob  Pietersen, 

Pieter  Roeloffse  Claes  Claessen, 

Cornelis  Beeckman  Teunis  Joosten. 

Johan  Zeelen 


414 


PAPERS    RELATING    TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


The  above  named  individuals  having  received  their  lots,  came  together  so  as  speedily  to  advance 
the  place  by  sowing,  planting  and  buildins  on  their  lots.  Whereof  the  first  was  Jacob  Hellekeers 
Swart,  he  having  a  small  square  house  made '.of  clapboards  standing  in  Gravesend  which  he  tore 
down  and  removed  to  the  town.  On  this  because  they  could  not  begin  altogether  and  alike  and  for 
the  purpose  of  setting  a  good  example  to  the  common  people  and  for  their  encouragement,  the  Lord 
Councillor  and  Fiscal  (Attorney  General)  Nicasius  De  Sille,  Peter  Buys  and  llutgert  Joosten  on  the 
8th  of  November  1657  sent  for  the  above  named  Jacob  Swart,  who  was  a  master  builder,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  having  each  a  house  built,  and  warranted  completed  in  May  1C58.  This  could  not  be  accom- 
plished, because  the  house  of  the  Heer  de  Sille  was  designed  to  be  36  feet  in  length,  but  afterwards 
on  the  31st  of  May  1658,  he  directed  6  feet  to  be  added,  making  it  42  feet,  and  this  was  the  first 
house  in  the  town  which  was  covered  with  red  tiles.  It  was,  including  the  garden,  enclosed  with 
high  palisades  set  close  together.  After  the  above  3  houses,  Johnckeer  Jacob  Corlaer  also  erected  a 
house,  and  then  Cornells  Beeckman  with  his  companion  Willem  Willemse  erected  one  which  shortly 
after  was  burnt. 

Some  of  the  above  named  20  settlers  abandoned  their  lots,  and  others  came  in  their  places  by  whom 
the  cultivating  and  building  were  undertaken. 

In  1659  it  was  evident  that  the  village  did  not  prosper  in  its  buildings  and  agriculture ;  this 
induced  the  wellwishers  of  the  same  to  employ  Jacques  Cortelliau,  the  surveyor,  to  carry  to  the 
Director  General  and  his  council,  in  the  name  of  all  of  them,  the  following  petition  : 

Petition. 

To  the  Noble  and  Right  Honorable  Lord  and  Director  General  and  Council  of  New  Netherland  : 

1 .  The  town  of  New  Utrecht,  with  your  consent,  at  the  great  cost  and  expense  of  some,  having  been 
begun  and  founded,  we  therefore  humbly  desire  that  those  who  as  yet  have  only  gone  to  the  ex- 
pense of  fencing  their  lots,  may  be  warned  also  to  build  on  the  same,  on  pain  of  forfeiture  of  said 
lots. 

2.  That  those  who  have  sold  their  lots  for  considerable  money,  without  having  been  subject  to  any 
cost  except  the  simple  fencing,  may  be  ordered  to  restore  the  money  received  over  and  above  the 
cost  of  same. 

3.  That  every  lot  should  be  bound  to  have  a  man  who  shall  keep  the  front  of  the  lot  in  repair  and 
remove  whatever  falls,  so  that  men  should  not  be  bound  to  look  after  absentees,  which  cannot  be 
done  without  incurring  expense. 

4.  That  Antony  Jansen  Van  Sale  may  be  warned  to  drive  in  the  woods  his  horses,  hogs,  and  cattle, 
the  same  as  is  practised  by  others,  so  as  to  prevent  their  spoiling  and  eating  the  pasture  from  the 
meadows,  by  which  the  whole  Town  is  injured,  and  we  ask  for  power  to  place  them  in  the  pound 
whed  found  in  said  meadows. 

5.  That  Antony  Jansen,  maintaining  the  meadows  to  be  his  which  he  had  bought  of  the  Indians 
which  could  not  be  done  without  the  approbation  of  you  noble  and  right  Honorable  Lords,  and  he 
not  havine  this,  may  be  ordered  to  allow  us  the  peaceable  use  of  said  meadows  commenced  by  us 
with  your  consent,  and  peaceable  possession  of  which  was  promised  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  : 
the  said  Antony  however,  having  dwelt  many  years  in  the  place,  to  enjoy  his  lots  and  portion  as 
well  as  others,  but  at  the  same  time  to  be  liable  to  bear  his  share  of  the  costs  and  expenses. 

6.  That  the  meadow  we  have  commenced  using  when  divided  in  23  or  24  lots,  is  not  half  enough  to 
keep  the  cattle ;  we  therefore  petition  you,  noble  and  right  Honorable  Lords,  for  another  piece  to 
be  given  us  at  Canarisy  and  immediately  used. 

7.  That  the  inhabitants  of  the  Town  may  have  the  benefit  of  the  same  exemptions  and  freedom  that 
other  new  towns  have. 

Waiting  hereupon  for  a  favorable  answer  from  you,  noble  and  right  Honorable  Lords,  I  remain 
your  humble  servant  Jacques  Cortelliau ;  and  this  the  community  seek. 


PAPERS   RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND.  415 

On  this  petition  to  the  Noble  and  right  Honorable  Lord  Director  General  Petrus  Stuy  vesant  and 
Council,  Nicasius  de  Sille  first  councillor,  and  Petrus  Tonnenian  and  Joha'n  de  Decker  on  the  12th  of 
May  1G59  gave  the  following  answer  : 

On  the  above  request  being  received  and  read,  the  following  answer  was  returned : 
The  answer  to  the  1st  point  will  be  found  published  in  the  order  of  the  30th  of  January  last,  by 
which  it  is  ordained  that  every  one  of  what  condition  or  quality  soever  he  may  be  should  cultivate, 
build,  and  live  on  the  lot  he  had  obtained,  or  cause  the  same  to  be  cultivated  and  dwelt  upon,  within 
the  period  of  six  weeks,  on  penalty  of  forfeiture  of  his  lot :  and  the  Fiscal  is  authorized  in  the  name 
of  the  Director  General  and  Council,  at  the  expiration  of  six  days  after  proof  of  the  delinquency  of 
any  person,  to  assign  his  lands  to  such  other  individual  as  may  be  willing  to  comply  with  these  regula- 
tions and  to  pay  the  first  owner  or  occupant  what  his  fencing  and  other  improvements  may  appear  to 
be  worth. 

The  answer  to  the  second  is  intermixed  in  the  above;  but  further,  no  man  may  enjoy  more  than 
the  true  value  of  his  fencing,  and  what  he  has  expended  in  his  cultivation  of  his  lot  including  the 
value  of  his  own  labour :  All  received  above  the  ascertained  value  shall  be  paid  back  to  his  successor. 
The  Director  General  and  Council  are  by  no  means  however  to  be  understood  as  authorizing  the  first 
occupants,  who  have  neglected  either  personally  or  by  others,  to  build,  cultivate  and  labour  on  their 
lands,  to  seek  for  pay  or  profit  in  such  manner  as  to  retard  cultivation. 

On  the  3d  point ;  It  is  ordered  that  every  man,  as  well  in  the  new  begun  Town  of  Utrecht  as  in 
other  begun  Towns  consisting  of  one  dwelling  or  a  hamlet,  who  obtains  a  lot  or  building  plot,  also 
that  all  and  every  one  from  now  forth  who  has  sought  or  obtained  lands,  must  seek  and  obtain  there- 
for proper  patents,  and  there  obtained  lands  they  must  speedily  undertake  to  plant  and  cultivate,  and 
at  the  least  from  the  proceedings  of  the  patent  have  residing  and  kept  thereon  one  able  bodied  man. 

On  the  4th  and  5th  points  ;  the  Fiscal  was  ordered  to  notify  Anthony  Van  Zalee  to  keep  his  cattle 
and  hogs  out  of  the  common  meadows,  and  that  if  he  claimed  any  more  right  to  the  meadows  to 
make  the  same  known  to  the  Director  General  and  Council :  the  FisjKtl  is  directed  to  impound  all 
cattle  and  hogs  found  on  the  meadows. 

An  answer  to  the  6th  point  will  be  taken  into  consideration. 

On  what  is  sought  in  the  7th  point,  consent  is  given,  as  in  other  towns,  to  an  exemption  from  the 
payment  of  the  tenth  for  the  space  of  10  years,  with  the  exception  of  the  plantation  of  the  Heer 
Werckhoven. 

Done  in  Fort  Amsterdam  in  New-Netherland  on  the  12th  of  May  1659.  Against  the  above  stands, 
By  order  of  the  Noble  and  Right  Honorable  Lord  and  Director  General  and  Council  of  the  New- 
Netherland  : 

Witness,  C.  V  Ruyven,  Secretary. 

The  order  of  the  30th  of  January  1659  referred  to  in  the  answer  to  the  1st,  is  as  follows  : 

Proclamation. 

All  persons  are  hereby  notified  and  informed,  that  those  who  have  obtained  lots  or  plantations  in 
the  newly  settled  Town  of  Utrecht,  are  hereby  directed  within  six  weeks  from  the  date  hereof,  to 
prepare  to  plant  and  fence  the  same,  also  to  seek  and  obtain  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Director  General 
and  Coimcil  proper  Deeds,  on  penalty  of  forfeiture  of  the  lots,  which  will  be  given  to  others  who 
may  desire  them.    Of  this  all  are  hereby  warned. 

Done  by  order  of  the  Right  Honorable  Director  General  and  Council  of  New-Netherland,  at  Fort 
Amsterdam  in  New-Netherland  this  30th  January  1659. 

Witness 

C.  V  Ruyven,  Secretary. 


416 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


After  the  preceding  there  was  another  Proclamation  applying  to  the  Town  of  Utrecht,  first  pub- 
lished by  the  Director  General  and  Council  on  the  9th  of  October  1655,  republished  and  renewed  on 
the  30th  December  1658  at  Fort  Amsterdam,  and  again  on  the  7th  of  January  1659  proclaimed 
from  the  Stadt-housc  at  Fort  Amsterdam  lor  the  benefit  of  the  farmers. 


The  Director  General  and  Council  of  New  Netherland  daily  hear  great  complaints  that  the  posts,  rails, 
clapboards,  and  other  fencing,  made  with  great  cost  and  trouble  of  the  inhabitants,  (for  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  crops)  around  their  sowed  lands  and  gardens,  are  stolen  during  both  night  and  day,  the 
effect  of  which  is  that  the  cattle  come  in  and  destroy  the  crops,  which  discourages  future  planting  and 
sowing,  and  we  also  fear  that  it  will  happen  that  in  consequence  of  all  the  lands  and  gardens  being 
bare  of  fencing  during  the  coming  winter,  the  sowed  grain  will  not  flourish,  and  that  next  season 
the  crops  will  not  be  worth  mowing  :  Therefore  the  Lord  Director  General  and  Council  notify  the 
Burgomasters  and  Schepens  of  their  Towns  not  to  allow  and  expressly  to  forbid  injuries  of  this  kind, 
and  they  also  hereby  notify  all  of  what  state  or  condition  they  may  be,  that  they  are  hereby  warned 
and  expressly  forbid  from  this  time  forth,  not  to  make  bare  or  strip  any  gardens,  sowed,  or  planted 
places,  of  posts,  rails,  clapboards,  or  other  fencing,  on  pain  when  found  doing  the  same  in  part  or  in 
whole,  for  the  first  offence  of  being  whipped  and  branded,  and  for  the  second  offence  of  being  hung 
with  a  cord  till  death  follows,  without  favour  to  any  person  :  and  whoever  after  the  date  hereof  shall 
give  inlbrmatiou  of  any  person  guilty  of  robbing  the  land  of  posts,  rails,  or  clapboards,  shall  be 
rewarded  therefor  and  his  name  concealed  :  every  one  is  hereby  warned. 

All  done  in  the  Assembly  at  Fort  Amsterdam  in  New  Netherlands  on  the  9th  of  October  1655. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  Town  being  diligent  in  the  observance  of  the  foregoing  order  or  command, 
the  Fiscal  thereupon  drew  out  of  the  Company's  book  the  following  copy  concerning  the  meadow 
land,  not  knowing  in  whom  it  was  lodged  : 

Petrus  Stuyvesant  Representative  of  the  Noble  High  and  Mighty  the  Lords  States  General  of  the 
United  Netherlands,  and  the  Lord  Administrator  of  the  Priviledged  West  India  Company,  Director 
General  of  New  Netherland,  Curacoa,  Bonayre,  Aruba,  and  the  appendages  thereunto  belonging, 
hath  with  the  consent  of  the  Council,  on  the  petition  and  supplication  made  to  us  on  the  date  under- 
neath written,  showing  the  need  of  the  inlKibitants  of  the  new  begun  Town  of  Utrecht  and  of  those 
who  might  hereafter  dwell  there,  allowed  unto  them  as  to  others  a  parcel  of  meadow  land  lying  on 
Long  Island  by  the  easterly  Hook  of  the  Bay  of  the  North  River,  over  against  Conyen  Island,  in- 
cluding the  kills,  creeks,  ponds,  reeds,  drowned  and  sand  lands  within  its  bounds,  Containing  130 
morgen  ("260  acres)  Bounded  on  the  westerly  side  by  land  of  Antony  Jansen  Van  Sale,  north-easterly 
by  the  kill  on  w  hich  Gravesend  mill  is  situated,  East  south-easterly  by  the  same  kill,  and  south- 
westerly by  the  Bay  of  the  North  River.  Hereunto  witness  my  hand  and  seal  (in  red  wax)  in  Am- 
sterdam in  New  Netherland  this  27  August  1657.  • 

Thereupon  having  assembled  together  in  the  Town  of  Utrecht  in  May  A.  D.  1659,  for  the  purpose 
of  drawing  for  the  meadows,  it  being  understood  that  the  Director  General  and  Council  directed  that 
the  plantation  of  the  Lord  Werckhoven  should  draw  two  lots,  and  also  Antony  Jansen  Van  Sale  two, 
and  having  divided  the  same  into  24  lots,  they  were  drawn  as  follows  : 


Proclamation. 


1.  Jonker  Jacob  Curler, 


13.  Nicasius  De  Sille,  Fiscal, 

14.  Pieter  Roelofle, 

15.  Jaques  Cortilliau, 

16.  Teunis  Joosten, 

17.  Ruth  Joosten, 

18.  Pieter  Buys, 


2.  Albert  Albertse, 

3.  Jan  Zelen, 


4.  Jacob  Backker, 

5.  Willem  Willemse, 

6.  Huybert  Hook, 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


417 


7.  Peter  Jansen,  19.  Werckhoven, 

8.  Jacob  Pieterse,  20.  Ruth  Joosten, 

9.  Jacob  Swart,  21.  Werckhoven, 

10.  Jan  Tomasse,  22.  Cornelius  Beekman, 

11.  Klaes  Blassen,  23. 

12.  Jan  Jacobse,  24.  Antony  Jansen  Van  Sale. 

In  the  meantime  the  inhabitants  often  disagreeing  and  disputing  about  their  plantations,  houses, 
and  about  the  watch,  the  Director  General,  and  Council  ordained  as  follows  :• 

The  Director  General  and  Council  notify  the  inhabitants  of  the  Town  of  New  Utrecht  to  keep 
good  watch,  and  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  better  order  they  have  appointed  and  set,  as  in  other 
cases,  the  person  Jan  Tomassen  to  the  office  of  Serjeant :  they  therefore  order  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Town  to  obey  and  acknowledge  as  Serjeant,  the  above  named  Jan  Tomassen. 

Done  at  Fort  Amsterdam,  the  2d  of  October  AD.  1659. 

Hereupon  did  the  Fiscal  N.  DeSille  send  a  Halberd. 

Shortly  thereafter  the  inhabitants  of  the  Town  complained,  that  they  were  badly  provided  with 
powder  and  lead,  and  also  that  some  of  them  had  no  guns,  they  desired  that  the  Fiscal  would  pro- 
vide them  at  their  own  cost  with  the  same,  they  having  recourse  to  him  inasmuch  as  they  had  heard 
the  Director  General  and  Council  had  appointed  him  Scout  (Sheriff)  over  the  Town  of  Utrecht. 

The  Lord  General  on  the  6th  of  October  1659,  with  many  soldiers  who  were  volunteers,  a  company 
of  Citizens  with  the  Orange  banner,  and  a  company  of  English  wellwishers,  went  to  Esopus  to  fight 
the  Indians.  Thereupon  having  charge  of  the  Town  on  behalf  of  the  company,  I  sent  out  of  my 
own  armoury  as  follows  : 

10  light  muskets,  25  lb  balls, 

25  lb  powder,  10  cartridge  boxes, 

2  bunches  gun  matches. 

The  Town  therefore  is  charged  at  the  following  rate  : — 1  lb  powder,  one  guilder  in  bevers,  or  30 
stuyvers  in  wampum,  or  25  stuyvers  in  wheat ;  1  lb  lead,  6  stuyvers  •  1  musket  and  cartridge  box, 
8  guilders  in  wampum  and  a  match  in  proportion  ;  also  with  one  hour  glass  and  a  writing  book. 

Thereafter  it  happened  that  the  inhabitants  disputed,  quarreled,  and  disagreed  among  one  mid 
another,  in  consequence  of  winch  Albert  Albertese,  Harmen  Courten,  Jan  Sely,  Jan  Van  Cleef,  Teunis 
Ydessen,  Cornelis  Beeckman,  Claes  Claessen  Smit,  Jacob  Hellekerse  Swart,  Huibert  Jansen  Hook, 
Willem  Willemse,  Pieter  Hesselse,  and  Jacob  Van  Curlaer,  on  the  11th  of  October  1659  united  in  a 
petition  to  the  Director  General  and  Council  for  relief,  which  they  handed  to  the  Fiscal  for  safe  keep- 
ing, not  being  able  to  send  it  in  consequence  of  the  season  and  the  Indians. 

The  Fiskal  then  gave  orders  to  fortify  and  surround  his  house,  which  alone  had  a  tile  roof,  with 
palisades  for  the  safety  of  the  inhabitants  and  as  a  place  of  refuge,  which  immediately  was  done  and 
finished. 

In  consequence  of  many  persons  neglecting  properly  fencing  their  lots,  keeping  them  in  proper 
order,  or  keeping  watch  either  personally  or  by  deputy,  dissatisfaction  arose,  so  that  Jan  Tomasse, 
Huybert  Janson  Iloock,  Cornelis  Beeckman,  Willem  Williamse,  and  J.  Van  Curlaer,  again  on  the 
26th  of  January  1660,  wrote  to  the  Fiscal  complaining  of  the  damage  daily  done  by  the  hogs,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  insufficiency  of  the  fences,  so  that  they  also  had  a  mind  to  be  neglectful  if  nothing 
was  done  to  abate  the  evil. 

The  above  and  similar  difficulties  and  disturbances  caused  the  Fiscal  much  running  about  and 
made  him  weary,  so  that  he  did  not  know  what  immediately  to  do,  and  doubted  whether  or  not  to 
accept  the  office  of  Sheriff  of  the  Town  of  Utrecht ;  he  did  as  much  as  he  could  do  to  make  peace, 

[Vol.  1.]  53 


418 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


so  that  the  building  and  ploughing  might  go  on,  there  being  at  that  time  but  few  houses  ;  these  were 
numbered  on  the  6th  February  1660,  as  follows  : 

Nicasius  De  Sille,  •  Pieter  Buyes, 

Hutger  Joosten,  Jacques  Cortilliau  a  barn 

Jacob  Swart,  Willem  Willerase, 

Jacob  Van  Curlaer,  Jan  Sely 

Jacob  Pieterse,  Aelbert  Albertse, 

Teunis  Ydesse,  Klaes  Smit, 

On  the  21st  of  January  1660  the  Fiscal  demanded  of  the  Surveyor  Jacques  Corfleyou  his  certificate 
of  the  survey  of  his  house  plot  farm  and  meadows,  which  is  as  follows:  A  lot  on  the  p]n;u  lying 
South  East  of  the  shore  or  strand  way,  and  North-West  of  the  land  of  Ruth  Joosten,  in  width  12 
rods,  and  in  length  25  rods  :  the  land  known  as  lot  No.  9  being  in  width  26  rods,  and  lying  Northeast 
against  the  land  of  Jacobus  Backer,  South-west  by  the  village  of  New-Utrecht,  stretching  South-east 
and  containing  25  Morgens  (50  acres);  also  a  piece  in  the  meadows  numbered  13,  containing  3 
morgens. 

Now  I  shall  insert  in  full  the  Fiscafs  Patent,  so  that  all  persons  may  understand  when  they  become 
liable  to  pay  the  tenth  of  the  produce  of  their  lands  to  the  government,  to  which  provision  all  are 
liable  from  the  date  of  the  first  patent  whether  they  take  them  up  or  not. 

Patent. 

Petrus  Stuytesant  on  the  behalf  of  the  Noble  High  and  Mighty  Lords  the  States  General  of  the 
United  Netherlands,  and  Noble  Lord  and  Director  of  the  Privileged  West  India  Company  of  the 
Chamber  at  Amsterdam,  Director  General  of  New  Netherland,  Curac.oa,  Bonayre,  Aruba,  with  their 
appendages,  with  the  consent  of  the  Noble  Lords  of  the  Council  aitness  and  declare,  that  We  on  the 
date  hereunto  underwritten,  have  given  &  granted  to  Nicasius  de  Sille,  a  parcel  of  land  lying  on  Long 
Island  in  the  Town  of  New  Utrecht,  known  as  number  nine,  in  width  26  rods,  bounded  on  the  north- 
east by  land  of  Jacob  Backer,  on  the  South-west  by  the  village,  and  stretching  South-east  to  the 
woods,  containing  25  morgens  (50  acres) ;  also  a  piece  of  meadow  land  known  as  number  13  contain- 
ing 3  morgens ;  also  a  building  plot  on  the  plain  South-east  of  the  shore  or  strand  way.  lying  North- 
west of  Ruth  Joosten,  in  breadth  12  rods,  and  in  length  25  rods ;  on  the  express  condition  and  terms 
that  the  said  Nicasius  de  Sille,  or  those  who  hereafter  may  obtain  the  same,  acknowledge  for  his  Lord 
and  Patron,  the  Noble  Lord  Director  above  mentioned  under  the  Sovereignty  of  the  Noble,  High  and 
Mighty  Lords  of  the  States  General,  and  in  all  things  as  a  good  inhabitant  obey  the  Director  General 
and  Council,  subject  at  the  expiration  of  ten  years  after  date,  when  required  by  the  Lord  Patrons,  to 
the  payment  of  the  tenth,  also  to  the  other  charges  and  services  to  which  all  the  inhabitants  of  the 
land  are  liable  when  occasions  arise  to  require  the  same ;  constituting  over  the  same  the  beforenamed 
Nicasius  De  Sille  in  our  place  the  actual  possessor  of  the  albresaid  parcel  of  land,  giving  him  with 
the  same^  complete  right,  authority,  and  special  charge  of  the  aforesaid  parcel  of  land  for  cultivation, 
dwelling,  and  use,  the  same  as  he  might  have  with  his  other  patrimonial  lands  and  effects  without 
our  having  any  further  claim  thereon  :  But  in  behoof  aforesaid  desisting  from  all  such  from  hence- 
forth and  forever,  promising  to  keep  firm,  valid,  and  inviolable  this  conveyance,  and  to  perform  all 
its  engagements  justly,  and  to  stand  to  the  same  without  craft  or  subtlety,  is  this  by  Us  subscribed, 
sealed  in  red  wax,  and  confirmed  ;  At  Amsterdam  in  New  Netherland  this  22^  day  of  January  1660. 

Signed  Petri's  Stuyvesant. 

(I  [ere  follows  another  Patent  to  De  Sille  for  No.  8.) 

On  the  15»>>  of  February  1660,  Jacob  Van  Curler,  and  Jan  Tomassen  who  had  the  oversight  and 
charge  of  the  Town,  sent  to  the  Fiscal  N.  de  Sille  a  letter  of  complaint  and  also  one  of  enquiry,  in 
the  first  of  which  they  complained  about  the  bad  management  in  the  Town  of  Utrecht  to  the  injury 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


419 


of  the  well  meaning ;  they  also  complained  of  certain  ring  leaders  who  they  would  not  name,  hoping 
they  would  repent  and  do  better  in  future ;  they  looked  for  and  expected  to  have  sent  to  them  the 
promised  Negroes  of  the  Company  to  set  palisades  around  the  village  as  thought  and  spoken  of  by 
the  Director  General  and  Council :  if  they  are  not  sent  they  desired  to  resign  their  situations  and  to 
have  others  appointed  in  their  places. 

Herewith  they  send  to  the  Fiscal,  draughts  of  rules  which  they  desire  to  have  put  in  operation  in 
the  Town  and  which  in  short  are  as  follows  : 

1.  An  order  relating  to  cattle  and  hogs  jumping  over  and  breaking  the  fences. 

2.  An  order  relating  to  the  saving  of  powder  and  lead. 

3.  An  order  relating  to  the  building  plots  of  the  inhabitants. 

4.  An  order  relating  to  those  who  own  lands  but  neglect  to  cultivate  and  build  on  the  same,  and 
who  remain  outside  the  place. 

When  the  Fiscal  had  read  the  above  he  drew  the  following  Petition  and  joined  to  the  same  an 
Ordinance  according  to  his  own  judgment,  and  on  the  23  day  of  February  1660  delivered  the  same. 

Copy. 

To  the  Noble  and  Right  honorable  Lord  and  Director  General  and  Council  of  New  Netherland. 

It  is  represented  to  your  Honor  by  the  orderly  inhabitants  of  the  Town  of  New  Utrecht,  that  they 
have  among  them  some  absentees  and  evil  doers,  who  refuse  to  listen  to  reason  and  act  in  an  orderly 
manner,  but  always  are  contrary  and  troublesome,  yea,  will  not  obey  the  Serjeant  Jan  Tomasse,  of 
which  some  time  ago  notice  wras  given  to  you  the  Noble  and  Right  Honorable  Lord ;  several  times 
the  Fiscal  has  been  written  to  in  relation  to  the  great  trouble  and  injury  caused  by  horses,  cattle 
and  hogs  and  consequent  damages,  also  that  they  refuse  to  listen  to  and  obey  the  orders  of  Jacob 
Curlear  and  Jan  Tomasse  in  relation  to  cutting  palisades ;  wTe  therefore  humbly  seek  in  the  first  place 
that  you  Noble  and  Right  Honorable  Lord,  will  be  pleased  to  send  the  promised  Negroes  for  8  days, 
and  also  to  approve  of  the  accompanying  ordinances  drawn  for  the  Town,  and  to  favour  us  with  such 
others  as  you  Noble  and  Right  Honorable  Lord,  may  think  necessary  : 

This  do,  &c.  .  Was  subscribed, 

To  the  Noble  and  Right  Honorable  Lord  in  the  name  of  the  orderly  inhabitants  of  New  Utrecht 
by  your  humble  servant 

NlCASlUS  DE  SlLLE. 

Amsterdam  in  N.  Netherland  this  23d  Feb.  1660. 

On  the  above  written  date  the  Fiscal  personally  delivered  the  following  to  the  Council  which  was 
ordered  to  be  enforced. 

1 .  Those  who  have  obtained  lots  and  plantations  in  the  Town  of  New  Utrecht  are  notified  properly 
to  fence  the  same. 

2.  They  shall  acknowledge  and  obey  as  Serjeant  the  person  Jan  Tomasse. 

3.  Also  to  acknowledge  the  same  Jan  Tomasse  and  Jacob  Van  Curlear  as  overseers  over  all,  and  to 
obey  the  orders  they  receive  of  the  Noble  and  Right  Honorable  Lord  Director  General  and  Coun- 
cil, and  to  proceed  in  the  first  place  writh  all  hands  with  posts  and  rails  properly  to  fence  in  the 
village,  also  the  plantations. 

4.  Also  thai  Village  or  Building  lots  be  properly  fenced,  to  prevent  one  and  another  receiving  damage 
from  horses,  cattle  or  hogs. 

5.  So  therefore  to  promote  the  prosperity  of  the  Town  and  for  the  benefit  of  the  in-dwellers  and  of 
those  who  may  hereafter  come,  the  Director  General  and  Council  directs,  that  they  from  now  hence- 
forth obey  the  person  Nicasius  de  Sille  as  their  officer  and  Jacob  Corlaer  and  Jan  Tomasse  as  his 
assistants  for  the  purpose  of  allaying  all  diflerences  that  may  happen. 


420 


PAPERS    RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


6.  Another,  that  all  the  inhabitants  assist  in  inclosing  the  village  (with  palisades.)  and  that  the  work 
be  divided  among  them,  so  that  every  one  may  know  the  portion  he  is  to  keep  in  order. 

7.  And,  that  every  person  who  neglects  to  keep  his  part  in  order  or  tight,  so  that  others  in  conse- 
quence receive  damage,  shall  be  liable  not  only  to  make  good  the  damage,  but  also  be  fined  12 
guilders  for  the  first  neglect  and  double  that  amount  for  the  second. 

8.  Also,  every  person  shall  properly  inclose  his  village  plot,  to  prevent  the  neighbours  receiving 
damage  from  cows,  horses  or  hogs,  on  pain  of  the  above  mentioned  penalty,  but  if  the  cattle  break 
through,  one  or  two  of  them  may  be  caught  and  shut  up  in  the  public  pound  until  the  damage  is 
made  good  and  the  penalty  paid. 

9.  Also,  the  inhabitants  shall  build  in  the  middle  of  the  Village  a  good  Blockhouse,  in  which  they 
shall  make  provision  for  a  grain  mill  for  the  convenience  of  the  people,  on  the  penalty  of  12  guild- 
ers for  every  one  that  neglects  to  assist. 

10.  In  like  manner  they  shall  build  a  public  pound  for  the  cattle  which  commit  damage,  on  the 
penalty  of  2  guilders  for  t  ach  person  who  refuses. 

11.  Also,  they  shall  cut  down  all  the  trees  standing  within  gun  shot  of  the  village,  so  that  they  may 
see  afar  off,  on  penalty  of  6  guilders  a-day. 

12.  Also  those  to  whom  powder  and  lead  are  given  for  the  public  are  forbid  to  use  it  for  shooting 
venison  or  game,  nor  shall  they  lavishly  squander  it,  on  penalty  of  restoring  four  times  as  much  as 
given  to  them  by  the  officer  or  his  assistants. 

13.  And,  for  the  purpose  of  purchasing  and  obtaining  good  ammunition,  the  Director  General  and 
Council  order  for  the  Town  of  New-Utrecht,  that  they  who  slaughter  oxen,  cows,  calves,  hogs,  or 
goats,  for  consumption  in  the  town,  shall  be  taxed  for  each  guilder  (10  cents)  of  their  value,  one 
stuyver  (2  cents) ;  and  those  who  do  not  produce  their  animals  for  valuation  previous  to  slaugh- 
tering shall  forfeit  the  same  for  the  benefit  of  the  officer,  the  Town,  and  the  informer. 

14.  And,  those  who  absent  themselves  are  notified  to  perform  the  part  of  the  work  which  is  allotted 
to  them,  for  neglect  of  which  their  lots  will  be  taken  from  them, and  furthermore  those  who  neglect 
to  build  around  their  village  plots,  will  have  the  same  given  or  allowed  l'or  building  purposes  to 
those  who  live  outside  the  village. 

15.  And,  that  no  man  may  pretend  ignorance  hereof,  we  direct  that  these  our  ordinances  be  imme- 
diately made  public  and  that  the  Scout  Fiscal  and  Assistants  be  notified  to  proceed  to  execute  the 
same.  And  that  without  conniving,  they  proceed  against  those  who  transgress  said  ordinances, 
they  being  promulgated  lor  the  benefit  of  the  Town  of  New  Utrecht. 

Thus  done  &c.  23d  Feb.  1660. 
On  the  25th  of  February  accompanied  by  my  deputy  Resolveertt  Waldron,  I  came  to  the  village  of 
New  Utrecht  with  the  above  ordinances,  and  made  the  same  public,  and  also  posted  a  copy  of  the 
same,  signed  with  my  hand  and  dated  as  above,  on  my  house. 

Nicasils  di  Sille. 

The  original  of  the  preceding  is  in  the  hand  writing  of  the  Secretary  Jacob  Curlaer  and  dated  as 
above  written. 

N.n  This  was  forgotten  10  be )    The  Director  General  and  Council  of  New  Netherland,  hereby  authorize  and 
inured  in  iu  proper  Pi»ce.  lqua]jfy  t]ie  N0l)le  Lord  Nicasius  de  Sille,  member  of  the  Council  and  Fiscal  to 
appoint  a  substitute  to  perform  his  duties  as  Scout  (sheriff')  in  the  Town  of  New  Utrecht,  until  the 
Director  General  and  Council  see  fit  to  commit  the  same  to  some  other  suitable  person* 
Done  at  Fort  Amsterdam  in  New  Netherlands  this  23J  February  A0  1660,  subscribed  by  me 

Petris  Stuyvesant  &c. 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


421 


The  Lord  General  P.  Stuyvesant  is  pleased  to  learn  that  the  new  Village  is  pleasantly  situated  and 
he  hopes  it  will  prosper.  He  also  on  the  6th. of  February  in  the  year  1660,  in  company  with  the 
Fiscal  personally  visited  the  place,  and  by  word  of  mouth  gave  good  directions  and  advice  ;  he  also 
called  the  people  together  and  admonished  every  man  in  the  first  place  to  prepare  and  make  his  own 
dwelling,  and  to  keep  a  man  or  servant  able  to  bear  arms;  also  to  enclose  the  village  with  a  good 
heavy  palisades,  for  which  latter  purpose  the  Director  General  and  Council  had  promised  several 
Negroes  who  should  come  on  the  16th  inst.  following. 

The  inhabitants  had  the  Prince's  flag  (given  to  the  Town  by  the  Fiscal)  hoisted  on  a  high  pole  in 
the  centre  of  the  village  and  unfurled  to  the  breeze.  Moreover  Ruth  Joosten  prepared  a  dinner  or 
public  entertainment  in  as  good  a  stile  as  the  place  could  afford,  in  which  he  was  assisted  by  the  in- 
habitants. The  Director  General  and  his  attendants  remained  but  a  short  time  at  the  banquet  in 
consequence  of  the  necessity  of  their  departure  to  attend  to  other  business. 

On  the  25th  of  said  month  of  February  I  brought  7  Negroes,  with  Paulus  Heymans  as  their  over- 
seer, who  on  the  26th  in*t.  began  with  much  strength  to  cut  trees  in  the  woods  and  split  them  for 
Palisades.  There  came  however  a  soldier  to  fetch  the  Fiscal,  who  consequently  could  not  remain 
longer.  He  was  commissioned  with  the  Burgomaster,  Paulus  Leenderse  Van  de  Grist  and  Jacob 
Backer,  Schepen,  to  proceed  in  the  yacht  Sea  Bear  to  the  South  River  (Delaware.)  When  he  returned 
he  found  the  Village  inclosed  with  palisades  to  his  contentment. 

At  this  time  Jacob  Backer  made  known  that  he  would  not  accept  of  his  improved  lot,  its  situation 
not  pleasing  him ;  the  Scout  and  officer  Nicasius  de  Sille  therefore  verbally  warned  him  of  the  con- 
sequences, on  which  he  answered  that  he  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  land ;  Will  you  have 
it?  keep  it.  On  this  the  Lord  General  gave  it  to  the  officer  de  Sille  and  on  the  27th  of  May  issued 
an  order  to  the  surveyor,  to  survey  the  same  as  follows  :  One  lot  known  as  No  8,  in  width  26  rods, 
lying  on  the  Southwest  side  of  the  land  of  the  said  Fiscal  and  on  the  Northeast  side  of  the  land  of 
Arien  Willemse,  stretching  South  East  towards  the  woods  containing  25  morgens  (50  acres) ;  and 
also  a  lot  in  the  meadows  known  as  No  4,  containing  3  morgens.  Besides  the  above,  the  Village  plot 
attached  to  the  aforesaid  lands  is  also  to  be  included  in  the  patent. 

At  this  time  we  discovered  that  we  had  an  insufficient  quantity  of  meadow  to  supply  the  wants  of 
our  increased  quantity  of  cattle.  We  were  advised  to  apply  to  the  Lord  General  and  Council  for 
another  piece  of  meadow  for  the  use  of  the  Town  situated  in  the  Canarse  meadows.  We  therefore 
several  times  spoke  to  the  Lord  General  in  relation  to  said  meadows. 

On  the  12th  of  June  1660,  the  General  with  the  Fiscal  and  Van  Ruyven  came  over  and  taking 
Curlaer  and  Jan  Tomasse,  went  to  the  Canarse,  where  the  meadows  were  shown  to  the  Lords.  Upon 
this  the  Lord  General  and  Council  made  provision  for  the  Town,  and  gave  them  a  piece  of  meadow 
extending  from  Varckens  (Hogs)  hook  to  the  Vischers  (fisher's)  hook,  where  the  fisherman  Hoorn 
had  placed  his  house.  The  Secretary  Cornelis  Van  Ruyven  was  notified  of  this  and  directed  to  de- 
liver to  the  Town  a  writing  securing  to  them  the  aforesaid  meadows. 

In  February  1660,  as  well  as  previously,  several  proclamations  and  ordinances  had  been  published, 
in  which  those  who  lived  separately  and  outside  the  villages,  were  charged  in  the  name  of  the  Director 
General  and  Council  of  the  New-Netherland,  to  abandon  their  separate  dwellnigs  and  destroy  them, 
or  at  least  to  unroof  them,  and  to  transport  themselves  and  their  goods  into  the  adjoining  villages,  on 
the  penalty,  in  the  first  place  of  the  confiscation  of  all  their  goods  upon  all  who  from  the  aforesaid 
time  are  found  residing  in  separate  dwellings  or  farm  houses.  Those  who  do  not  remove  by  the  18 
of  May  will  also  be  liable  to  a  penalty  of  50  guilders,  to  be  paid  immediately  and  also  to  have  their 
houses  unroofed  at  their  expense. 

After  this  it  happened  that  several  persons  who  resided  outside  the  village  paid  no  attention  to  the 
above  order,  among  whom  was  a  Mr.  Stilwel,  who  had  purchased  the  land  of  Antony  Jansen  Van 


422 


PAPERS   RELATING   TO   LONG  ISLAND. 


Salee,  Turck,  but  he  made  satisfaction  to  the  Director  General  and  Council  for  the  same.  Also 
another  was  Albert  Albertse  who  hired  a  part  of  the  plantation  of  C.  Van  Werckhoven  on  the  Na- 
jack;  he  excused  himself  on  the  ground  of  being  on  hired  land,  and  regarded  not  the  Lords  order,  in 
consequence  of  which  the  fiscal  ex  officio  brought  him  on  the  19th  of  August  1060,  before  the  high 
Council  in  Fort  Amsterdam,  and  complained  of  his  refusal  to  obey  the  ordinance.  He  was  condemned 
and  sentenced  as  follows,  alter  which  he  came  and  resided  in  the  village  of  Utrecht,  which  lay  near 
his  lands  : 

By  the  Director  General  and  Council  of  the  New  Netherland  on  a  hearing  of  the  parties  ;  We 
condemn  Albert  Albertse  alias  Lintwever,  to  amends  by  paying  the  penalty  of  50  guilders  as  per 
proclamation,  and  to  stand  imprisonment  until  the  fine  be  paid. 

On  this  sentence,  after  being  imprisoned,  he  paid  the  fine  and  then  removed  within  the  village  of 
New  Utrecht. 

In  this  year  it  happened  that  one  Pieter  Roeloffe  sold  his  house  and  building  lot  in  the  village  of 
Utrecht  to  one  Jan  Zeelen,  and  was  about  selling  his  farm  and  meadows,  on  which  he  had  performed 
very  little  labour,  to  another  man  ;  on  this  Jan  Zeelen  applied  to  the  Director  General  and  council  to 
have  the  said  lands  given  to  liim,  knowing  that  under  the  circumstances  such  lands  fell  to  the  Director 
General  and  Council.  They  granted  his  request  and  allowed  and  permitted  to  the  said  Jan  Zeelen 
the  lot  in  question  known  as  No.  18,  no  man  being  allowed  to  sell  lands  for  which  he  had  no  patent, 
without  liberty  first  obtained  from  the  public  authorities,  neither  was  it  lawful  to  alienate  the  same. 
This  took  place  on  the  16th  of  Jan.  1660. 

In  the  month  of  October  of  this  year  it  came  to  the  ears  of  the  Fiscal,  that  an  individual  had  done 
amiss  in  the  village,  from  which  evil  consequences  were  likely  to  flow.  To  punish  evil  doers,  frighten 
the  vicious,  and  produce  tranquility  for  the  good,  the  Fiscal  sent  to  the  Village  half  a  dozen  shackels 
with  an  iron  rod  and  a  good  lock 

Oderunt  peccare  Mali  formidine  poense. 
Oderunt  peccare  Boni  Virtutis  amore. 

In  this  year  1660,  the  Fiscal,  John  Van  Cleef  and  his  friend,  bought  of  Jacob  Wolfertse  Van  Cou- 
wenhoven,  for  the  use  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Utrecht,  a  Horse  Mill  with  the  appurte- 
nances which  had  been  used  for  grinding  in  Amsterdam  on  the  Manhattans.  The  mill  stones  and  the 
mill  work  were  brought  and  set  up  in  the  Village  of  Utrecht.  The  friend  of  Jan  Van  Cleef,  without 
the  knowledge  of  the  Fiscal,  sold  out  his  third  part  to  said  Jan  Van  Cleef,  the  Fiscal  being  security 
for  both  of  them,  and  having  paid  out  already  more  than  400  guilders  ($100)  on  account  of  the  mill. 
The  Fiscal  seeing  that  Jan  Van  Cleef  did  not  prosper,  and  that  the  last  day  of  payment  was  near  at 
hand,  threatened  to  prosecute  and  compel  him  to  act  justly.  On  this  Jan  Van  Cleef  sought  a  buyer 
to  sell  the  mill  to,  at  the  same  time  the  people  desired  the  Fiscal  to  buy  the  mill,  but  he  refused,  nei- 
ther would  he  sell  his  third  part,  having  in  view  the  benefit  of  the  Town  and  the  convenience  of  the 
inhabitants.  In  consequence  of  this  Jan  Van  Cleef  was  under  the  necessity  of  selling  his  two  thirds 
to  Albert  Albertse,  and  the  mill  remained  in  the  town  of  Utrecht,  the  Fiscal  remaining  unwilling  to 
sell  his  third  part. 

Proclamation  on  Slaug/Uering. 

The  Director  General  and  Council  of  New  Netherland  : 
To  all  who  see  this  Edict  or  hear  the  same  read  Health.    Be  it  known  that  daily  complaints  are  made 
to  us,  confirmed  by  proofs,  of  the  taking  from  the  plains,  cows,  hogs,  and  other  cattle,  belonging  to 
the  various  nations  of  Indians, and  slaughtering  and  selling  of  the  same  by  Christians,  or  by  men  who 
go  by  the  name  of  Christians  ;  to  prevent  such  acts  this  Edict  is  promulgated.    The  Director  (General 


TAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


423 


and  Council,  to  prevent  the  above  mentioned  evil  practices,  from  this  time  forth  hereby  expressly 
interdict  and  forbid  the  slaughtering  any  cattle,  calves,  hogs,  sheep,  or  goats,  by  any  person  or  by  the 
owners  of  the  same,  in  the  Towns,  plains,  villages,  and  Hamlets  of  this  Province,  unless  the  owner  of 
such  animals  on  the  same  day  on  which  he  intends  to  slaughter  them  informs  either  the  magistrate  of 
the  town  under  whose  jurisdiction  he  resides,  or  such  person  as  may  be  authorized  by  the  magistrate 
to  act  in  his  place,  of  his  intention  and  obtains  a  permit  for  slaughtering  said  animal,  on  the  penalty 
of  the  confiscation  of  the  slaughtered  animal,  and  also  of  paying  double  its  value.  For  every  permit 
the  owner  shall  pay  to  the  magistrate  or  to  the  receiver  appointed  for  that  purpose  for  the  benefit  of 
the  community,  one  stuyver  (2  cts.)  on  every  guilder  the  slaughtered  animal  is  justly  valued  at.  In 
all  places  the  money  obtained  for  such  permits  shall  be  reserved  for  times  of  need  or  difficulty,  and 
then  be  used  to  pay  those  who  may  be  employed  by  the  villages,  to  levy  soldiers,  and  to  purchase 
such  ammunition  as  the  occasion  may  require.  The  penalty  for  killing  animals  without  a  permit  shall 
be  divided  as  follows  :  one  third  to  the  informer,  one  third  to  the  officer,  and  one  third  to  the  Town. 

Done  in  Fort  Amsterdam  in  New  Netherlands,  this  18th  January  1660. 

The  above  is  the  ordinance  of  the  Noble  Lord  Director  General  of  New  Netherland. 

Witness  Cornelius  Van  Ruyven,  Secretary. 

On  the  6th  of  Dec.  1660, 1  sent  a  petition  to  the  Director  General  and  Council,  in  which  in  conse- 
quence of  my  being  confined  to  my  house  with  a  sore  leg,  I  requested  them  to  commit  the  supervision 
of  the  town  of  New  Utrecht  to  the  Heer  Tonneman,  Scout  of  New  Amsterdam,  and  to  authorize  him, 
in  my  stead,  to  settle  all  controversies,  misdeeds,  and  difficulties,  also  to  stimulate  the  people  to  build 
dwelling  houses,  a  block  house  and  public  pound,  and  to  dig  wells  lor  the  benefit  of  the  community. 
My  petition  was  sent  to  the  General  by  my  son  Laurens  de  Sille,  on  which  he  sent  me  word  that  in  4 
or  5  days  he  would  personally  go  to  New  Utrecht  for  the  purpose  in  the  first  place  of  putting  every 
thing  in  good  order.  The  Lord  General  in  the  mean  time  became  sick  and  matters  remained  as  they 
had  been  :  I  waited  for  his  recovery  and  intend  to  wait  and  see  what  will  follow. 

I  now  close  this  Introduction  or  Commencement  of  the  Records  the  Town,  all  the  preceding 
have  been  written  by  myself  and  my  son  Laurens  as  gathered  from  various  sources  and  memory.  I 
now  deliver  this  book  over  to  Jacob  Van  Curlaer,  Secretary  of  the  town  of  Utrecht,  and  to  his  assis- 
tant Jan  Tomasse,  who  I  desire  for  our  benefit  and  that  of  our  successors  to  continue  the  same  in  the 
manner  in  which  it  is  begun. 

Closed  this  15th  Decr  A.  D.  1660  in  Amsterdam  by  me 

Nicasius  de  Sille. 

(In  the  back  part  of  the  book  from  which  the  above  was  translated  is  the  following  :) 
Short  abstracts  of  proclamations  or  edicts  relating  to  misdemeanors. 

Sabbath  days  not  to  be  broken. 
1st.  All  persons  are  forbid  selling  Beer,  Wine,  or  strong  drink  during  divine  service  on  the  Sabbath, 
neither  shall  they  allow  it  to  be  drank  in  their  houses,  as  per  edict  of  the  last  of  May,  1617,  the 
26th  Sept.  1656,  and  12th  jn]y  1(557. 

Servants  after  9  o'clock. 
2d.  All  persons  are  forbid  selling  it  to  servants  after  9  o'clock  Ultimo  May  1647. 

To  the  Indians. 

3d.  All  persons  are  forbid  selling  strong  drink  to  the  Indians  according  to  the  edict  of  the  26th  Sept. 
1656,  and  12th  ju]y  1656. 


424 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


Fences  not  to  be  injured. 

4th.  All  persons  are  forbid  entering  into  the  gardens,  farms,  or  orchards  of  others ;  they  are  forbid 
injuring  the  fruits  growing  in  the  same,  also  to  break  off  the  clapboards  or  other  fencing  with 
which  the  premises  are  enclosed.  They  are  all  directed  to  keep  their  fences  in  good  order  so  that 
others  receive  no  injury  in  consequence  of  their  neglect,  according  to  the  Edict  of  July  1st  1647. 

Fighting  and  striking. 

5th.  All  fighting  is  forbid,  drawing  of  knives,  striking  with  the  fist  and  wounding.  Offenders  to  be 
punished  as  ordained  in  the  edict  of  15th  Dec. 

Inn  keepers. 

All  tavern  keepers  to  be  held  liable  for  willingly  permitting  fighting  or  wounding  in  their  houses, 
and  when  such  breaches  of  the  peace  take  place,  they  shall  inform  the  officer  of  the  same,  on  penalty 
of  having  their  trade  stopped,  and  making  the  amends  customary  in  Amsterdam,  according  to  the 
edict  of  the  15^  Dec'.  1657. 

Barbers. 

The  same  law  to  operate  in  case  fighting  &c  should  happen  in  the  houses  of  Barbers  according  to 
the  order  of  Amsterdam. 

Servants. 

Item.  No  person  to  create  difficulties  between  Masters  and  Servants,  nor  induce  Servants  to  come 
and  live  with  him,  neither  shall  he  take  in  his  service  or  harbour  them  in  his  house  more  than  24 
hours  without  acquainting  the  Officer  or  Fiscal  of  the  same,  for  servants  shall  be  obliged  to  fulfil 
their  contracts  and  to  follow  the  order  of  the  6lh  of  Oct.  1648,  and  the  custom  of  Holland. 

Highways. 

Item.  No  person  may  encumber  or  obstruct  the  highways  by  falling  trees  in  them,  or  stones,  but 
they  shall  be  kept  passable  according  to  the  edict  of  the  23d  May  1650. 

Waggon  racing. 

No  person  shall  race  with  carts  and  wagons,  in  the  streets  within  the  villages,  but  the  driver  while 
passing  through  villages  must  walk  by  the  side  of  his  horses  or  vehicle,  according  to  the  edict  of  the 
12t»»  of  July  1657. 

Dead  animals. 

Item.  No  person  shall  have  his  dead  beast  on  the  highways  or  streets  but  must  bury  the  same,  on 
the  penalty  of  3  guilders  for  the  first  offence,  6  guilders  for  the  second,  and  imprisonment  for  the  3* 
offence  if  he  remain  obstinate. 

Privies 

No  person  shall  place  privies  on  the  highways  or  streets  so  as  to  allow  the  hogs  to  root  up  the  filth 
in  the  same,  on  the  penalty  of  6  guilders  for  the  first  offence,  6  guilders  for  the  second,  and  imprison- 
ment for  the  third  offence. 

Weights  a?id  Measures. 

Yard  stick,  measures  and  weights  must  be  sealed  and  made  alike,  according  to  the  custom  of 
Amsterdam  in  Holland,  on  the  penalty  of  10  guilders  for  the  first  offence,  20  guilders  for  the  second, 
and  40  guilders  for  the  third  offence,  and  also  in  addition  to  have  their  trade  stopped. 


PAPERS   RELATING   TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


425 


Wages  or  hire  of  Indians. 

Those  who  hire  Indians  for  money,  must  pay  them  promptly  and  fulfil  the  engagement :  for  failure 
they  shall  be  condemned  to  pay  the  hire  and  be  punished  according  to  the  edict  of  the  28th  of  Sep- 
tember 1648. 

Concubinage. 

All  persons  to  be  kept  to  the  three  publications  of  the  bans  before  marriage  and  to  wait  one  month 
thereafter  so  as  to  give  opportunity  for  the  making  of  legal  objections  if  any  exist ;  if  after  the  ex- 
piration of  that  time  either  party  refuse  to  marry  without  giving  lawful  reasons,  they  shall  be  liable 
to  a  penalty  of  10  guilders  for  the  first  week  and  20  guilders  for  every  succeeding  week  until  lawful 
reasons  for  refusal  are  given. 

Further  no  man  or  woman  may  live  together  as  husband  and  wife  without  being  married,  on  the 
penalty  of  100  guilders,  or  of  as  much  more  or  less  as  the  quality  or  ability  of  the  ofi'enders  will 
warrant ;  if  continuing  to  offend  to  be  liable  every  month  to  pay  the  same  penalty  to  the  officer, 
according  to  the  edict  of  the  15th  of  Jany  1658. 

Conventicles. 

No  person  may  surreptitiously  hold  a  meeting  for  public  worship,  or  sing,  read,  or  preach  in  the 
same,  on  the  penalty  of  100  pounds  Flemish  ;  and  the  hearers  to  be  each  liable  to  a  penalty  of  25 
pounds  Flemish,  without  regard  to  the  religion  or  sect  they  may  be  of,  as  per  the  edict  of  the  1st  of 
Feby.  1657. 

Brewers  not  to  be  retailers  of  liquors. 
These  two  occupations  may  not  be  followed  by  the  same  individual,  neither  shall  they  sell  by  the 
can,  on  the  penalty  of  all  the  beer  which  may  be  found  in  their  houses,  and  in  addition  of  having 
their  trade  stopped  for  6  months,  according  to  the  edict  of  the  12th  of  Jany  1648. 

Goats. 

The  Goats  which  run  at  large  without  keepers,  in  consequence  of  their  injuring  fruit  and  other 
trees,  may  be  seised  by  the  officer  and  taken  possession  of  according  to  the  edict  of  the  16th  of  March, 
1648. 

Public  instruments  or  papers. 
No  man  may  draft  public  documents  or  papers,  unless  authorized  by  the  Director  General  and 
Council ;  offenders  shall  be  brought  to  trial  before  the  high  court  of  judicature  according  to  the  edict 
of  May  1649. 

Receiving  articles  in  pawn  for  liquor  forbidden. 
No  man  may  take  anything  in  pawn  for  liquors,  on  penalty  of  restoring  the  goods,  and  paying  in 
addition  25  guilders  for  the  first  offence,  50  guilders  for  the  second  and  double  (100  guilders)  for  the 
third  offence,  and  also  to  have  his  license  taken  away  and  trade  stopped,  according  to  the  edict  of  the 
3rd  of  Dec.  1657.1 

1  For  the  Translation  of  the  above  paper,  the  public  is  indebted  to  Teunis  G.  Bergen,  Esq.,  of  Kings  Co. 


[Vol.  l.| 


54 


426 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


GOV.  COLVES  CHARTER  TO  THE  SEVERAL  TOWNS  ON  LONG  ISLAND.   ANNO.  1673. 

PROVISIONAL  INSTRUCTION  FOR  THE  SHERIFF  AND  MAGISTRATES  OF  THE  VILLAGES  OF  MIDWOUT,  (FLAT- 
BUSIl)  AMEKSFOORT  (KLATLANDs)  BREUKELEN,  NEW  UTRECHT,  GRAVESEND  AND  BOSWYCK,  SITUATE  ON 
LONG  ISLAND. 

[  Flatbush  Rec;  also  Alb.  Rec.  ] 

Art.  1.  The  Sheriff  and  Magistrates  shall,  each  in  his  quality,  take  care  that  the  Reformed  Christian 
Religion  be  maintained  in  conformity  to  the  Synod  of  Dordrecht  without  permitting  any  other  sects 
attempting  any  thing  contrary  thereto. 

2.  The  Sheriff  shall  be  present,  as  often  as  possible,  at  all  the  meetings  and  preside  over  the  same ; 
but  should  he  act  for  himself  as  party,  or  in  behalf  of  the  rights  of  the  Lords  Patroons  or  of  Justice, 
lie  shall,  in  such  case,  rise  from  his  seat  and  leave  the  Bench  &,  in  that  event  he  shall  not  have  any 
advisory  much  less  a  concluding  vote,  but  the  oldest  Schepen  shall,  then,  preside  in  his  place. 

3.  All  cases  relating  to  the  Police,  Security  and  Peace  of  the  Inhabitants ;  also  to  Justice  between 
man  and  man,  shall  be  finally  determined  by  the  magistrates  of  each  of  the  aforesaid  Villages,  to  the 
amount  of  sixty  florins,  Beaver,  and  thereunder  w  ithout  appeal :  In  case  the  sum  be  larger  the 
aggrieved  party  may  appeal  to  the  meeting  of  the  Sheriff  and  Councillors  delegated  from  the  Villages 
subject  to  his  jurisdiction,  for  which  purpose  one  person  shall  be  annually  appointed  from  each 
Village  who  shall  assemble  in  the  most  convenient  place  to  be  selected  by  them,  and  who  shall  have 
j  lower  to  pronounce  final  judgment  to  the  amount  of  fl.  240  Beavers  and  thereunder.  But  in  all 
cases  exceeding  that  sum  each  one  shall  be  entitled  to  an  appeal  to  the  Governour  General  and  Coun- 
cil here. 

4.  In  case  of  inequality  of  votes,  the  minority  shall  submit  to  the  majority;  but  those  who  arc  of 
a  contrary  opinion  may  have  it  recorded  in  the  minutes  but  not  divulge  it  without  the  meeting  on 
pain  of  arbitrary  correction. 

5.  Whenever  any  cases  occur  in  the  meeting  in  which  any  of  the  Magistrates  are  interested,  such 
Magistrate  shall,  in  that  instance,  rise  and  absent  himself,  as  is  hereinbefore  stated,  in  the  2nd  article; 
of  the  sheriff. 

6.  All  Inhabitants  of  the  abovenamed  Villages  shall  be  citable  before  said  Sheriff  and  Schepens  or 
their  delegated  Councillors  who  shall  hold  their  meetings  and  courts  as  often  as  they  shall  consider 
requisite. 

7.  All  c  riminal  offences  shall  be  referred  to  the  Governour  General  and  Council,  on  condition  that 
the  Sheriff  be  obliged  to  apprehend  the  offenders,  to  seize  and  detain  them  &.  to  convey  them  as 
prisoners  under  proper  safeguard  to  Chief  Magistrate  with  good  and  correct  informations  for  or 
against  the  offenders. 

8.  Smaller  offences,  such  as  quarrels,  abusive  words,  threats,  fisticuffs  and  such  like,  are  left  to  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Magistrates  of  each  particular  Village. 

9.  The  Sheriff  and  Schepens  shall  have  power  to  conclude  on  some  ordinances  lor  the  welfare  and 
peace  of  the  Inhabitants  of  their  district  such  as  laying  highways,  setting  off  lauds  and  gardens  and 
in  like  manner  what  appertains  to  agriculture,  observance  of  the  Sabbath,  erecting  churches,  school 
houses  or  similar  public  works.  Item,  against  fighting  &  wrestling  and  such  petty  offences — provided 
such  ordinances  are  not  contrary  but  as  far  as  is  possible,  conformable  to  the  Laws  of  our  Father- 
land and  the  Statutes  of  this  Province;  and  therefore,  all  orders  of  any  importance  shall,  before 
publication,  be  presented  to  the  Chief  Magistrate  and  his  approval  thereof  requested. 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


127 


10.  The  said  Sheriff  and  Schepens  shall  be  bound  strictly  to  observe  and  cause  to  be  observed  the 
Placards  and  Ordinances  which  shall  be  enacted  and  published  by  the  supreme  authority,  and  not 
suffer  any  thing  to  be  done  against  them,  but  cause  the  Transgressors  therein  to  be  proceeded  against 
according  to  the  tenor  thereof;  and  further,  promptly  execute  such  orders  as  the  Governour  General 
shall  send  them  from  time  to  time. 

11.  The  Sheriff'  and  Schepens  shall  be  also  obliged  to  acknowledge  as  their  Sovereign  Rulers  their 
High  Mightinesses  the  Lords  States  General  of  the  United  Netherlands  and  his  Serene  Highness  the 
Lord  Prince  of  Orange  and  to  maintain  their  sovereign  jurisdiction,  right  and  domain  over  this 
country. 

12.  The  selection  of  all  inferior  officers  and  servants  in  the  employ  of  said  Sheriff'  and  Schepens, 
the  Secretary  alone  excepted,  shall  be  made  and  confirmed  by  themselves. 

13.  The  Sheriff'  shall,  by  himself  or  deputies  execute  all  the  Magistrates'  judgments  nor  discharge 
any  one  except  by  advice  of  the  Court ;  he  shall  also  take  good  care  that  the  places  under  his  charge 
shall  be  cleansed  of  all  mobs,  gamblers,  whorehouses  and  such  like  impurities. 

14.  The  Sheriff'  shall  receive  the  half  of  all  civil  lines  accruing  during  his  term  of  office  together 
with  one  third  part  of  what  belongs  to  the  respective  Villages  from  criminal  cases  ;  but  he  shall 
neither  directly  nor  indirectly  receive  any  presents  forbidden  by  law. 

15.  Towards  the  time  of  election,  the  Sheriff' and  Schepens  shall  nominate  as  Schepens  a  double 
number  of  the  best  qualified,  honest,  intelligent  and  wealthiest  inhabitants,  exclusively  of  the  Re- 
formed Christian  Religion  or  at  least  well  affected  thereunto,  to  be  presented  to  the  Governour,  who 
shall  then  make  his  election  therefrom  with  continuation  of  some  of  the  old  ones  in  case  his  honour 
may  deem  it  necessary.    Done  in  Fort  Wilem  Hendrick  1st  October  1073. 

Note.  Similar  instruction  were  sent  to  Flushing,  Hemsted,  Micklleburgh,  Jamaica,  Oysterbay,  Southampton,  Southold, 
Seatalcot,  Huntington  and  East  Hampton,  on  L.  I.,  to  Swanenburgh,  Hurley  &  Marbletown  in  the  Esopus;  to  Elizabethtown, 
Woodbridge,  Shrewsbury,  Newarke,  Bergen,  Piscattaway  and  Middlctown,  behind  Acbter  Culj  and  to  Staten  Island  & 
Westchester. 


NAMES  OF  INHABITANTS  OF  THE  TOWN  OF  HEMPSTEAD  1673. 


[  Vanderkemp's  Transl.  of  Dutch  Rec.  XXII.  ] 


John   

John  Smith  Blew 
Richard  Geldersly,  Sen 


Robbert  Beedill 
George  Hallet 
Samuel  Allen 


Richard  Valentyn 


Vrolphert  Jacobs 
Jan  Carman 
John  Symons  jun 
Robert  Jackson 
Symon  Tory 
John  Smith 
Peter  janse  Schol 
Richard  Gildersly 


Kaleb  Carman 
John  Williams 


Thomas  Richmore 


John  Ellesson 
Edward  Spry 


William  Osborne 
Edward  Renisen 
John  Fossaker 


428  PAPERS  RELATING  TO 

John  Sorram 
James  Payne 
William  Fixton 
Samuel  Denton 
Robberd  Hobbs 
Thomas  Sodderd 
John  Smith  jun 
Joseph  Williams 
Ralph  Haal 
Daniel  Beedell 
John  Jackson 
Johnathan  Smith 
John  Champion 
John  Hobbs 
John  Langd 
Jonathan  Semmes 
John  Bordes 
Robbard  Marisseu 
Mos  Hemmery 
John  Beets  carpenter 
Samuel  Embry 
Matthew  Beedel 

Comes 
Thomas  Ellison 
Philip  Davis 
 Hopkins 


Adam  View 
Edward  Titus 
Richard  Eliison 
John  Seavin 
Thomas  Teasay 
Thomas  Ireland 
Thomas  Ellison 
Joseph  Gem 
Thomas  Champion 
Joseph  Pettet 
Richard  Fotter 
John  Beddell 
Thomas  Southward 
John  Beates 
Calvet  Goullet 
Christoffel  Yeomans 


LONG  ISLAND. 

John  Woully 
Edward  Banbury 
Thomas  Gowes 
John  Mavein 
Wm  Thome 
Joshua  Watske 
Benjamin  Symenson 
Jan  Roelossen 
Elbert  Hubssen 
Lewis  Niot 
John  Ellison  jun 
Thomas  Seabrook 
Samuel  Jackson 
John  Pine 
Peter  Jan  sen 
William  Ware 
Solomon  Semmar 
Teunis  Smith 
Richard  Valentin  jun. 
Joseph  Wood 
Herman  Flouwer 
William  Dose 
Symon  Foster 
Henry  Mott 
William  Fourmer 
Joseph  Small 
WTalter  pine 
Josia  Carman 
John  Peacock 
John  Quakerson 
Thomas  Daniels 
John  Napper 
Richard  Osborn 
George  Robbert 
Charles  Abram 
Thomas  Appelbe 
Samuel  Smith 

  Persell 

Adam  Mott  Junr. 
Samuel  Jackson 
Joseph  Truax 
Joseph  Hoyt  & 

Nine  others  whose  names  are  lost 


PAPERS    RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


429 


THE  ROLL 


OFF    THOSE    WHO  HAUE  TAKEN    THE  OATH  OFF    ALLEGIANCE   IN    THE  KIN6S  COUNTY    IN  THE  PROVINCE 

of  New  Yorke  the  26  :  27  :  28  :  29  and  30th  day  off  September  In  the  Third  yeare  of  his 

MAYtsh  RAIGNE  ANN0Qu6  DoMINE  1687. 

[  MSS.  in  See's  Office.  ] 


off  fflackbush. 
Willem  Jacobs  Van  boerem  was  in  this  county 

38  Jeare 
Christoffel  Probasco  33  Jeare 
hendrick  Rijcken  24  Jeare 
Pieter  Strycker  native  off  this  Province  oft'  N: 

York 

Cornelis  Pieterse  native 

Cornelis  Peters  Luijster  native 

Dirck  Jansn  Van  Vliet  23  Jeare 

gerrit  Lubberse  native 

Ruth  Albertse  25  Jeare 

gerrardus  beakman  native 

Jacob  henk.  haff'ten  23  Jeare 

gerrit  Dorlant  native 

Engelbert  Lott  native 

Simon  hanssen  48  Jeare 

Jacob  Willem  Van  bueren  38  Jeare 

Reynier  aertsen  34  Jeare 

Pieter  Lott  35  Jeare 

Cornelis  Barense  Van  Wyck  27  yeare 

Jacob  Remsen  native 

Jan  harmenessen  Van  amesfoort  29  Jeares 

Willem  hendrickse  native 

Joseph  hegeman  37  yeare 

Claes  Willkens  25  yeare 

Willem  guil  Jause  47  yeare 

Auke  Reijnierse  native 

Jooris  Remssen  native 

Jan  Wouterse  Van  bosch  28  yeare 

Lambert  Jansen  native 

Jan  Remsen  native 

Jan  Dircks  Van  Vliet  23  yeare 

hendrickus  hegeman  36  yeare 

Jan  Spigelaer  25  yeare 

adriaen  hend  aaten  36  yeare 

Lefferd  Pieterse  27  Jeare 

Isaack  hegeman  native 

Pieter  guil  Janse  45  Jeare 


Pieter  Willemsen  native 

Cornelis  Jansse  Seeu  27  Jeare 

hendrick  Lott  native 

Daniel  Polhemius  native 

Jan  Van  Ditmaertz  native 

Denijs  theunissen  native 

Jan  Strycker  35  yeare 

Isaack  Van  Cassant  35  Jeare 

Jan  barense  blom  native 

Adriaen  Reyerse  41  Jeare 

Aris  Vanderbilt  native 

Auke  Janse  Van  Nuys  36  Jeare 

Elbert  adriaense  native 

Daniel  Remsen  native 

Jacob  Vandebilt  native 

Marten  adriaense  native 

Christiaen  Snediker  -  ative 

Abram  hegeman  native 

Jan  Cornelissen  Vander  Veer  native 

Theodorus  Van  Wijck  native 

Thomas  aaten  native 

gerrit  Snediker  native 

hendrick  Janse  native 

Roeloft'  Verkerck  24  Jeare 

barent  Janssen  native 

Jacobus  hegeman  36  Jeare 

hendrick  Willemse  38  Jeare 

Dirck  Jan  hooglant  native 

Jan  Dircks  hooglant  native 

Willem  Dircks  hooglant  native 

Jan  oake  36  Jeare 

gerrit  Janse  Strijker  35  Jeare 

Rem  Remssen  native 

off  Breucklijn 
Thomas  Lamberse  36  Jeare 
Jooris  hanssen  native 
hendrick  Vechten  27  Jeare 
Claes  arense  Vechten  27  Jeare 
Jan  Aertsen  26  Jeare 


430 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


hendrick  Claaesen  33  Jeare 
Jacob  hanssen  bergen  native 
Jooris  Martens  native 
hendrick  thyssen  21  Jeare 
Mauritius  Cou verts  native 
Willem  huijcken  21  Jeare 
theunis  gysbertse  bogaert  35  Jeare 
Willem  bennitt  native 
hendrick  Lamberse  native 
Jan  ftred  ricks  35  Jeare 
Jan  Couverts  native 
Luijcas  Couverts  24  Jeare 
ftrans  abramse  native 
gerrit  aerts  middag  native 
Simon  Aertsen  23  Jeare 
Matthys  Cornelisen  24  yeare 
Ephraim  hendricks  33  jeare 
Claes  thomas  Van  dyck  native 
Jeronimus  d'Rapale  native 
Jeronimus  Remsen  native 
Casper  Janssen  native 
Achias  Janse  Vandijck  36  yeare 
Jacob  Joorissen  native 
Jacobus  d'beauvois  28  Jeare 
barmen  Joorissen  native 
Jacob  Willemse  bennit  native 
Jacob  brouwer  native 
bourgon  broulaet  12  Jeare 
Jan  Damen  37  Jeare 
Cornelis  Subrink  native 
hendrick  Sleght  35  Jeare 
Juriaen  Vanderbreets  native 
Pieter  Staats  native 
Abram  Remsen  native 
Machiel  hanssen  native 
theunis  tobiassen  native 
Pieter  Corsen  native 
theunis  Janse  Couverts  36  Jeare 
Aert  Simonssen  native 
Adam  brouwer  Junior  native 
Alexander  Schaers  native 
Willem  Pos  native 
Jan  gerrise  dorland  35  Jeare 
Joliannis  Casperse  35  Jeare 
Claes  barentse  bloin  native 
Pieter  brouwer  native 
Abram  brouwer  native 


Jan  bennit  native 
barent  Sleght  native 
•  Jacobus  Vande  Water  29  Jeare 
benjamin  Vande  Water  native 
Pieter  Wiejnants  native 
joost  tfranssen  33  Jeare 
hendrick  aaten  native 
Jan  Janse  Staats  native 
Claes  Simons  native 
Anthonij  Souso  5  Jeare 
Joost  Casperse  35  Jeare 
thijs  Lubberse  50  Jeare 
Paulus  dirckse  36  Jeare 
Adam  brouwer  45  Jeare 
Josias  Dreths  26  Jeare 
Pieter  Van  Nesten  40  Jeare 
Jan  theunisen  native 
Dirck  Janse  Woertman  40  Jeare 
Daniel  d'Rapale  native 
gijsbert  boomgaert  native 
Volkert  Vanderbrats  native 
Jan  buijs  39  Jeare 
gerrit  Dorlant  native 
Adriaen  bennit  native 
Tnomas  Verdon  native 
Pieter  janse  Staats  native 

off  New  Uijtrecht 
Tielman  Vandermij  13  Jeare 
karel  Janse  Vandijck  35  Jeare 
Jan  Janse  Vandijck  35  Jeare 
thomas  tierckse  35  Jeare 
Wouter  Van  Pelt  24  Jeare 
Jacob  Christiaense  native 
Lambert  Janse  22  Jeare 
Jan  Van  De venter  25  Jeare 
Cornelis  Janse  Vandeventer  native 
gijsbert  thysen  Laenen  24  Jeare 
theunis  Janse  Van  Pelt  Laenen  24  Jeare 
Anthony  Van  Pelt  24  Jeare 
Jan  Clement  22  Jeare 
Cornelis  wijnhart  30  Jeare 
kreijn  Janse  Van  Meeteren  24  Jeare 
Joost  Rutsen  Van  brent  native 
\ni  theunissen  Van  I'elt  native 
Anthonij  du  Chaine  21  Jeare 
Jan  thijssen  Laenen  native 
Jacob  thijssen  Laenen  native 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


431 


Laurens  Janse  native 

Jan  Van  Cleeff  34  Jeare 

Wellem  klinckenberg  native 

Nicolase  Vandergriift  native 

Jan  Van  kerck  junior  native 

Jan  Van  kerck  senior  24  Jeare 

barent  Joosten  Ridder  35  Jeare 

hendrick  Matthysse  Smack  33  Jeare 

Cornelis  Van  kleett"  native 

Dirck  Janse  Van  Sutphen  36  Jeare 

Jan  kiersen  38  Jeare 

Gerrit  Courten  Van  Voorhuys  native 

Rooth  Joosten  Van  brunt  34  Jeare 

Pieter  ifransisco  native 

Jacques  Cortejou  35  Jeare 

Jacques  Corteljou  Junior  native 

Cornelis  Corteljou  native 

Pieter  Corteljou  native 

Willem  Corteljouw  native 

gerrit  Cornelis  Van  Duyn  38  Jeare 

Cornelis  gerris  Vanduyn  native 

Denijs  gerrise  Vanduyn  native 

Laurens  Janse  de  Camp  23  Jaer 

Pieter  thyssen  native 

Swaen  Janssen  33  Jeare 

gerrit  Stoffelse  36  Jeare 

Jan  hanssen  bruynenburgli  48  Jeare 

Stoffel  gerritse  native 

Joost  debaene  4  Jeare 

hendrick  Janse  kamminga  9  Jaer 

Cornelis  Rutsen  Van  brunt  native 

barent  Verkerck  native 

off'  Boswijck 
Volkert  Dirckse  native 
Pieter  Janse  de  Witt  35  Jeare 
Pieter  Daniel  10  Jeare 
Adriaen  La  fforge  15  jeare 
Joost  kockuyt  27  Jeare 
Isaack  La  ffebre  4  Jeare 
Pieter  Schamp  1 5  Jeare 
Wouter  gysbert  Verschier  38  Jaer 
Pieter  Loyse  native 
Jacques  flbntaine  native 
Pelgrom  klock  31  Jeare 
Volkert  Witt  native 
Daniel  Waldron  35  Jeare 
Simon  haecks  16  Jeare 


Cornelis  Loyse  36  Jeare 
Jean  Le  quie  30  Jeare 
Alezander  Cockevaer  30  Jeare 
Albert  hendrickse  25  Jeare 
Jean  Miseroll  junior  20  Jeare 
Claes  Cornelissen  Kat  25  Jeare 
Michiel  Palmentier  23  Jeare 
Vincent  Bale  4  Jeare 
Pieter  Para  28  Jeare 
Johannis  flbntaine  native 
Jean  de  Consilie  25  Jeare 
Josst  durie  12  Jeare 
Jan  Janse  36  Jeare 
Jacob  Janse  native 
Pieter  Simonse  native 
Jacob  dirckse  Rosekrans  native 
JochemVerSchuer  native 
hendrick  Verschuer  native 
Laurens  koeck  26  yeare 

off  jjiackland 
Elbert  Elbertse  50  Jeare 
Roeloft'  Martense  Schenck  37  Jeare 
Jan  Roelolls  Schenck  native 
Jan  Martense  Schenck  37  Jeares 
Jan  theunis  Van  dyckhuys  34  Jeare 
Court  Stevense  Van  Voorhuys  27  Jeare 
Pieter  Nevius  native 
Abram  Willemsen  25  Jeare 
Marten  Roeloffe  Schenck  native 
bans  Janssen  47  Jeare 
Albert  Courten  Van  Voorhuijs  native 
Pieter  Claasen  wijckoiF  51  Jaere 
Simon  Janse  Van  Aerts  Daalen  34  Jeare 
Cornelis  Simonsen  Van  Aerts  daalen  native 
gerrit  Pieterse  wijckoff  native 
Jan  brouwer  30  Jeare 
gerrit  hanssen  native 
Evert  Janssen  Van  Wickelen  23  Jeare 
Claes  Pieterse  wijckoft'  native 
Dirck  brouwer  native 
gerrit  hendrickse  bresse  native 
Pieter  brouwer  native 
Dirck  Janssen  Ammerman  37  Jeare 
adriaen  kume  27  Jeare 
gerret  Elberts  Stoothoff  native 
Jacob  Strijcker  36  Jeare 
Dirck  Stoffelse  30  Jeare 


432 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


Stoffel  Dirckse  native 

fferdinandus  Van  Sichgelen  35  Jeare 

hendrick  Pieterse  wijckoff  native 

Willeru  gerritse  Van  Couwenhoovcn  native 

gerritt  Willemsen  Van  Conwenhooven  native 

Jan  Pieterse  wijckoff  native 

Anthony  Wanshaer  native 

Luycas  Stevense  27  Jeare 

Pieter  Cornelis  Luyster  31  Jeare 

Jan  Stevense  27  Jeare 

Ruth  bruynsen  34  Jeare 

Willem  Willemse  borcklo  native 

Pieter  Pieterse  Tull  30  Jaer 

hendrick  brouwer  native 

Pieter  Monffoort  native 

theunis  Janse  Van  amach  14  Jeare 

Thys  Pieterse  luyster  31  Jeare 

Jan  albertse  terhuen  native 

Willem  Davies  34  Jeare 


Johannis  Willemse  25  Jeare 

off  gravais  End 
.  Renier  Van  Siegelen  native 
Stoflel  Janse  Romeyn  34  Jeare 
Johannis  Machielse  native 
John  boisbilland  2  Jeare 

had  Letters  off  Denisatie 
barent  Juriaense  29  Jeare 
Jan  barense  Van  Zutphen  30  Jeare 
Marten  Pieterse  native 
Jochem  gulick  34  Jeare 
Cornelis  buys  native 
Jan  Willemsen  Van  borcklo  native 
Rem  gerritse  native 
Adam  Machielse  Messcher  40  Jeare 
Willem  Willemse  30  Jeare 
Jan  Carstense  native 
Johannis  brouwer  native 


AN  EXACT  LIST 


OF    ALL    Ye    INHABITANTS    NAMES    \V,hIN    Ve    TOWNE    OF    ffluSHING    AND    p'ciNCTS    OF    OLD   AND  YOUNG 
ffliEEMEN  AND  SERUANTS  WHITE  &  BLACKE  &.C.  1698. 


/Coll :  Tho  Willett  and  Mtrs 
I  Alena  his  wife 
\  Elbert 


^/Cornelius  ( 
\  Abraham  I 


Sones 


|  Daughters 


/John 
Alena 
Elizabeth 
John  Clement :  Servt 
Negros  ffrancis  ) 
Jeffrey  Hary  Jack  >  7 
and  Dick  Mary  ) 
.1  ustice  Tho  :  Hukes  & 
iMrs  Mary  liis  wife 
Isaac  :  Benjamin — Charles  (  gones 
/Wm  Steplien  Cliarely  S 
Mary;  daugt 

Negros  :  Will  Cuffee      (  ^ 
Sherry  lfreegeft  &  Jane  S 
Majr.  Wm  Lawrense 


&,  Deborah  liis  wife 
William  Richard 
Obadiah  Darnell 
11    Samuel  John 

Adam  Debo:  Sarah 
Negros  James  Tom  j 
Lew  Bess  2  child  ) 
Richard  Cornell 
&,  Sarah  his  wife 
Sone  Richard 
Sarah  ) 
Elizabeth  >  Daug 
.V  Mary  ) 
Negros  Tom  ^ 
Lewi  Toby     >  6 
Sarah  &  Dina  ) 
John  Esmond  &. 
(Elizab:  his  wife 
(John  &.  Mary 
Wm  Jewell  serut 


TAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


433 


Sone 


Da: 


Daug 


^Samll:  Thorne  & 
Susana  his  wife 
Benjamin 
8/Samuell  & 
Nathan 
Jane  Kesia 
k  Deborah 
Negros  Coffe  ) 
Dinah  Kate     >  5 
Charles  Tony  J 
James  Clement 
&  Sarah  his  wife 
Thomas 
Jacob 

Joseph  &  two  )> 
12  Samll  & 
Nathan 
Mary 
Hannah 
Margarett( 
Bridgett 
Negros  Toby 

Dutch  Inhabitants. 
Cornelius  Barnion 
&  Anna  his  wife 
Johannis  sone 
Alke  Anna  ) 
7  Elizabeth  &  >  Da: 
Arante  ) 
Negros  Antony  ^ 
Jack  Corose      >  *5 
Mary  Isabella  } 
Martin  Wiltsee  & 
Maria  his  wife 
6  Cornelius  Hendrick 
Johannis  &  Margrett. 
Elbert  Arinson  & 
Cataline  his  wife 
5  Rem  &  Elbert  sones 
Anneke — negro  Dick'r 
Garratt  Hanson  & 
Janneke  his  wife 
Hance  Rem  Jan  ) 
Peter  Danll  Jores  ) 
Janake  Cattaline  Dau 


10 


Negro  Jeffrey  1 
Lorus  Half 
Canuertc  his  wife 
Jewrin  Peter 
11  Johannis  &  Jacob 
Stinchee  Maria  } 
Tuntee  Margaretta  ; 
Sauta  j 
Edec:  Van  Skyagg  & 
Ebell  his  wife 

7  Cornelius  ffrancis 
&  Arian 

EUzabeth  Rebecca 
Poulas  Amarman 

3  and  Abiena  his  wife 
Abena:  Daugliter 
Barn  Bloome  & 

4  ftammily  his  wife 
Garratt,  Johannis. 
Eliz  Bloodgood 

5  Wm  &  Elizabeth 
one  negro  Will 
Dirick  Poules 

&  Sarah  his  wife 

8  Peter  Thynis 
Rich'd:  Wm  Jon 
Charles  Sarah 
one  negro  Tom 

2  John  Bloodgood 
&  Mary  his  wife 

2  Powell  Hoff  & 
Rachell  his  wife 

2  John  Jores  & 
Maria  his  wife 
Derick  Brewer  & 

3  his  wife  Hannah 
1  child  . 

French  Inhabits 

John  :  Genung 
3  &  Margreta  his  wife  : 

John: sone 

negros  2 

ffrancis  Biu  to  & 

Mary  his  wife 
5  John  ffrancis 


Si  i IK'S 


Dau 


[Vol.  l.J 


55 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG 

Abigal:  Dang 
Sarah  Doughty 
4  Benjamin 
William 
Sarah  Seruant 
Negros  :  Okee  &  Mary 
2  Mary  Perkins 
Abigale  Daug 
Bess :  Robin  Maria 
Hanes 

2  Ann  Noble 
Abigale  serut 
Negros  :  Jack  Jan  2 

3  Mary  Bowne 
Annis  Ruth ;  Daugh 
Negros :  James  & 
Nell 

Arther  powell  & 

4  Margrett  his  wife 
Richard  Arther  sones 
John  Hinchman 
&  Sarah  his  wife 

7  John  James 
Mercy  Mary  & 
Sarah 

Negroo  Hetchtor  1 
Richard  Chew  & 
li'rances  his  wife 

7  Rich'd  Henry  Tho 
Hannah  Charely 
Mary  Elizabeth 
Thomas  Runley  & 

4  Mary  his  wife 
Thomas  sone 
Hannah 

ffrancis  Doughty 
&  Mary  his  wife 

8  Elias  palmer 
ffrancis  Obadiah 
Sarah  Charely  Mary 
Negros  Vester  Rose  2 
John  Talman  & 
Mary  his  wife 

7  John  James  peter 
Mary  Elizabeth 
Charles  Tom 


Sones 


ISLAND. 

Sarah  2  ch  5 
John  Thorne  Senr  & 

5  Mary  his  wife 
Hannah  k  Sarah  Wm 
Negros  Alex  wo:  3 
William  ffowler  Carp 
and  Mary  his  wife 

8  William  John 
Joseph  Benj 
Mary  Rebeca 
Negro  Jack  1 
John  Thorne  Jun'r 

6  Katherin  his  wife 
John  Mary 
Eliz:  Deborah 
Henry  Taylor  & 

5  Mary  Sarah  his  wife 
Sarah  phebe 
Negro  Tonny  1 
Edward  Greffin  ju 

4  Deborah  his  wife 

Edward  Mary 
2  William  Owen  & 

Mary  his  wife 
2  Hugh  Cowperthawt 

Mary  Southick 

Negro  Anthony — 1 

2  Henry  fl'ranklin 
&  Sarah  his  wife 

1  negro 

3  Patience  Cornelius 
Elias:  Mary — 
Tho:  ffarrington 

&  Abigale  his  wife 
Thomas  Robert 
Benjamin — 
8  Elizab:  Bridgett 
Abigale 
Negros — Mingo 
Winnee 
Harman  Kinge 

6  &  Mary  his  wife 
John  Joseph 
Benj.  ffrancis 

Toby  1 
William  ffowler  wea 


PAPERS 


RELATING 


TO 


L0N8  ISLAND. 


3  &  Judeth  his  wife 
William  sone 
Thomas  Willett 

3  &  Sarah  his  wife 
Sarah — Daughter 
Negro  Lay — 1 
Thomas  Hinchman 

4  &  Meriarn  his  wife 
Thomas  &  Sarah — 

2  George  Langley  & 
Rebeca  his  wife 
Mary  &  Sampson — 2 
Matt  ffarrington 

5  &  Hannah  his  wife 
Matthew  Sarah  & 
Edward 

John  Mariton 
flfrancis  John 

5  Cornelius 
Deborah  Ebell— 
Thomas  Yeates 
&  Mary  his  wife 

6  Mary  ye  mother 
Wm  Benj  Jane. 
Elias  Doughty 
Elizabeth  his  wife 

5  Elias  Eliz:  Thomas 
Negro:  Jack — 1 
Charles  Doughty 

&  Elizabeth  his  wife 

6  John  Charles — 
Sarah  Elizabeth 

1  negro  black  boy  1 

John  Harrington 

&  Elzbth  his  wife 

John  Edward  Matthew 
13  Thomas  Sam'll  Robert 

Mercy  Margrett 

Dory  thy  Anna — 

Elizabeth 

Sam'll  Bowne 

&  Mary  his  wife 
6  Sam'll  Thomas 

Ellmer  Hannah 

Negros  Simon 

Nany  mingo  3 

Joseph  palmer 


C  &  Sarah  his  wife. 

Dani'U  Esther 

Ric'h  pricilla 

Tho:  Hedger  & 

Elizabeth  his  wife 

Eliakim  Thomas 
11  Mary  Hannah — 

Jane  Sarah  Deborah 

Elizabeth 

Joseph  Thorne  & 

Mary  his  wife — 

Joseph  William 
1 1  Thomas  John — 

Benjamin  Abraham 

Hannah  Mary  Susan. 

1  Negro  Tom  : — 1 

Sam'll  Haight  & 

Sarah  his  wife— 
10  Nicholas  Jonathan 

Dauid  John  Sarah  Mary 

Hannah  phebe — 

and  1  negro  1 

Thomas  fford  and 
3  Sarah  his  wife — 

Thomas  Child 

2  Esther  fiord 
William 

Negro  Anthony — 1 
John  Embree  and 

6  Sarah  his  wife 
Robert  John  Samll 
Sarah 

Hatham'll  Roe  and 

3  Elizab'th  his  wife 
Dauid 

Charles  Morgan 
&  Elizabeth  his  wife 

7  Charles  James  Thomas 
Sarah  Ephraim  Sophy 
Negros :  peter  James 
John  Cornelius  & 
Mary  his  wife — 

10  John  Dani'll  Sam'll 
Joseph  Deborah 
Mary  phebe  Sarah 
Negro  :  Zambo :  1 
Jona  Wright  Senr 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


and  Sarah  his  wife 
9  Sam'll  Richard  Charles 

Job:  Mary  Hannah 
John 

Henry  Wright  and 
4  Mary  his  wife 

Hannah  Sarah 

Jona:  Wright  Ju 
4  &  Wine  his  wife 

Jonathan  Elizabeth 

Dauid  Wright  and 
4  Hannah  his  wife 

Dauid  phebe 

Joseph  Lawrense 

4  &  Mary  his  wife 
Richard  Thomas 
1  negro  Jack — 1 

2  John  Hopper  Peintr 
&  Christopher 

2  John  Hopper  Jun 

k  Margarett  his  wife 

John  Harrison 

Sc  Elizabeth  his  wife 

7  William  Edward 
Henry  Eliz  Ann 
Negros  Hechtor  )  ^ 
Kate  S 
Margery  Smith 

3  Judeth  Hannah 
Samuel  Tatem  & 
Elizabeth  his  wife 

6  Sam'll  Eliza  patience 
Mary  negro — 1 
Benj  Hauileind  & 

5  Abigaile  his  wife 
Adam  Benj  John 
Abigale  Bethia 
William  Renger  & 

5  his  wife  Elizabetli 
John  Jacob  Eliz 
John  Heauiland  & 

3  Sarah  his  wile 
John 

Thomas  Wildee 
Elizabeth  his  wife 

8  Edward  Rich'd 
Tho  Obailiah 


Isaaili  Eliz'bth 
Edward  Greffein  Se 

3  &  Mary  his  Wife 
Deborah 
Negro:  Jack: — 1 
John  Rodman 
&  Mary  his  wife 

9  John  Samuell — 
Joseph  William 
Thomas  An  Eliz: 
Negros — 1 1 
John  Lawrence  & 
his  wife  Elizab'th 

7  William  Richard 
Eliz:  Mary  Deborah 
Negros  James  Rose 
Bess  Robin  Moll — 5 
Benj  ffeild  and 
Hannah  his  wile 

6  Benj  John  Antho 
Sam'll 

Negros  Jo :  Betty — 2 
John  Greffin  & 
Elizabeth  his  wife 

5  John  Benj  Isaac 
Joseph  Elizab'th 
Rich'd  Greffin  and 

5  Susan  his  wife 
Sam'll  Sarah  Rich'd 
Dauid  Roe  Mary 

3  his  wife 

Mary  :  Negro  Sam  1 
Rebeca  Clery 

4  Athelana  Rebeca 
phebe  Negro:  1 
Philip  Odall  k 
his  wife  Mary 

7  Philip  Man 
John  Elizab'th 
Deborah 
Joseph  Hedger 
&  Hannah  his 

7  wife — Joseph 
Margrett 
Uriah  Sarah 
Hannah 

Antnody  Badgley 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


437 


5  Elizabeth  his  wife 
Anthony  Georg — 
phebe:  1  Negro  1 
D'an'll  Patrick  & 

4  Dinah  his  wife 
Sarah  James  ffeke 
One  Negro  1 
John  Ryder  &  his 
wife,  John  Robert 

6  Hartie  Wintie 

one  negro  1 

2  Dennis  Holdrone 
Sarah  his  wife 
Josiah  Genning 

3  &  Martha  his  wife 
one  child 

Edee  Wilday 
3  Rebeeca  &  Mary 

ffreemen-mm 
Tho:  Lawrense 
James  Clement  Ju'r 
According  to  ye  best  of  our  Knowledges 

[  Endorsed,  j  a  trew  Lest  as  it  is  returned  to 
augost  1698 


John  Clement 
John  Huker 
Jacob  Cornell 
Thomas  ffeild 
Joseph  ffeild 
Derick  Are  son 
John  Areson 
John  Yeates 
John  Man 
James  ffeke 
Robert  Snelhen 
Tho:  Steuens 
John  Dewildoe 
Abraham  Rich 
Robert  Hinchmen 

Inhabitants  530 

Negros  113 


JONATHAN  WRIGHT 
JAMES  CLEMENT 

by  the  above  constable  and  Clerk  this  Last  of 
iHO  :  HICKS 
DAN'LL  WHITE 
JOHN  SMITH 
EDWARD  WHITE 
SAMUEL  MOWETT 
JOHN  TREDWELL 
WILLIAM  HALLET 


A  LIST  OF  YE  INHABITANTS 

OF    Ye    TOWNE  OF    SOUTHAMPTON  OLD    AND    YONG  CHRISTIANS    AND    HETHEN    FFREEMEN  AND  SERVANTS 

WHITE  AND  BLACK  Anno  1G98 


William  Jennings 
Samuell  Jennings 
Benjn  Haines 
Benjn  Haines  Jur 
John  Haines 
James  Haines  Jur 
Thomas  Shaw 


David  Frances 
Frances  Shaw 
John  Shaw 
Samuell  Clark 
Samuell  Clark  Jur 
Elish  Clark 
Eliphelett  Clark 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


Clark 

Charles  Topping 

Clark 

ffrancis  Sayre 

Jerhamiah  Scott 

Iachabod  Sayre 

John  Scott 

Caleb  Sayre 

George  Haris 

Caleb  Gilbord 

George  Haris  Jur 

Daniell  Sayre 

Joseph  Smith 

Ephraim  Sayre 

Will  Smith 

Nathan  Sayre 

Thomas  Smith 

John  Bishop 

Abiell  Davis 

Samuell  Bishope 

Balhariah  Davis 

Josiah  Bishope 

John  Davis  Jur 

John  Bishope 

Eldad  Davis 

Joshew  Barns 

John  Davis 

Samuell  Barns 

Thomas  Lupton 

Robert  Wooly 

Joseph  Lupton 

John  Wooly 

Richard  minthorn 

Wooly  Joseph 

Jeremian  Jager 

Isaac  Bower 

Jeremiah  Jager  Jur 

Jonah  Bower 

John  Jager  Jur 

David  Bower 

John  Erie 

Daniell  Bower 

David  Erie 

John  foster 

Samuell  Cooper 

John  foster  Jur 

James  white 

David  ffoster 

Ichabod  Cooper 

Jonathan  foster 

Peeter  White 

John  ffoster  Terts 

James  Cooper 

Jermiah  foster 

James  Cooper  Jur 

Joseph  Hildrith 

John  Cooper 

Joseph  Hildrith  Jur 

Nathan  Cooper 

nathan  Hildrith 

Abraham  Cooper 

Jsaak  Hildrith 

John  Reeves 

Ephraim  Hildrith 

John  Reeves  Jur 

Daniell  Hildrith 

Thomas  Reeves 

Jonathan  Hildrith 

Gershum  Culver 

John  Woodrufe 

Jerimiah  Culver 

Samll  Woodrufe 

David  Culver 

Joseph  woodrufe 

Jonathan  Culver 

Benjn  woodrul'e 

Moses  :  Culver 

nathanl  woodrufe 

Nahurn  Culver 

Jonathan  woodrufe 

John  Bishope  Jur 

Isaac  woodrufe 

Joseph  Poast 

John  Buruat 

Will  Mason 

Samuel  Butler 

John  Poastt 

Gidian  Butler 

Richard  Poast 

nathaniell  Butler 

Tliomas  Sayre 

Obedia  Roggers 

Will  ffoster 

obadiah  Johnson 

PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


Ensn  Joseph  Peirson 
Henry  Peirson 
Joseph  Peirson 
Ephraim  Pierson 
Samll  Peirson 
Thomas  Parvine 
Thomas  Pervine  Jur 
Lift  Thomas  Steephens 
Isaack  Willman 
James  Willman 
Daniell  Davis 
and  Will  Hericke 
Will  Hericke  Jur 
John  Herick 
Herick 
Thomas  Hericke 
Robert  Patin 
Ephraim  Topping 
Thomas  Toping 
Thomas  Toping 
Mr.  William  Barker  Esq 
Mr.  John  Wick 
Job  Wick 
Arther  Davis 
John  Carwith 
Joseph  Howell 
Zebulon  Howell 
Joseph  Howel  Jur 
James  Howell 
John  ware 
Jacob  ware 
John  Ware  Jur 
John  Jessup 
Isaac  Jessup 
Jer:  Jessup 
Henry  Jessup 
Thomas  Jessup 
Mr.  Edward  Howell 
Samuell  Howell 
Jonah  Howell 
Edward  Howell  Jur 
Benjn  Howell 
Tho:  Howell 
Joseph  foster 
Christopher  ffoster 
Joseph  foster 
Daniell  ffoster 


nathan  ffoster 
John  Howell 
Manassa  Kompton 
Richard  Howell 
Richard  Howell  Jur 
Hezeckia  Howell 
Edward  Howell 
obadia  Howell 
Chris:  Howell 
Joseph  Goodale 
Jonathan  Goodale 
Joseph  Goodale 
Will  goodale 
Benjn  marshall 
Jonathan  Rayner 
Jonathan  Rayner  Jur 
Richard  Wood 
Isaac  Halsey: 
Ephraim  Halsey 
Nathaniell  Howell 
nehemiah  Howell 
Henry  Howell 
Ensn  Joseph  ffordham 
Joseph  ffordham  Jur 
ffellatia  ffordham 
John  Willman 
Mr  Jonah  fordham 
Jonah  fordham  Jur 
Mr  Joseph  Whitin 
Samuell  Whitin 
Joseph  Whitin  Jur 
Benjn  whitin 
Will  Blyeth 
Benjn  Hildrith 
Job  Sayre 
Benjn  Sayre 
John  Maltby 
Ephrm  whit 
Stephen  white 
Charles  white 
Isaac  Halsey 
Isaac  Halsey  Jur 
Isaac  Halsey  Ters 
Joshua  Halsey 
Thomas  Halsey 
Samuell  Halsey 
Samell  Johnes 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


Samuell  Jolines  Jur 

David  fibster 

nathan  Howell 

Jonathan  fibster 

Israeli  Howell 

Isaac  fibster 

Ezekiel  Howell 

nathanel  Hasey 

John  Jager 

Jonathan  Howell 

John  Jager  Jur 

Jonathan  Howell  Jur 

Samuell  Jager 

Isaa  Howell 

Jonathan  Jager 

David  Howell 

Benjn  Jagger 

Josiah  Halsey 

Josiah  Howell 

Josiah  Halsey  Jur 

Daniell  Howell 

Jonathan  Halsey 

Timoth:  Hileyrd 

Benjn  fibster  Jur 

Thomas  Hongson 

Henry  Ludlom 

John  Mowbry 

Will  Ludlom 

Anning  Mowbry 

Henry  ludlom  Jur 

Samuell  Clark 

Jeremiah  ludlom 

Jermiah  Clark 

Aibiell  Cook 

Charles  Clark 

Abiell  Cook  Jur 

Will  Clark 

Josiah  Cook 

Richard  Rounesfield 

Thomas  Rose 

Richard  Rounesfield 

Israeli  Rose 

David  Howell 

Humphrey  Huse 

John  Rayne 

John  Parker 

Epliraim  Howell 

abner  Huse 

Ephraim  Howell 

William  Rose 

Samuell  Howell 

uriah  Huse 

Isaac  Rayner 

John  masen 

Daniell  Halsey 

Jedadia  Huse 

Richard  Halsey 

James  fibster 

Daniell  Hallsey  Jur 

John  Huse 

Lift  abraham  Howell 

David  Halsey 

Abraham  Howell 

abraham  Halsey 

Charles  Howell 

David  Rose 

Philip  Howell 

James  Rose 

Ebenezer  Howell 

David  Rose  Jur 

John  Sayre 

Anthony  ludlom 

J  oli  u  Sayre 

James  Herick 

Thomas  Sayre 

Aron  Burnot 

Lott  Burnot 

Aaron  Burnot  Jur 

Joseph  Burnott 

moses  Burnat 

David  Burnott 

Jonah  Rogers 

nathan  Burnott 

Jonah  Rogers 

Jonathan  Burnott 

Rogers 

Samiel  Burnot 

James  Haines 

Isaac  Burnott 

Samuell  Haines 

Thomas  fibster 

Ellis  Cook 

Benjn  fibster 

Charles  fordham 

PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG   ISLAND.  411 


John  Cook 

Amij  Resco 

John  Cook  Jur 

Peregrin  Stanbrough 

Ellias  Cook 

James  Stanbrough 

obadia  Cook 

Doct  nath.  Wade 

EHijah  Cook 

Simon  wade 

Ensn  John  lupton 

Alexander  AVilmot 

Christopher  Lupton 

Joseph  Wickham 

Benj  Lupton 

Joseph  wickham  Jur 

Saniuell  Loome 

Thomas  Diamond 

mathew  Loome 

Capt.  Elnathan  Topping 

Samuell  Loorne 

Stephen  Tobping 

Isaac  Mills 

Sillvanus  Topping 

Isaac  mills  Jur 

Edward  Petty 

Thomas  Cooper 

Ellnathan  Petty 

Thomas  Cooper  Jur 

Edward  Pety  Jur 

Jonathan  miles 

Josiah  Topping 

Richard  Cooper 

Josiah  Topping  Jur 

Joseph  more 

Hezekia  Topping 

Joseph  more 

Robert  Noris 

Benju  more 

Robert  noris  Jur 

Elisha  Howell 

oliver  noris 

Lemuell  Howell 

Mr.  Ebenezer  white 

martine  Rose 

Elnath  white 

Jacob  Wood 

Lift  Coll  Henry  Peirson 

Lenard  Hasy 

John  Peirson 

William  Tarbill 

David  Peirson 

Will  Tarbill  Jur 

Theophilus  Person 

John  michill 

Abraham  Peirson 

John  michill  Jur 

Josiah  Peirson 

Jermiah  Halsey 

Bennony  Hint 

Jere:  Halsey  Jur 

John  fflint 

Benony  nutton 

John  morehouse 

Benjn  nuton 

John  morehouse  Jur 

Isaac  nuton 

Peter  noris  

Jonathan  nuton 

Lift  Thehopilus  Howell 

John  nuton 

Theoph:  Howell  Jur 

James  Hildrith 

Cilley  Howell 

James  Hildrith  Jur 

Theoder  Peirson 

Joshua  Hildrith 

Theoder  Peirson 

Ezekill  Sanford 

John  Stanbrough 

Ezekill  Sanford  Jur 

John  Stanbrough  Jur 

Thomas  Sanford 

Daniel  Sayre  Jur 

Samuell  Barbur 

Daniell  Sayre  terts 

Jonathan  Strickling 

Dan  Burnot 

nathaniell  Resco  Jur 

Ichabod  Burnot 

Josiah  hand 

Dan  Burnot  Jur 

natha:  Resco 

The  numbr  of  male  Christians  [.389 

[Vol.  I.]  56 


41-2 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


FFEAMALES. 


Ann  Peirklns 

Rachell  Reeves 

Hannah  Haines 

Lidia  Bishop 

Lidia  Haines 

abigaile  Bishop 

mary  Haines 

marey  Bishop 

mary  Shaw 

Eunis  Bishop 

Susanah  Shaw 

Sarah  Poast 

Jeane  Shaw 

mary  Poast 

Sarah  Clark 

mary  Post  Jur 

mary  Clark 

Patience  Sayere 

Ester  Clark 

mary  Davis 

Sarah  Clark 

Sarah  Sayre 

mary  Scott 

mary  Sayre 

Sara"!i  Haris 

mary  Sayre 

Eunice  Haris 

An  Halsey 

mary  Davis 

Abigaile  Reeves 

mary  Davis 

Elisabeth  gilbord 

Mary  lupton 

Cethia  Gilbord 

mary  lupton 

mar)'  gilbord 

Hanah  luptons 

Hanah  Sayre 

abigaill  luptons 

mary  Bishop 

Abigaill  Rose 

Susanah  Bishope 

Hanah  Rose 

Susanah  Bishop  Jur 

Abigaile  Rose  Jur 

Sarah  Bishop 

Sarah  Rose: 

mary  Bishop 

Hanah  Rose 

Patience  Barns 

martha  Bose 

Sarah  Barns 

debro  Rose 

aim  Woolly 

Hanah  Jager 

Ann  Woolly 

Sarah  Jager 

Elisabeth  woolly 

Hanah  Jager.  ■ 

Hanah  woolly 

Elizabeth  Davis 

Phebe  wooly 

mahitable  davis 

mary  woolly 

Jager 

Hanah  Travely 

mary  Erie 

Susanah  Beswik 

Mary  Cooper 

Ruth  bower 

Sarah  Cooper 

mahitabell  Bower 

mary  Cooper  Jur 

Sarah  Erie 

Elisabeth  Cooper 

Sarah  fibster 

Elisabeth  Cooper  Jur 

Phebe  foster 

Jerash  Cooper 

1  [anah  foster 

Phebe  Cooper 

Hanah  foster 

Elisabeth  Cooper  Jur 

Hanah  foster 

Johana  Cooper 

Hana  fibster 

mahitable  Cooper 

Hanah  Hildrith 

mary  Culver 

Hanah  woodrufe 

mary  Culver  Jur 

Sarah  woodrufe 

PAPERS   RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


Hanah  Woodrufe 

Johanah  Howell 

abigaile  woodrufe 

Abigaile  fibster 

Elisabeth  Woodrufe 

Sarah  fibster 

Ellisabeth  Butler 

mahitabell  foster 

mar tli  a  Buler 

Damary  fibster 

Sarah  Butler 

Penellopie  fibster 

Amy  butler 

Ellisabeth  Howell 

mary  butler 

Dorkis  Howell 

mary  Rogers 

Sary  Howell 

mary  Roger  Jur 

Sarah  Howell 

mary  Rogers  ter 

abigaile  Howell 

Sary  Roegers 

Elisabeth  goodale 

debro  Rogers 

mary  goodale 

Patience  Rogers 

Hanah  goodale 

mary  Peirson 

Sarah  Rayner 

Rebeika  Parvin 

debrali  Rayner 

Elisabeth  Steevens 

Hanah  Rayner 

Phebe  Steephens 

Sarah  ff'eild 

Susanah  Stevens 

mary  Halsey 

Susana  willman 

mahitable  Halsey 

hanah  willmans 

mary  Halsey 

Elisbeth  willmans 

Sarah  minthorn 

mahitable  hericke 

Mrs.  Susanah  Howell 

Ireniah  Hericke 

Prudence  Howell 

Phebe  Hericke 

Hanah  Howell 

mahitable  Herick 

mahitc  Howell 

Martha  Herick 

martha  Howell . 

Debro  Toping 

mary  fordham 

Hanah  Reeves 

mary  fordhani  Jur 

Temprance  wick 

mary  fordham  3d 

Temprance  Wick 

Phebe  .fordham 

Lidia  Howell 

Allath  fordham 

Bothia  Howell 

Deborah  Whiting 

ffreelove  Howell 

Rebecca  Whiting 

Elisabeth  ware 

Hanah  whiting 

Elisabeth  Jesup 

Elizabeth  whiting 

mary  Jessup 

Susannah  Maltbey 

Hanah  Jessup 

Susanah  Sayre 

martha  Davis 

Ester  fordham 

Sarah  Jussup 

Keziah  fordham 

mary  Howell 

Hanah  fordham 

mary  Howell 

Ruth  White 

Ireniah  Roggers 

Sarah  white 

mindwell  Erie 

mary  Halsey 

Mrs.  mary  Howell 

Elisabeth  Halsey 

Sibell  Howell 

Pheby  Halsey 

Elisabeth  Simpkins 

Hanah  Erie 

PAPERS   RELATING   TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


raary  Poast 

Sarah  Halsey 

Sarah  Poast 

Temprance  Halsey 

Dorithee  Post 

abigaile  Halsey 

martha  Poast 

martha  foster 

Debborali  Poast 

Bothy  foster 

Ester  Johnes 

■  martha  foster 

Phebe  Johnes 

Sarah  foster 

Mrs.  Mary  Howell 

Rachell  Ludlom 

Emiis  Howell 

Jane  Ludlom 

Jerusha  Howell 

Abigaile  ludlom 

Han  ah  Jager 

Rachell  Ludlom  Jur 

Lidia  Jagger 

li'rances  Cooke 

Hanah  Melvine 

flrances  Cooke  Jur 

Margret  Hilyard 

Hanah  Rose 

niary  Howell 

Hanah  Rose 

Mistris  aiming 

Sarah  Hericke 

Hanah  Clark 

Elisabeth  Burnot 

Pheebe  Clark 

Elisabeth  Burnott 

Hanah  Rounsifield 

Hanah  Burnot 

Martha  Roimsifield 

Mary  Parker 

Abigaill  wilson 

Ester  Rose 

Hanah  Howell 

Hanah  Halsey 

Sarah  Howell 

Hanah  Halsey 

Hanah  Howell 

Prudence  Halsey 

Judith  Howell 

Patience  Ludlom 

Ann  Howell 

Patience  Ludlom 

Grisill  Howell 

Phebe  Rogers 

Amy  Halsey 

Phebe  Rogers 

Hulda  Erie 

Sarah  Haines 

Ellisabeth  Halsey 

Sarah  Haines 

Debro  Halsey 

Sarah  nichill 

niary  Ranr 

Elisabeth  Cook 

Phebe  Raynr 

Susanah  Cook 

Hanah  Raynr 

Hanah  Shaw 

Sarah  Sayre 

Elisabeth  Cook 

Sarah  Sayre 

martha  Cook 

Damorus  Sayre 

Hanah  Lupton 

Phebe  Burnatt 

Hanah  Lupton 

Lidia  foster 

Lidia  Lupton 

Elisabeth  white 

mary  laughton 

Debro  foster 

Hanah  Lome 

Zeruiali  foster 

Abigaile  Lome 

Annah  Halsey 

Hanah  Loome 

Hanah  Howell 

Johanah  nuton 

Zerusah  Howell 

Johanah  nuton 

tnary  Howell 

Ester  leeming 

Temprance  Halsey 

Hanah  Cooper 

PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


445 


Sarah  taping 

mary  Bay  lee 

Sarah  more 

Hannah  Topping 

Elisabeth  more 

Hanah  Toping 

Sarah  more  Jur 

Temprance  Toping 

mary  more 

Toping 

Hanah  Sayre 

martha  huse 

Damones  Howell 

Hanah  noris 

Elliner  Howell 

Hanah  noris 

Penellopie  Howell 

mary  noris 

abiecah  Howell 

Sarah  noris 

mary  Tarbill 

hanah  leeming 

mary  tarbill 

mrs  mahi  table  white 

mary  Haris 

Elisabeth  langton 

mary  haris 

mrs  Susanah  Pierson 

Deborah  Hildrith 

Abigaile  toping 

Deborah  Hildrith 

Hanah  Peirson 

Hanah  Sanford 

Sarah  Peirson 

Hanah  Sanford 

mary  flint 

Elisabeth  nuton 

mary  flint 

Phebe  nuton 

Hanah  flintt 

annah  Halsey 

Sarah  noris 

annah  Halsey 

Hanah  noris 

Johanah  Resco 

Elisabeth  noris 

mary  barbur 

deliverance  priest 

.  Debro  Howell 

mary  barbur 

Phebe l  Howell 

mary  Strickland 

hanah  noris 

Mary  hand 

Ifrances  Peirson 

Abigaile  wade 

Ann  Peirson 

Sarah  Stanbrough 

martha  Stanbrough 

Ollive  Stanbrough 

martha  Stanbrough 

Eunis  Stanbrough 

Sarah  Sayre 

Elisabeth  Stanbrough 

Hanah  Sayre 

mary  Willmott 

Sarah  Sayre 

Sarah  Wickham 

Abigaile  burnot 

mary  Topping 

feamale  Christians 

NEGRO  MALES. 


Will 

Ceaser 

Tom 

Sambo 

John 

Jethro 

Will 

ned : 

Peter 

Jack 

Jack 

Tobee 

Dick 

Titus 

flranck 

Peter 

Tom 

Jefery 

Ceser 

Cisto 

Guie 

Lewis 

Samson 

brigitt 

Jack 

mingo 

Jehue 

Jack 

Dick 

Nero 

40 

Dick 

Tittus 

George 

[7  names  de 

440  PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 

NEGRO  FEMALES. 


Ann 

bety 

Rueth 

molly 

bety 

Joane 

Dorekis 

Dinah 

Jsabell 

Hager 

Sinony 

Bess 

bety 

bety 

Pegee 

mariah 

Elisabeth 

Hanah 

Philis 

Simony 

Perle 

Rachel 

hitabell 

Abee 

Judith 

Sarah 

females  negro 

Sural  1 

Judith 

Sarah 

persons  43 

Hanah 

Jinny 

Rose 

[6  names  destroyed. 

Joane 

Simony 

margery 

Sarah 

Rueth 

hanah 

The  number  of  Christian  Males  is   389  ) 

The  number  of  Christian  ffeemales  is   349  ) 

The  number  of  negro  Slaves  men  is   040  ? 

The  number  of  women  negro  Slaves  is    ....  043  S 

Indian  males  that  are  upwards  of  lil'teen  years — The  Squas  and  children  few  of  whom  have  any 
nam 


Chice 

Indian 

Dick 

Indian 

Johnson 

Indian 

Plato 

Indian 

Tom-hodge 

Indian 

Arther 

Indian 

Denitt 

Indian 

Anthony 

Indian 

obedia 

Indian 

Tliamanty 

Indian 

Cuttwas 

Indian 

Johnaquan 

Indian 

Abraham 

Indian 

queegano 

Indian 

Isaac 

Indian 

Lenard 

Indian 

Sam 

Indian 

Pisacoraary 

Indian 

Steephen 

Indian 

Jefery 

Indian 

nodian 

Indian 

Rhichoam 

Indian 

Judas 

Indian 

Redhedwill 

Indian 

Weegon 

Indian 

Pomquaneo 

Indian 

Cough 

Indian 

Simon 

Indian 

Sam 

Indian 

Canady 

Indian 

William 

Indian 

Tohemon 

Indian 

na 

Indian 

Coyemow 

Indian 

Chitty 

Indian 

ffranck 

Indian 

Hary 

Indian 

Toby 

Indian 

Joseph 

Indian 

macrobow 

Indian 

Tom 

Indian 

nabamacow 

Indian 

waynantuck 

Indian 

Philip 

Indian 

waneno 

Indian 

Sam 

Indian 

Titus 

Indian 

Tom  lenard 

Indian 

The  uuber  of  Indians  upwards  of  1 5  years    ....  ....  52 

The  Indians  Informes  there  is  about  The  same  number  of  woomeuand  as  many  Chil-  \ 
dren    .       .       .       ,  .       .       .      atur   •     "  M    «  5 


821 


152 


PAPERS    RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND.  447 

The  hethen  are  So  Scattered  To  and  frow  that  they  can  neither  be  Summonsed  in  [Manuscript 
torn.] 

The  above  listt  of  the  Inhabitants  of  ye  Town  of  Southampton,  Taken  p  me  this  15th  day  of 

September  1698. 

MATHEW  HOWELL. 


A  LIST  OF  THE  NAMES 

OF  OLD  AND  YOUNG,  CHRISTIANS,  AND  HEATHENS,  FFREMEN,  AND  SERVANTS;    WHITE;    AND  BLACK;  &C. 
INHABITTEINGE  WITHIN  THE  TOWN-SHIPP  OF  SOUTHOLD  VIZ  


Isaac  Arnold 

Elizabeth  Horton 

Sarah  Arnold 

rr  _    .  '  *   t     tt  j 

Zerviah  Horton 

Rachel  Arnold 

Jasper  Griming 

CI           1        A              1  J    T.   • 

Sarah  Arnold  Junjr 

Hannah  Grilling 

CI   1        4  1  J 

Susannah  Arnold 

Robert  Grilling 

C1                        1      ITT       1  1. 

Susannah  Washbourn 

Susannah  Grilling 

John  Washbourn 

Edward  Griffing 

Thomas  Mapes 

Robert  Grilling  Junjr 

Mary  Mapes 

Samuel  Grilling 

Abigail  Mapes 

John  Grilling 

Margarett  Edwards 

John  Youngs 

Joshua  Hobart 

Wm  Walter 

Peter  Hobart 

Theoder  Ballens 

John  Hobart 

Mary  Griffing 

Ebenezer  Way 

Prudence  Smith 

Irene  Way 

John  Booth 

Eliezer  Way 

Hannah  Booth 

Jonathan  Horton 

Mehitophel  Booth 

Bathia  Horton 

John  Bootli  Junjr 

Jonathan  Horton  Junjr 

Obadiah  Booth 

William  Horton 

Daniel  Bootli 

James  Horton 

Hannah  Booth  Junjr 

Mehitobel  Horton 

Patience  Booth 

Mary  Horton 

Thomas  Emmons 

Abigail  Horton 

Mary  Emmons 

Patience  Horton 

Obadiah  Emmons 

Stephen  Bouyer 

Elizth.  Emmons 

Jonas  Holdsworth 

Thomas  Paine 

Joshua  Horton 

John  Tutthill 

Mary  Horton 

Sarah  Tutthill 

Ephraim  Horton 

Daniel  Tutthill 

Mary  Horton  Junjr 

Nathaniel  Tutthill 

Bathia  Horton 

Ephraim  Youngs 

448  PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


Mary  Youngs 

Nathaniel  Youngs 

Ruth  Terry 

John  Youngs 

Thomas  Youngs 

Charity  Nashbourne 

Mary  Youngs 

Thomas  Terrell 

Christopher  Bradly 

John  Terrell 

John  Edwards 

Richard  Terrell 

William  Barnes 

Abigail  Terrell 

Mary  Mayhevv 

Nicholas  Terrell 

Benjamin  Lhommedieu 

Catharine  Terrell 

Patience  Lhommedieu 

Peter  Hallock 

Benjamin  Lhommedieu  Junjr 

Eliza  Hallock 

Hosea  Lhommedieu 

Bathia  Hallock 

Eliza  Sylvester 

Abigail  Hallock 

William  Booth 

Peter  Hallock  Junjr 

Hannah  Booth 

William  Hallock 

Wm  Booth  Junjr 

Noah  Hallock 

Samuel  Booth 

Richard  Benjamen 

George  Booth 

Eliza  Benjamen 

Hannah  Booth  Junjr 

Anna  Benjamen 

Thomas  Terry 

John  Benjamen 

Eliza  Terry 

Richard  Benjamen  Junjr 

Thomas  Terry  Junjr. 

Jonathan  Benjamen 

Daniel  Terry 

David  Benjamen 

Joseph  Terry 

Joshua  Benjamen 

Abigail  Terry 

Joseph  Benjamen 

Hannah  Martin 

Daniel  Terry 

John  Rogers 

Sarah  Terry 

John  Conckline 

■  Daniel  Terry  Junjr 

Sarah  Concklin 

Samuel  Terry 

Sarah  Conckline  Junr. 

Eliza  Terry 

John  Conckline  Junjr 

James  Terry 

Henry  Conckline 

Isaac  Ouenton 

Rachel  Concklin 

John  Ouenton 

Thomas  Concklin 

Thomas  Ouenton 

Mary  Concklin 

Thomas  Goldsmith 

Joseph  Concklin 

Bathia  Goldsmith 

Abigail  Concklin 

Joshua  Goldsmith 

Joseph  Concklin  Junjr 

Richard  Terry 

John  Concklin 

Prudence  Terry 

Phillip  Gooding 

Abigail  Coleman 

Sarah  Gooding 

Caleb  Horton 

Amos  Gooding 

John  Kecue 

Phillip  Gooding  Junjr 

hannah  Reeue 

fl'reeloue  Goodinu 

Walter  Reeue 

Christopher  Youngs 

John  Reeue  Junjr 

Mercy  Youngs 

Elisha  Keeue 

Abraham  Youngs 

Abigail  Reeue 

PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


449 


Bathia  Reeue 

Richard  Hallock 

Margarett  Giles 

Richard  Howell 

Peter  Dickerson 

David  Howell 

Naomy  Dickerson 

Jonathan  Howell 

Philemon  Dickerson 

Pi  chard  Howell  Junjr 

John  Dickerson 

Isaac  Howell 

Mary  Dickerson  Junjr 

Jacob  Howell 

Naomy  Dickerson 

Eliza  Howell 

Thomas  Dickerson 

Dorathy  Howell 

Mary  Dickerson 

Mary  Youngs  Junjr  widdow 

Mary  Monjoy 

Christopher  Youngs  Junjr 

Jonathan  Reene 

Anna  Youngs 

Martha  Reene 

Phebe  Youngs 

Margarett  Reeue 

Eliza  Youngs 

Mary  Reeue 

John  Gattin 

Martha  Reeue  Junjr 

Sarah  Gattin 

Matthew  Reeue 

Anna  Gattin 

Jonathan  Mapes 

Jonathan  Brown 

Hester  Mapes 

Eliza  Brown 

Benjamen  Youngs 

Jonathan  Brown  Junjr 

Mary  Youngs 

Eliza  Brown  junjr 

Grover  Youngs 

Hannah  Brown 

John  Bailey 

Rachel  Brown 

Lott  Johnson 

Mary  Giles 

Gideon  Youngs 

Edward  Gattin 

Sarah  Youngs 

Mary  Voungs  widdow 

Joseph  Youngs 

Daniel  Youngs 

Jonathan  Youngs 

William  Youngs 

David  Youngs 

Joshua  Youngs 

Gidion  Youngs 

Samuel  Turner 

Sarah  Youngs 

Mary  Wiggans 

Hannah  Youngs 

Nathan  Langdon 

Margarett  Youngs 

Hannah  Langdon 

Mary  Youngs 

Eliza  Langdon 

Hannah  Wiggin  widow 

Nathan  Langdon  Junjr 

James  Wiggin 

James  Langdon 

Annis  Wiggin 

Samuel  Youngs 

Eliza  Wiggin 

Joseph  Sweazy 

Patience  Ryder 

Mary  Sweazy 

Thomas  Hallock 

Johannah  Sweazy 

Hope  Hallock 

Joseph  Sweazy  Junjr 

Thomas  Hallock 

Mary  Swazy 

Kingsland  Hallock 

Sarah  Swazy 

Ichabod  Hallock 

Samuel  Swazy 

Zerobabel  Hallock 

Richard  Swazy 

Anna  Hallock 

Stephen  Swazy 

Patience  Hallock 

Bathia  Swazy 

LVOL.  l.j 


57 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


Thomas  Moor  junjr 
Jean  Moor 
Mary  Moor 
Rachel  Moor 
Isaac  Osmond 
Chaterine  Osmond 
Martha  Osmond 
Prudence  Osmond 
Isaac  Osmond 
William  Downs 
Abigail  Downs 
Abijah  Downs  Junjr 
Samuel  King  Junjr 
Hannah  King 
Samuel  King 
Zacharias  King 
John  Swazy 
Mary  Swazy 
Jno.  Swazy  Junjr 
Susana.  Swazy 
Mary  Swazy  Junjr 
Joshua  &  Phebe  Swazy 
Jacob  Conckline 
Mary  Conckline 
Jacob  Conckline  Junjr 
Samuel  Conckline 
John  Conckline 
Gideon  Conckline 
Mary  Conckline  Junjr 
Joseph  Conckline 
Joseph  Conckline  Junjr 
Mary  Baily 
Theophilus  Corwin 
John  Ha r wood 
William  Brown 
Catharine  Brown 
Wm  Brown  junjr 
John  Brown 
Walter  Brown 
Silvanus  Brown 
David  Brown 
Mary  Brown 
Sarah  Martin 
John  Corwin 
Matthias  Corwin 
Samuel  Corwin 
Anna  Corwin 


Abigail  Corwin 
John  Corwin  Junjr 
Sarah  Corwin 
Sarah  Corwin  Junjr 
Eliza  Corwin 
Hester  Corwin 
Jacob  Ozmond 
Sarah  Ozmond 
Mary  Ozmond 
Sarah  Ozmond  Junjr 
Eliza  Ozmond 
Hester  Ozmond 
Pinnina  Ozmond 
Hannah  Ozmond 
Martha  Ozmond  widdw 
Sarah  Ozmond 
Dinah  Blyth 
Jno.  Howel 
Thomas  Clark 
Mary  Clark 
Thomas  Clark  Junjr 
Elizabeth  Clark 
Mary  Ozmond  widdow 
Deborah  Ozmond 
Phebe  Ozmond 
Johannah  Ozmond 
Mercy  Ozmond 
Samuel  Ozmond 
William  King 
Abigail  King 
Wm  King  Junjr 
Hannah  King 
David  King 
Sarah  Youngs 
Daniel  King 
Robert  Labe 
Caleb  Curtjes 
Eliza  Curtjes 
Joshua  Curtjes 
Mary  Curtjes 
Samuel  Curtjes 
Sarah  Curtjes 
Hannah  Curtjes 
Richard  Curtjes 
Stephen  Baily 
Mary  Baily 
Hannah  Baily 


PAPERS   RELATING   TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


Israel  Baily 

Thomas  Ryder 

Temprance  Baily 

Joseph  Ryder 

Jonathan  Baily 

Providence  Ryder 

Christian  Baily 

Jeremiah  Ryder 

David  Gardiner 

Hester  Ryder 

Martha  Gardiner 

Mehitobel  Ryder 

Mary  Gardiner 

John  Budd 

Mehitober  Corwin 

Hester  Budd 

Samuell  King- 

John  Budd  Junjr 

Abigail  King 

Joseph  Budd 

Theophilus  Case 

Susannah  Budd 

hannah  Case 

Mary  Budd 

William  Case 

Martha  Moor  widdow 

Icabod  Case 

John  Trusteen 

John  Case 

Jonathan  Moor 

Eliza  Robertson 

William  Moor 

Jasper  Griffing  Junjr 

Mary  Trusteen 

Ruth  Griffing 

John  Pain  Junjr 

Jasper  Griffing 

Sarah  Pain 

Ruth  Griffing 

Nathaniel  Pain 

Abraham  Corey 

John  Pain 

Margarett  Corey 

Samuel  Crook 

Mary  Corey 

Joseph  Crook 

Abraham  Corey  Junjr 

Sussannah  Crook 

Jno  Corey 

John  ffrancklin 

Dorathy  Corey 

Philk  ffrancklin 

Patience  Mayhew 

Jno  ffrancklin  Junjr 

Isaac  Corey 

Mary  ffrancklin 

Sarah  Corey 

Samuel  ffrancklin 

Isaac  Corey  Junjr 

Martha  ffrancklin 

David  Corey 

ffrancis  Noise 

Jonathan  Corey 

Perrsha  Noice 

Sarah  Corey  Junjr 

Catharine  Noise 

Phebe  Corey 

Eliza  Lewis 

Deborali  Corey 

Mary  Reeue  widdow 

Peter  Aldridge 

Wm  Reeue 

Annis  Reeue  widdow 

Abigail  Reeue 

Walter  Brown 

Margarett  Reeue 

Joseph  Brown 

Sarah  Reeue 

Daniel  Brown 

Thomas  Reeue 

Gersham  Aldridge 

Henry  Tuthill 

James  Pattay 

Batthia  Tuthill 

Experience  Pattay 

Henry  Tuthill  Junjr 

James  Pattay  Junjr 

Jonathan  Tuthill 

Mary  Pattay 

Nathaniel  Tuthill 

nymon  Pattay 

Barnabas  Tuthill 

Experience  Pattay 

Abigail  Martin 

PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


Hester  Hoaman  widdow 

Mary  Goldsmith 

Hester  Hoaman  Junjr 

Henry  Wells 

John  Joanes 

Mary  Wells 

Tlunnas  Hunter 

Martha  Carr 

Eliza  Hunter 

Samuel  Glouer 

Eliza  hunter  Junjr 

Saiah  Glouer 

Zervia  Hunter 

Samuel  Glouer  junjr 

Hannah  Hunter 

Martha  Glouer 

Sarah  Horton  Widdw 

hanna.  Glouer 

Peanellope  Horton 

Hester  Glouer 

John  Pattay 

William  Glouer 

Mary  Pattay 

Charles  Glouer 

Edward  Pattay 

Martha  Glouer 

David  Pattay 

Euan  Davis 

Mary  Pattay 

Mary  Davis 

Joshua  Wells 

Mordecai  hoaman 

Hannah  Wells 

William  Coleman 

William  Wells 

Mary  Coleman 

Jno.  Wells 

Sarah  Coleman 

Joshua  Wells 

William  Coleman  Junjr 

Deliuerance  Wells 

Mary  Coleman  Junjr 

Abigail  Wells 

Sarah  Coleman  Junjr 

Ann  Wells 

Charles  Booth 

Mary  Martin 

Abigail  Booth 

John  Owen 

Mary  Horton  widdow 

Thomas  Booth 

Jean  Mappon 

Mary  Booth 

Charles  Booth  Junjr 

John  Booth 

Abigail  Booth  Junjr 

Thomas  Booth  Junjr 

David  Booth 

James  Booth 

Jacob  Aldridge 

Giles  Booth 

Caleb  Horton 

Mary  Booth  Junjr 

Jonathan  Horton 

Abraham  Ozmond 

David  Horton 

Rebecca  Ozmond 

Barnabas  Horton 

Joseph  Ozmond 

Phebe  Horton 

John  Ozmond 

Samuel  Windes 

Damarass  Terrell 

Mary  Windes 

John  Alio  whin 

Win  Coe 

hannah  Allowbin  Junjr 

Charley  Edwards 

Mary  Allowbin 

Lott  Johnson 

Tabitha  Allowbin 

Joseph  Pattay 

John  Goldsmith 

Mary  Pattay 

Eliza  Goldsmith 

Daniel  Pattay 

John  Goldsmith  Junjr 

James  Reeue 

Thomas  Goldsmith 

Deborah  Reeue 

Jiichard  Goldsmith 

Mary  Reeue 

Nathaniel  Goldsmith 

Isaac  Reeue 

PAPERS  RELATING 


TO 


LONG 


ISLAND. 


Thomas  Reeue 
Mary  Reeue 
Richard  Brown 
Dorithy  Brown 
Richard  Brown  Junjr 
Samuel  Brown 
Dorathy  Brown 
Abigail  Brown 
Mehitobel  Brown 
Henry  Brown 
Samuel  Hutcheson 
Elizabeth  Hutcheson 
Samuel  Hutcheson  Junjr 
Gersham  Terry 
Deborah  Terry 
Gersham  Terry  Junjr 
Deborah  Terry  Junjr 
Abigail  Terry 
Richard  Terry 
Barsheba  Terry 
Mehitobel  Terry 
Eliza  Cleaues 
Jerediah  Cleaues 
John  Cleaues 
Eliza  Cleaues  Junjr 
Mary  Cleaues 
Hannah  Cleaues 
John  Cleaues  Junjr 
Abigail  Cleaues 
Thomas  Tusten 
Priscilla  Tusten,  Widdow 
Eliza  Tusten 
Mereiam  Tusten 
Grace  Tusten 
Carterett  Gillam 
Mary  Gillam 
Anna  Gilliam 
Arnold  Gillam 
James  Gillam 
John  Wiggam 
James  Pershall 
Margaret  Pershall 
Mary  Pershall 
Israel  Pershall 
David  Pershall 
Benjamen  Pershall 
Margarett  Pershall  Junjr 


Thomas  Terrell  Junjr 
Sarah  Terrell 
Thomas  Terrell 
Sarah  Terrell  Junjr 
Joshua  Horton  Junjr 
Eliza  Horton 
Eliza  Horton  Junjr 
Patience  Horton 
Deborah  Horton 
Martha  Horton 
Henry  Case 
Tabitha  Case 
Henry  Case  Junjr 
Samuel  Case 
Benjamin  Case 
Tabitha  Case  Junjr 
Mary  Case 
John  Bond 
Sarah  Rodman 
John  Barnes 
Joseph  Reeue 
Abigal  Reeue 
Joseph  Reeue  Junjr 
Benjamen  Reeue 
David  Reeue 
Ezikias  Reeue 
Solomon  Reeue 
Abigail  Reeue 
Mary  Reeue 

Margarett  Hallock  widdow 
Dorathy  Ozmon 
Barnabas  Windes 
Mary  Windes 
Barnabas  Windes  Junjr 
Samuel  Windes 
Bathia  Windes 
Peanellope  Windes 
Sussanna  Willman 
Bathia  Horton 
Susanna  Windes 
Martha  Hutcheson  widdow 
Thomas  Hutcheson 
Mathias  Hutcheson 
Martha  Hutcheson  Junjr 
Hanna.  Case 
John  Terry 
Hannah  Terry 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


John  Terry  Junjr 

Bathia  Corwin 

Nathaniel  Moor 

Joseph  Youngs 

Jacob  Cory 

Eliza  Youngs 

Ann  Cory 

Mary  Youngs 

Jacob  Corey  Junjr 

Thomas  Youngs 

Ann  Corey  Junjr 

Abigail  Pain  widdow 

Abigail  Cory 

Abigail  Pain  Junjr 

Jehoada  Corey 

Mary  Pain 

John  Corey 

Sarah  Pain 

Benjamn  Corey 

John  Daines 

Christopher  Merrick 

Sarah  Moor,  widdow 

Hannah  Merrick 

Abigail  Moor 

Jeremiah  Veale 

Patience  Moor 

Anne  Veale 

Deborah  Moor 

Thomas  Veale 

Thomas  Moor 

Jeremiah  Veale  Junjr 

John  Moor 

Mary  Veale 

Nathaniel  Moor 

Mary  Moor 

Martha  Moor 

Joshua  Sylvester 

Eliza  Moor 

Joseph  Moor 

Symon  Grouer 

Martha  Moor 

Eliza  Grouer 

Joseph  Moor  Junjr 

Martha  Veale 

Sarah  Solmon  widdow 

Benjamin  Barns 

William  Solmon 

Barnabas  Horton 

Sarah  Solmon  Junjr 

Samuel  Bodman 

Mary  Solmon 

Benjamen  Moor 

Amy  Solmon 

Abigail  Moor 

Elizabeth  Youngs  widdow 

John  Hutson 

John  Youngs 

Mary  Hutson 

Benjamen  Youngs  Junr 

John  Pain 

Eliza  Youngs  Junjr 

Jemima  Pain 

Christian  Youngs 

Mary  Pain 

Jno.  Coleman 

Martha  Pain 

Mary  Harwood 

Jemima  Pain 

William  Allobon 

Eliza  Pain 

Andrew  Miller 

John  Pain  Junjr 

Margarett  Miller 

John  Corwin 

David  Miller 

Benjamen  Bedwell 

Eliza  Miller 

Thomas  Longworth 

Margaretl  Miller  Junjr 

Deborah  Longworth 

Hannah  Miller 

Joshiah  Youngs 

Gersham  Tincker 

Mary  Youngs 

Samuel  Youngs 

Mary  Youngs  Junjr 

Mary  Youngs 

Daniel  Corwin 

Margarett  Youngs 

William  Hallocke 

Nathan  Youngs 

Mary  Hallock 

Zerobabel  Youngs 

William  Hallock  Junjr 

TAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


455 


Ruth  Howell 

Grace  Veale 

Prudence  Hallock 

John  Veale  Junjr 

Zebulon  Hallock 

Daniel  Veale 

Mary  Hallock  Junjr 

Samuel  Veale 

Mary  Corvvin 

Obadiah  Veale 

Jabez  Mapes 

Mary  Veale 

Eliza  Mapes 

Abigail  Veale 

Sarah  Mapes 

Irene  Veale 

Eliza  Mapes  Junjr 

Tabitha  Veale 

Hannah  Mapes 

Joyce  Veale 

Ealse  Mapes 

Mercy  Pattay  widdow 

John  Carter 

Ralph  Pattay 

Ann  Carter 

Lucas  Pattay 

Gesia  Carter 

Moses  Pattay 

Hester  Carter 

Margery  Pattay 

Eliza  Rackett 

Ann  Pattay 

John  Rackett 

Symon  Rumsey 

Ann  Carter  Junjr 

Mary  Rumsey 

Mary  Carter 

Mary  Rumsey  Junjr 

Joseph  Mapes 

Peter  Symons 

Ruth  Mapes 

Symons 

Joseph  Mapes  Junjr 

Symons 

William  Mapes 

Symons 

Hannah  Mapes 

John  Tutthill  Junjr 

David  Youngs 

Mehitobell  Tutthill 

Mary  Youngs 

Waite  Benjamen  widdow 

John  Loring 

William  Benjamen 

Richard  Loriug 

Waite  Benjamen  Junjr 

Samuel  Loring 

Anna  Benjamen 

John  Loring  Junjr 

hannah  Benjamen 

Wm  Loring 

John  Benjamen 

Thomas  Loring 

William  Rosebash 

John  Veale 

Ann  Rosebash 

The  Names  of  the  Slaves,  Men  Weomen  and  Children. 

Tony  Liddy 

Grace  Cate 

Maria  Jack 

Cato  James 

Semony  Betty 

Semony  Jack 

Mobsey  Peter 

Rose  Betty 

Titus  Nager 

Tomm  Rose 

Sombo  John 

Robbin  huson 

Tom  Santo 

Dorrad  Titus 

Prissilla  hope 

Sarah  Sambo 

Adrea  Pegge 

Jenny  a  Girl 

Abigail  Jack 

Jenny 

Grace  Bristol 

Judah                         In  all  41 

PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


Indians  ffreemen,  Servants,  men  wemen  and  Children  in  number   -  40 

Whose  Names  Cannot  be  known  because  not  Contant  To  any  Name  &c 
One  hundred  thirty  and  two  ftkmelyes  ;  Consisting  of  Christians,  old  and  young ;       -  800 

Indians,  old  &  young         -       --       --   040 

Slaves,  old  &  young, —  -      -       -      -      -  -41 

In  all  881 

Pr.  ISA.  ARNOTS 
THOMAS  MAPES 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


457 


NOTES  AND  OBSERVATIONS  ON  THE  TOWN  OF  EAST  HAMPTON,  L.  I. 

BY  JOHN  LTON   GARDINER,  OF  THE  ISLE  OF   WIGHT;  APRIL,  179S. 

The  Town  of  East  Hampton  is  bounded  South-Easterly  by  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  on  which  side  the 
shore  is  a  sand  beach  free  from  rocks.  The  sea  gains  on  the  shore,  and  it  has  been  said  by  aged 
people  that,  in  some  places,  the  sea  now  washes  the  shore  where  Indian  Corn  has  been  planted  by 
their  Fathers.  The  sand  near  the  shore  is  blown  into  hills  on  which  nothing  grows  but  a  grass  called 
"  Beach  Grass,"  and  a  shrub  bearing  the  Beach  plum.  By  this  grass  k  the  Bushes,  the  sand  is,  in 
some  measure,  prevented  being  blown  over  the  adjacent  pasture  &  mowing  fields. 

Easterly,  the  town  terminates  atMontauk's  Point  around  which  the  Tide  runs  very  rapidly.  Gar- 
diners  Island,  or  the  Isle  of  Wight,  lies  on  the  North  East  side  of  Gardiner's  Bay,  and  contains  about 
3,000  acres  of  good  land.  Its  greatest  length  is  from  N.  W.  to  S.  E.  and  is  about  7i  miles.  There- 
is,  besides,  an  Island  called  Rom  (or  Rum)  Island,  which  belongs  to  it,  and  lies  on  the  South  part. 
The  shape  of  the  Island  is  irregular.  From  its  first  settlement  in  1639,  it  was  a  plantation  by  itself. 
As  the  Legislature  in  1788  thought  proper  to  annex  it  to  the  town  of  East  Hampton,  it  will,  in  these 
Notes,  be  considered  as  a  part  of  that  Township.  This  Island  is  distant  from  the  town  10  miles:  and 
from  Long  Island  shore  about  3.  It  is  assessed  for  about  one  sixth  of  the  value  of  the  Township. 
The  shore  on  the  North  side  of  East  Hampton  is  rocky  and  indented  with  bays,  coves,  and  creeks, 
which  lead  into  Ponds  abounding  with  shell  and  scale  fish,  and  are  harbours  for  small  vessels. 

Westerly,  the  town  is  bounded  by  South  Hampton. 

The  line  between  these  two  towns  was  in  contention  from  the  first  settlement  till  1695,  when  it 
was,  finally,  fixed  where  it  now  is,  by  persons  mutually  chosen  by  the  two  Towns.  It  begins  at  the 
sea  shore  on  the  south  side,  and  crosses  the  eastern  branch  of  the  Islam.,  to  the  North  side  &  leaves 
but  a  small  part  of  the  houses,  at  Sag  Harbor  on  the  East  Hampton  side.  This  line  is  about  miles 
in  length,  &  was  fenced  about  the  year  1664  in  order  to  keep  the  Southampton  horses  &c.  from  cross- 
ing over  the  bounds.  This  fine  is  now  much  farther  to  the  Eastward  than  where  it  was  fixed  by  the 
General  Assembly  of  Connecticut  about  1660  to  whose  decision  it  was  then  referred. 

The  settlement  of  Sag  Harbor  is  mostly  in  Southampton  Township,  and  is  a  thriving  place.  It  is 
exceedingly  well  calculated  for  the  Whale  and  Cod  Fishery. 

By  the  Records,  it  appears  that  East  Hampton  was  at  first  called  Maidstone.  This  name  does  not 
appear  after  the  year  1664,  when  they  came  under  the  Duke  of  York,  and  soon  after  received  a 
Patent  from  Col.  Richard  Nicolls.  By  this  Patent  the  Town  is  called  East  Hampton,  though  the 
records  of  the  Town  prior  to  the  year  1664,  mention  that  as  the  name  of  the  place  It  was  probably 
called  East,  on  account  of  its  situation  to  the  East  of  Southampton. 

Some  of  the  First  Settlers  appear,  by  the  Records,  to  have  come  from  Stansted  in  the  county  of 
Kent  in  England.  Probably  some  of  them  might  have  come  from  Maidstone  in  the  same  County.  It 
is  very  evident  from  the  Records,  that  some  of  the  Original  35  settlers  and  purchasers  of  the  Town 
removed  from  Lynn  in  Massachusetts ;  and  tradition  informs  us  that  they  came  from  several  of  the 
towns  on  the  Sea  coast  to  the  Eastward  of  Boston.  These  were,  probably,  natives  of  England,  as 
New  England  had  not  been  settled  so  long  as  to  produce  Native  Immigrants  when  E.  Hampton  was 
first  settled.  Those  who  were  received  by  the  Original  Settlers  as  "accepted  Inhabitants,"  might 
have  been  born  in  America.  None  were  received  into  the  Town  as  Inhabitants  but  by  a  vote,  and 
some  were  forbid  settling  on  account  of  their  principles  and  laziness. 


[Vol.  I.] 


58 


458 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


There  were,  at  first  35  purchasers.  The  names  of  13  of  these  are  now  entirely  extinct  in  the 
Town.  The  Christian  &  Surnames  of  many  of  the  original  settlers  are  now  found  to  the  4th  5'h  & 
6th  degree,  counting  the  first  as  one.  Lands  that  were  at  first  allotted,  have  descended  in  the  family, 
and  are,  after  a  space  of  150  years,  occupied  by  one  of  the  same  family  and  name. 

When  the  town  was  first  settled  only  a  home-lot  at  the  South  end  of  the  Town,  containing  from  11 
to  13  acres  was  laid  out.  This  was  done  on  both  sides  of  the  Pond,  called  the  "Town  Pond."  This 
was  probably  on  account  of  the  convenience  of  getting  water  for  themselves  and  cattle  before  they 
dug  wells.  It  is  probable  a  brook  might  have  discharged  itself  into  the  Pond,  which,  since  the  land 
is  cleared,  has  disappeared. 

The  next  lands  that  was  laid  out  to  the  Owners,  were  the  Salt  Marshes  in  various  parts  of  the 
Town.    The  last  of  the  Woodland  was  allotted  to  the  owners  about  CO  years  ago. 

Excepting  the  Indian  Deed  for  the  Township,  there  is  nothing  of  an  earlier  date  on  Record  than 
the  following : 

"At  a  General  Court  holden  at  East  Hampton,  March  7th  1650  [p.  s.]  It  is  ordered  that  Ralph 
Dayton  is  to  go  to  Keneticut  fur  to  procure  the  Evidence  of  our  Lands,  and  for  an  acquittance  for 
the  payment  of  our  lands,  and  for  a  boddie  of  laws. 

"It  was  alsoe  ordered  that  any  man  have  libertie  to  sett  gunns  for  to  kill  wolves,  but  not  within 
half  a  mile  of  the  town"  &c  &c.  "  No  man  shall  sett  any  gun,  but  he  shall  look  to  it  while  the  stars 
appear,  and  take  the  gunn  up  by  the  sunrising,  and  no  man  shall  sell  any  dog  or  bitch,  young  or  ould 
to  any  Indian  upon  the  penaltie  of  paying  of  30s." 

Various  town  laws,  similar  to  the  above  are  on  Record.  They  are  styled  "  Orders."  Many  of  them 
are  relative  to  laying  out  vacant  lands,  making  roads,  destroying  noxious  animals  &c.  in  short,  laws 
that  were  necessary  in  a  new  settlement. 

The  Indian  Deed  lor  the  land  is  on  Record.  It  is  from  the  four  Indian  Sachems,  Paggalacut,  of 
Manhansett :  Wayandanch  of  Miantacutt :  Momoweia  of  Corchaki :  Netoedonah  of  Shinacock. 

It  is  dated  April  29th  1648,  and  conveys  the  land,  to  the  "Eastward  of  Southampton  bounds,  to 
the  Worshipful  Theophilus  Eaton  Esquire,  Governour  of  the  Colony  of  New  Haven  and  the  Wor- 
shipful Edward  Hopkins  Governour  of  the  Colony  of  Conecticut  and  their  assocyates  ...  for 
and  in  consideration  of  20  coats,  24  Looking  Glasses,  24  hose,  24  Hatchets,  24  Knives,  and  one  hundred 
Mucxs,  already  received  by  US,  and  reserve  unto  ourselves  free  Liberty  to  fish  in  all  the  cricks  & 
ponds,  and  hunt  up  and  down  in  the  Woods  without  molestation,  giving  the  English  Inhabitants  noe 
just  cause  of  offence :  likewise  are  to  have  the  fynns  &  tails  of  all  Whales  cast  up,  and  desire  they 
may  be  friendly  dealt  with  in  the  other  part  alsoe  to  fish  for  shells  to  make  Wampum  of,  and  if  the 
Indyans,  in  hunting  deer  shall  chase  them  into  the  water  and  the  English  shall  kill  them,  the  English 
shall  have  the  bodie  and  the  Sachem  the  skin."  The  witnesses  were,  Richard  Woodhull,  Thomas 
Stanton,  Robert  Bond,  Job  Sayre  and  Chectanoo  (by  his  mark)  the  Interpreter. 

There  is  recorded  a  receipt  from  Edward  Hopkins  to  "  Robert  Bond — inhabitant  of  East  Hampton 
for  £34.  4.  8.  being  the  amount  of  monies  paid  for  the  purchase  of  the  Lands,"  and  a  certificate  of 
the  delivering  to  said  Bond  the  writings  of  the  said  purchase  and  all  the  Interest  that  was  thereby 
purchased  (lated  16th  April  1651.  On  a  blank  leaf  of  one  of  the  old  Books  of  Records  are  seen 
these  words  "  Robert  Bond  delivered  unto  the  Gov1  lor  the  purchase  of  our  Lands,  for  the  towns  use 
the  sum  of  XI.  3.  10.  Robert  Bond  for  his  expenses,  going  to  the  Mayne  land  in  the  Town's  service 
the  sum  is  XI.  3s.  Od."  It  appears  that  the  purchase  was  made  by  these  two  Governors  in  trust  & 
in  behalf  of  the  Original  Settlers  of  the  Town. 

The  English  &  Natives  appear  to  have  lived  on  good  terras.  The  lands  on  the  East  end  of  Long 
Island  as  well  as  the  neighbouring  Islands — Shelter  Island,  Gardiners  Island,  Plum  Island  &  Fishers 
Island — were  purchased  of  the  Natives.    Some  French  writers,  I  think  Raynal,  speaks  in  praise  of 


PAPERS    RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


459 


the  Great  William  Penn  for  having  sett  an  uncommon  Example  in  purchasing  the  Soil  of  Pennsyl- 
vania of  the  Native  Indians,  and  which  if  it  had  been  followed  by  the  Settlers  of  New  England  and 
Virginia  would  have  prevented  some  wars  that  took  place.  This  Frenchman,  like  many  European 
writers  who  have  never  been  in  the  country,  did  not  understand  himself  sufficiently  on  this  subject. 
The  fact  was  that  the  Settlers  of  Virginia  &  New  England  purchased  their  lands  of  the  Natives  before 
Geo:  Fox  the  Founder  of  the  Quaker's  Sect  published  their  principles  in  England  in  Oliver  Crom- 
well's time,  and  a  long  time  before  the  celebrated  William  Penn  settled  in  Pennsylvania.  There  is 
no  doubt  but  the  regular  purchase  &  the  warrantie  deed  from  the  four  abovementioned  Sachems,  in 
1648,  prevented  difficulties  between  the  Natives  &  English.  Some  Indian  writings  on  record  in  East 
Hampton  speak  of  the  friendship  &  amity  of  their  neighbours  the  English  about  1660. 

Gov  Winthrop  in  his  Journal,  page  and  Gov.  Hutchinson  in  his  History  of  Massachusetts  p.  88, 
mentions  that  in  1610,  a  number  of  families  removed  from  Lynn  to  the  West  end  of  Long  Island, 
and  bought  land  there  of  James  Farrett  Agent  to  the  Earl  of  Sterling :  but  getting  into  some  quarrel 
with  the  Dutch,  they  removed  to  the  East  end,  and  settled  at  Southampton  &  chose  one  Peirson  for 
their  Minister.  Probably  Southampton  was  settled  before  East  Hampton.  Tradition  informs  us 
that,  before  East  Hampton  people  built  their  first  grist  mill  (which  went  with  cattle),  they  went  to 
Southampton  to  mill,  and  carried  their  grain  on  the  back  of  a  Bull  that  belonged  to  the  Town  for  the 
use  of  their  cows.    If  this  is  true,  no  doubt  Southampton  was  settled  first. 

Gov  Hutchinson  says  that  in  1644  Southampton  by  an  act  of  the  Commissioners  of  the  United 
Colonies  was  annext  to  the  Jurisdiction  of  Connecticut.  One  might  suppose  that  E.  Hampton  was 
settled  from  Southampton,  but  the  method  of  pronunciation  is  quite  different,  although  the  Towns 
join.  An  East  Hampton  man  may  be  known  from  a  Southampton  man  as  well  as  a  native  of  Kent 
in  England  may  be  distinguished  from  a  Yorkshire  man.  The  original  settlers  of  these  Towns  pro- 
bably came  from  different  parts  of  England.  Besides  the  names  that  prevail  in  one  town  are  not  to 
be  met  with  in  the  other.  The  names  of  Pierson,  Halsey,  Howell,  Toppin,  Sanford,  Coopar,  White, 
Post  &c  are  common  in  Southampton  &  confined  there,  as  are  the  nar.  es  of  Mulford,  Osborn,  Conk- 
ling,  Baker,  Parsons,  Miller,  Gardiner,  Dayton,  &c.  to  East  Hampton.  The  names  of  Hedges  &  Hand, 
are  met  in  the  Eastern  part  of  Southampton  but  originally  [they  were]  from  E.  Hampton.  Very 
little  intercourse  took  place  between  the  two  towns  before  the  Revolutionary  war.  Since  that,  visits 
and  intermarriages  are  more  frequent. 

What  time  East  Hampton  was  first  settled  is  not  certainly  known.  Probably  soon  after  South- 
ampton. Neither  of  the  Towns  was  settled  as  early  as  Gardiners  Island  which  was  settled  by  Lion 
Gardiner  in  March  1639.  David,  son  of  Lion  Gardiner,  in  a  petition  presented  to  Gov.  Dongan 
about  1683,  mentions  his  father  as  the  first  Englishman  that  had  settled  in  the  Colony  of  New  York. 
Southampton  put  itself  under  the  Jurisdiction  of  Connecticut  in  1644,  as  Southold  did  under  New 
Haven  in  1648.  According  to  President  Stiles  History  of  the  three  Judges  of  Charles  L,  East  Hamp- 
ton was  a  Plantation  or  Commonwealth  as  it  is  styled,  in  the  Record — that  was,  Independent  of  any 
other  Government  from  the  first  settlement  till  about  1657.  The  magistrates  frequently  asked  advice 
in  difficult  cases  "of  the  neighbour  Towns  of  Southampton  &  Southold"  and  sometimes  of  "  the 
Gentlemen  at  Hartford." 

The  three  Towns  on  the  East  are  styled  the  "  Three  Plantations."  The  government  of  the  Town 
of  E.  Hampton  was  purely  Republican.  Their  laws  were  enacted  by  all  the  citizens  assembled  in 
town  meeting;  this  was  stiled  "the  General  Court"  and  a  fine  inflicted  on  such  as  did  not  attend. 

In  Decr  1653  by  a  vote  of  the  General  Court,  "the  Capital  laws,  and  the  laws  and  Orders  that  are 
notic'd  in  the  bodie  of  laws  that  came  from  Connecticut  shall  stand  in  force  among  us." 

Their  public  officers  were  few^  three  magistrates  who  were  called  Townsmen,  were  chosen  an- 
nually.   Their  oath  of  office  points  out  their  duty ;  it  was  as  follows  : — 


400 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


"  You  being  chosen  by  the  Court  for  the  careful  and  comfortable  carrying  on  of  the  affairs  of  this 
Town,  do  here  swear  by  the  name  of  the  Great  &  Everliving  God,  that  you  will  faithfully,  and  with- 
out respect  of  persons,  execute  all  such  laws  and  orders  as  are  or  shall  be  made  &  established  by  this 
Court,  according  to  God,  according  to  the  trust  committed  to  you  during  this  year  for  which  you  are 
chosen  &  until  new  ones  be  chosen,  if  you  remain  among  us,  so  help  you  God." 

A  Recorder  &  Constable  were  the  only  other  public  officers  chosen ;  their  oath  points  out  their 
duty,  and  is  mutatis  mutandis,  similar  to  the  above.  The  Constable  was  always  a  re;  :  j.ul@  citizen 
and  of  great  authority.  He,  by  law,  moderated  the  General  Court.  The  Recorder,  or  Secretary  not 
only  recorded  all  orders  of  the  General  Court,  but  the  decisions  of  the  Magistrates,  ail']  1  vote 
passed  in  1G5G,  the  depositions  of  witnesses,  in  trials  at  Law,  for  which  he  was  allowed  a  staled  price, 
us  were  also  the  magistrates  and  constable.  Their  trials  were  sometimes,  with  a  Jury,  but  mostly 
without.  From  1650  to  1664,  about  the  time  they  came  under  Gov.  Nicoll,  there  are  about  50  or  60 
cases  at  law  on  record.    They  were  mostly  for  small  debts  &  for  defamation.    By  law,  no  one  could 

recover  more  than  i!5  for  defamation.    In  165 —  Geo:  Lee  attorney  to  prosecuted  "Lieut  Lion 

Gardiner  of  the  Isle  of  Wight  in  behalf  of  himself  and  the  States  of  England  for  five  hundred 
pounds  Stg"  before  the  magistrates  in  E.Hampton.  It  appears  from  the  very  lengthy  depositions 
"  that  a  Southampton  man  had  hired  a  Dutchman  to  bring  a  freight  (cargo)  to  that  place  from  Man- 
]  indues,  &,  that  the  vessel  was  taken  from  the  Dutchman  &  brought  to  the  Isle  of  Wight  to  the  Lief- 
tenant  who  retook  her  for  the  Dutch  owner"  and  was  prosecuted  by  the  original  captors. 

This  affair  was  referred  to  the  General  Court  at  Hartford  by  the  East  Hampton  Magistrates  &  both 
parties  were  bound  to  appear  there.  Lee  obliged  himself,  if  he  did  not  prosecute  the  case  there,  it 
should  be  dropped.  This  was  likely  the  result.  This  is  the  most  important  case  on  record  where 
property  was  concerned. 

"  The  three  men  were  to  meet  the  first  second  day  of  every  month  for  the  try  all  of  any  cause 
according  to  an  Order  and  to  consider  of  those  things  that  may  concern  the  publick  good  of  the  place 
Ik,  whosoever  of  those  Three  men  do  not  attend  the  day  at  8  o'clock  in  the  morning  shall  be  liable  to 

pay  5s." 

"  John  Mulford,  Robert  Bone  &  Thos  Baker  chosen  by  this  Court  for  the  execution  of  those  Orders, 
complied  with  their  trust  for  this  year.  Ralph  Dayton,  Constable  and  Benj"  Price,  Recorder."  Done 
at  a  General  Court  holden  October  7,  1651. 

The  first  General  Court  was  in  March  1650. 

It  was  decreed  October  1652  that  "  if  any  man  be  aggrieved  with  any  thing  that  is  done  by  the 
men  that  are  in  authoritie,  that  he  shall  have  liberty  to  make  his  appeal  to  the  next  General  Court, 
or  when  the  freemen  are  assembled  together  for  their  publique  occasions." 

Their  town  Meetings  were  frequent  and  became  burdensome  on  the  people,  but  being  their  own 
law  makers  they  made  a  multiplicity  of  laws  for  regulating  the  fences  to  fields  pastured  in  common  ; 
for  division  of  lands  ;  making  highways ;  building  a  mill  or  meeting  house  &  this  took  up  much  of 
their  time.  The  business  of  killing  whales  was  regulated  by  law,  and  every  one  [was  |  obliged  to 
take  his  turn  to  look  out  for  them  on  the  shore."  Their  houses  were  thatched  and  liable  to  take  fire. 
Every  man  was  obliged  by  law  to  provide  himself  with  a  ladder  that  should  reach  to  the  top  of  his 
house,  and  a  man  was  appointed  to  see  that  the  chimneys  were  well  plaistered  and  swept.  Severe 
laws  were  made  against  selling  any  Indians,  guns,  swords,  powder,  lead,  flints,  or  any  more  than  two 
drams  of  strong  water  at  one  time."  Many  of  the  laws  appear  curious,  but  in  general  they  are  mild, 
and  the  penalties  not  very  severe.  There  are  only  three  or  four  cases  of  corporal  punishment  and 
none  of  capital.  • 

In  the  year  1653  the  Indians  were  somewhat  troublesome.  Powder  &  shot  were  sent  for  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Connecticut  River,  and  a  watch  by  night  of  two,  and  a  ward  by  day  of  one  man  was 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


4G1 


ordered  to  be  kept  by  the  Inhabitants  in  town.  "April  26,  1653,  It  is  ordered  that  no  Indians  shall 
come  to  the  town  unless  it  be  upon  special  occasion,  &  none  come  armed,  because  that  the  Dutch 
hath  hired  Indians  against  the  English,  &  we  not  knowing  Indians  by  face  cannot  distinguish  friends 
from  enemies  :  &,  because  the  Indians  hath  cast  oif  their  Sachem  &c  orders  were  given  to  shoot  any 
Indian  on  third  call  or  if  they  ran  away."  "  Every  man  was  obliged  to  go  armed  to  the  meeting 
house  every  Lords  day,  under  penaltie  of  12  pence,"  and  four  assistants  were  added  to  the  three 
Townsmen.  It  does  not  appear  by  the  Records  that  any  battle  was  fought.  Probably  the  Indians 
who  were  then  numerous  had  not  learned  the  use  of  Fire  Arms.  This  was  at  the  time  Oliver  Crom- 
well was  at  war  with  the  Dutch  Nation  and  an  opinion  prevailed  through  this  country  that  the  Dutch 
at  Manhadoes  supplied  the  Indians  with  arms,  and  urged  them  to  destroy  the  English  settlements. 
From  the  histories  of  those  times,  it  is  evident  something  was  designed  against  the  English  by  the 
Dutch  &  Indians.  Oliver  Cromwell  about  this  time  called  on  all  the  Colonies  to  assist  in  an  expedi- 
tion against  the  Dutch  at  Manhadoes,  particularly  New  Haven  and  Connecticut  who  were  nighest  the 
Dutch.  Major  Sedgewick  of  Massachusetts  was  to  have  the  command  of  the  men  that  were  to  be 
sent  from  eacli  Colony  in  a  certain  proportion.  The  following  extract  from  the  E.  Hampton  records 
probably  refers  to  this  : — 

"June  29  1654.  Having  considered  the  letters  that  come  from  Connecticut  wherein  men  are 
required  to  assist  the  power  of  England  against  the  Dutch,  we  do  think  ourselves  called  to  assist  the 
said  power." 

The  expedition  did  not  take"  place,  probably  on  account  of  Peace  having  been  made  soon  after 
between  the  two  Nations.  Very  little  more  is  said  about  the  Indians  till  the  Great  Indian  war  which 
threatened  all  this  country  in  1675,  when  the  people  were  again  on  their  guard.  But  it  does  not 
appear  that  any  lives  were  lost. 

This  was  the  most  formidable  combination  of  Indians  that  ever  happened.  Gov:  Andross  sent  an 
armed  Sloop  to  Gardiner's  Island  to  protect  it  against  the  Indians.  The  English  &  the  Indians  were 
probably  both  on  their  guard  against  a  surprise,  but  by  1675  the  East  end  of  Long  Island  had  so 
many  English  settled  that  there  was  no  great  danger.    The  Five  Nations  joined  this  confederacy. 

"Oct.  3.  1654.  It  is  ordered  that  there  shall  be  a  copie  of  the  Connecticut  combination  drawn 
forth  as  [soon  as]  is  convenient  for  us  and  all  men  shall  sett  to  their  hands." 

This  combination  was  signed  Oct  24, 1654,  by  about  40  and  is  now  on  Record  by  each  on  the  Book. 
All  excepting  3  or  4  write  a  plain  legible  hand  for  those  days.    These  sign  by  making  their  mark. 

"  This  combination  is  to  maintain  and  preserve  the  libertie  and  puritie  of  the  Gospell  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  which  we  now  profess  as  alsoe  the  Discipline  of  the  Church  which  according  to  the  said  Gospell 
is  now  practiced  among  US.  As  alsoe  in  our  civil]  affaires  to  be  guided  k  governed  according  to  such 
laws  and  orders  as  shall  be  made  according  to  God  and  which  by  vote  of  the  Major  Part  shall  be  of 
force  among  Us  &c  &c  " 

This  Combination  is  similar  to  the  one  entered  into  in  163 — by  the  3  Towns  of  Hartford,  Windsor 
&  Weathersfield,  and  is  a  copy  preamble  of  that  as  recorded  in  Hazards  Coll:  of  State  papers,  p  — " 

"  March  19.  1657.  It  is  ordered  and  by  a  Major  vote  of  the  Inhabitants  of  this  Towne  agreed 
upon,  that  Thomas  Baker  &  John  Hand  is  to  go  into  Keneticut  for  to  bring  us  under  their  govern- 
ment according  to  the  terms  as  Southampton  is,  and  alsoe  to  carry  Goodwife  Garlick  that  she  may  be 
delivered  up  unto  the  authorities  there  for  the  triall  of  the  cause  of  Witchcraft  which  she  is  suspected 
for."  It  was  afterwards  agreed  upon  by  the  town  "  that  Mr  Gardiner  shall  be  intrusted  with  the 
same  power  with  Ths  Baker  and  John  Hand  for  coming  under  Government. 

In  the  Record  the  word  is  "  interested."    It  doubtless  should  be  intrusted. 

It  is  evident  from  the  Record  that  soon  after  this  they  were  under  the  jurisdiction  of  that  Colony, 
or  rather  composed  a  part  of  it,altho'  nothing  is  said  of  their  men's  returning.    Probably  the  General 


462 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


Court  at  Hartford  did  not  pay  any  attention  to  the  latter  part  of  the  business  on  which  Baker  & 
Hand  were  sent.  This  poor  woman  had  a  trial  in  E.  Hampton  for  Witchcraft,  but  nothing  was 
done.    It  was  referred  to  the  Gen1  Court  at  Hartford. 

At  this  day  it  appears  surprising  that  not  only  those  who  settled  in  the  American  Wilderness  should 
be  so  infatuated  about  Witches  and  Witchcraft  but  that  King  James  I.,  Lord  Justice  Holt  and  some 
of  the  first  characters  in  the  English  Nation  should  be  so  carried  away  with  notions  of  this  kind.  If 
the  affair  of  witches  has  made  more  noise  in  this  country  than  it  has  in  some  Countries  of  Europe,  it 
is  not  owing  to  their  having  been  more  executed  for  that  supposed  crime  here  :  for  I  have  no  doubt 
there  has  been,  during  the  same  time,  as  many  executed  in  England  only,  as  there  have  been  in  all 
New  England  &  Virginia,  for  it  was  not  confined  to  New  England  but  prevailed  .also  in  other  parts. 
In  Europe,  the  execution  of  a  few  individuals  would  be  effaced  from  the  page  of  History  by  more 
important  events  that  were  continually  taking  place  during  the  last  century.  But  in  this  country  it 
was  a  singular  affair,  &  has  been  handed  down  by  our  own  writers,  and  dwelt  upon,  with  wonder,  by 
European  writers  who  have  endeavored  to  account  for  it  from  the  enthusiastic  ideas  of  the  Inhabi- 
tants here,  not  considering  that  they  acquired  these  ideas  in  Europe  from  books  published  by  men  of 
character  &  information.  It  is  to  be  hoped  this  infatuation  is  done  away  among  the  Citizens  of  both 
sides  of  the  Atlantic  but  it  is  not  justice  for  one  side  to  suppose  that  this  infatuation  prevailed  only 
on  the  other.  If  King  James,  Lord  Holt  and  others  of  information,  who  believed  in  witchcraft,  are 
excusable,  certainly  those  persecuted  exiles  who  fled  to  a  savage  wilderness  are  equally  clear  of  blame. 
Perhaps  the  law  of  Moses  by  which  in  many  cases  the  first  settlers  were  governed,  was  a  Mean  of 
urging  them  on  in  the  belief  of  Witchcraft  and  its  evils. 

"  November  29.  1662.  It  is  jointly  &  fully  agreed  that  Mr.  T.  Baker,  Mr  Tho*  James,  &  Mr"  Lion 
Gardiner,  Mr  Robert  Bond,  Mr  John  Mulford,  Tho8  Tomson  and  Thos  Chatfield  shall  go  to  South- 
ampton the  next  second  day  to  compound  a  difference  between  Us  &  Capt.  John  Scott  Esqr  and  Mr 
John  Ogden  about  Meantaquit,  and  do  hereby  engage  to  ratifie  and  confirm  what  our  committee  shall 
conclude  upon  :  &  also  we  do  empower  tliis  our  Committee  to  joyne  with  Southampton  and  Southold 
about  a  Patten  grant." 

To  whom  they  proposed  to  apply  for  a  Patent  I  dont  know.  New  York  was  then  in  the  hands  of 
the  Dutch.    It  was  either  to  King  Charles  2nd  or  to  the  Government  of  Connecticut. 

"Novemb:  23  1663.  A  committee  was  appointed  to  Join  Southampton  &  Southold  Committees 
and  if  they  see  cause,  to  establish  laws  for  settling  government  amongst  us,  And  what  our  Com- 
mittee or  a  Major  part  of  them  shall  doe  herein  we  engage  ourselves  to  stand  unto." 

It  was,  doubtless  in  contemplation  to  have  the  three  towns  join  in  one  government  as  other  towns 
on  this  continent  have  done. 

"  February  23.  1663.  [o.  s.  J  It  was  agreed  that  Muntauk  shall  pay  fifty  pounds  of  the  150  that 
is  to  purchase  the  pattent  right." 

March  25.  At  a  Town  Meeting,  after  long  debate,  it  was  agreed  to  that  the  Purchase  of  Pattent 
right  should  be  borne  by  all  the  Inhabitants  according  to  the  land  every  Man  Possesses. 

"April  26.  1664.  At  a  Town  Meeting  the  Town  doth  desire  those  men,  that  doe  goe  to  Hartford, 
to  debate  together  with  the  Neighbouring  Plantations  for  the  things  of  Mutual  Government  between 
Hartford  &  Us  for  our  future  Settlement,  but  to  conclude  of  nothing,  as  understanding  that  the  Gov- 
ernour  will  coiue  over,  or  a  Committee  from  the  General  Court." 

"Dec  21, 1661.  The  inhabitants  of  this  Town— understanding  that  we  are  off  from  Connecticut, 
and  the  magistrates  not  willing  to  act  further  on  that  account,  that  we  may  not  be  without  laws  & 
Government,  it  is  agreed  the  former  laws  shall  stand  in  force  till  we  have  further  order  from  York. 
It  is  agreed  that  the  Constable  of  the  Town  shall  be  secured  by  the  Town  for  not  gathering  the  Rates." 

The  "rates"  referred  to  in  this  Resolve  probably  refers  to  the  adjudication  that  was  made  at  New 


PAPERS   RELATING  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


463 


York  Dec.  1,  1664  by  Gov.  Nicoll  &  others  on  one  part,  and  Gov.  Winthrop  and  others,  on  the  other, 
that  Long  Island  should  not  be  under  the  Government  of  Connecticut,  but  under  His  Highness  the 
Duke  of  York  &c.  There  appears  from  this  time  to  have  been  some  alteration  in  their  Government. 
In  April  1664  the  Constable  &  Town  Overseers  were  chosen;  no  mention  is  made  of  Townsmen. 

Copy  of  James  FarretPs  Grant  to  Lion  Gardiner. 
Know  all  whom  this  present  Writing  may  concern,  that  I,  James  Farrett  of  Long  Island,  Gent. 
Deputy  to  the  Right  Hon'ble  the  Earll  of  Starling  Secretary  for  the  Kingdom  of  Scotland,  doe  by 
these  presents,  in  the  name  and  behalf  of  the  said  Earll  of  Starling  and  in  my  own  name  also,  as  his 
Deputy,  as  it  doth  or  may  concern  myself,  Give  &  Grant  free  leave  and  liberty  to  Lion  Gardiner  his 
heirs,  executors  and  assigns  to  enjoy  that  Island  which  he  hath  now  in  possession  called  by  the  Indians 
Manchonack,  by  the  English  the  Isle  of  Wight ;  I  say  to  enjoy  both  now  &  for  ever,  which  Island 
hath  been  purchased,  before  my  coming,  from  the  ancient  Inhabitants,  the  Indians ;  Nevertheless 
though  the  said  Lion  Gardiner  had  his  possession  first  from  the  Indians  before  my  coming,  yet  is  he 
now  contented  to  hold  the  tenor  &  title  of  the  possession  of  the  aforesaid  Island  from  the  Earll  of 
Starling  or  his  successors  whomsoever,  who  hath  a  Grant  from  the  King  of  England,  under  the  Great 
Seal  of  the  aforesaid  Kingdom.  Bee  it  known,  therefore,  that  I,  the  said  James  Farrett  doe  give  & 
hath  given  free  liberty  &  power  to  the  said  Lion  Gardiner,  his  Heirs,  Exe'rs  and  Assigns  and  their 
Successors  for  ever  to  enjoy  the  possession  of  the  aforesaid  Island,  to  build  &  plant  thereon  as  best 
liketh  them,  and  to  dispose  thereof  as  they  think  fitt,  and  also  to  make,  execute  &  put  in  practice 
such  laws  for  Church  and  Civil  Government  as  are  according  to  God,  the  Kings  and  the  practise  of 
the  Country,  without  giving  any  account  thereof  to  any  whomsoever  and  the  aforesaid  Right  &  title, 
both  of  land  and  Government  to  remayne  with,  and  to  them  and  their  successors  for  ever,  without 
any  trouble  or  molestation  from  the  said  Earll  or  any  of  his  successors,  for  now  &  forever.  And  as 
much  as  it  hath  pleased  Our  Royal  King  to  give  the  Patten  of  Long  Island  to  the  aforesaid  Earle  of 
Starling  in  consideration  whereof  it  is  agreed  upon  that  the  trade  with  t  e  Indians  shall  remayne  with 
the  said  Earle  and  his  successors,  to  dispose  upon  from  time  to  time  and  at  all  times  as  best  liketh 
him.  Notwithstanding  [allowing]  the  said  Lion  Gardiner  to  trade  with  the  Indyans  for  Corneorany 
Kinde  of  victuals  for  the  use  of  the  Plantation  and  no  farther :  and  if  the  said  Lion  Gardiner  shall 
trade  in  Wampum  from  the  Indyans  hee  shall  pay  for  every  fadome  twenty  shillings  and  also  the  said 
Lion  Gardiner  and  his  successors  shall  pay  to  the  said  Earle  or  his  deputyes  a  yearly  acknowledgment 
being  the  sum  of  Five  Pounds,  (being  lawfully  demanded)  of  lawfull  money  of  England,  or  such 
commoditys  as  at  that  time  shall  pass  for  money  in  the  country ;  and  the  first  payment  to  begin  on 
the  last  of  Oct.  1643,  the  three  former  yeares  being  advanced  for  the  use  of  the  said  James  Farrett. 
In  witness  whereof  the  party  has  put  his  hands  and  seal  the  tenth  day  of  March  1639.    [o.  s.] 

(Signed)  James  Farrett  (seal.) 

Sealed  and  delivered  in  the  presence  of 
ffulk  Davis 
Benjn  Price. 


xxra. 

STATISTICS 

or  THE 

Population  of  tl)e  fJrotnnce  of  Nan-f)orlt. 


|  Vol.  I.]  59 


POPULATION — 1(547. 


GOV.  ST  U  YVES  ANT  TO  THE  STATES  GENERAL. 


[Hoi.  Doc.  XI.  ] 


I  need  not  intrude  on  your  Illustrious  High  Mightinesses  with  a  long  narrative  as  to  the  low  con- 
dition in  which  I  found  New  Netherland  on  my  arrival — the  Flattland  so  stripped  of  inhabitants  that 
with  the  exception  of  the  three  English  Villages  of  Hemstede,  New  Flushing  &  Gravesend,  50  Bouw- 
eries  and  Plantations  could  not  be  enumerated  ;  and  there  could  not  be  made  out  in  the  whole  Pro- 
vince, 250,  or  at  farthest  300  men  capable  of  bearing  arms. 


"  They  and  as  many  of  the  Dutch  nation  as  are  yet  residing  under  this  Government  is  calculated 
to  amount,  Women  and  children  included,  to  about  Six  thousand."  (6.000).  Address  of  the  Burgo- 
masters Sfc  to  Bencks  and  Evertsen. 


AN  ACCOUNT  of  the  Number  of  Inhabitants  in  ye  Severall  Counties  of  ye  Province  of  New  Yorke  taken  by  the  High 


1673. 


[  Vanderkemp  Transl.  of  Dutch  Rec.  Vol.  XXII.  ] 


Men. 


Women. 


Children. 


Negroa 


In  ye  County  &  Citty  of  Albany  

In  ye  County  of  Ulster  &  Dutchesse  County 

In  the  County  of  Orange  

In  the  City  &  County  of  New  York  ... 

In  Richmond  County  als  Staten  Island  

In  ye  County  of  West  Chester  

In  Suffolk  County  within  Nassau  Island  

In  Kings  County  within  Nassau  Island  

In  Queens  County  within  Nassau  Island. 


380 
248 
29 

1U19 
328 
316 
973 
308 

1465 


270 
111 
31 

1057 
208 
294 

1024 
332 

1350 


803 
869 
140 

2161 
118 
307 
124 

1081 
551 


23 
156 

19 
700 

73 
146 
558 
296 
199 


I  4677 


6154 


A  true  Copy 
(signed) 


BELLOMONT. 


4667 
6154 
2170 


Total 


18067  Population 


408 


STATISTICS  OF  THK  POPULATION  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


POPULATION  OF  ALBANY  COUNTY  &  INDIANS  1689—1698. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XI.  ] 

In  pursuance  of  the  Order  from  his  Excell.  Col.  Benj  Fletcher,  Capt.  Gen11  &  Govern1-  in  Chief 
dated  the  3rd  day  of  May  1697,  to  make  a  perfect  reckoning  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  ,  &  County 
of  Albany  and  how  many  families  and  particular  persons  in  the  said  Citty  and  County  are  departed 
from  the  beginning  of  ye  Warr,  how  many  persons  killed  &  carried  away,  &  of  what  numh<->-  e  Five 
Nations  and  River  Indians  there  were,  &,  how  much  they  since  are  lessened,  so  that  wee  find 
that  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Citty  &  County  of  Albany  did  consist : 


in  the  year  1689  and  now 

men              weomen            children  men              weomen  children 

662             340             1014  382             272  805 

The  Five  Nations  and  River  Indians  viz* 

The  Mohoggs                  270                                  &  now  110 

The  Onneydes                  180                                  &  now  70 

The  Onnondages              500                                  &  now  250 

The  Cajouges                   320                                  &  now  200 

The  Sinnekes                 1300                                  &  now  600 

The  lliver  Indians            250                                  &  now  90 


In  the  beginning  of  ye  War  2800  Indians                        &  now  1320 

The  Christians  departed  from  the  Citty  §'  County  of  Albany  since  the  beginning  of  ye  Warr 

Men.  Women.  Children. 

Departed        .          .          .          .          .          142  68  209 

Taken  prisoners        ....           16  „  „ 

Killed  by  ye  enemy    ....           84  „  „ 

Dyed  ......           38  „  „ 

280  68  209 

A  true  Copy 

(signed)  Bellomont. 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  POPULATION  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


409 


COMPARATIVE  TABLE  OF  POPULATION  IN  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK.  1703—1712. 


r  T               T^/-v/»     VI  Y  1 
I  LiOIKl.  JJOC.  A  1  A  .  J 

1703 

iri2 

Increased. 

New  York 

4430 

5840 

1404 

Kings  County 

1915 

1925 

10 

Richmd  County 

504 

1279 

775 

Orange  County 

208 

439 

171 

West  Chester 

1940 

2803 

857 

9009 

12280 

3217 

Queens  County 

4392 

Suffolk 

3340 

Albany  City  &  County 

2273 

Ulster  &  Dutches 

1009 

11080 

Of  these  Countys  I  have  as  yet  no  lists,  nor  from  the  Jerseys  but  hope  to  be  able  to  send  it  to  your 
LordsP8  by  the  next  from  Connecticut.  I  have  so  imperfect  an  account,  that  I  am  ashamed  to  send 
it  but  will  endeavour  to  get  a  more  perfect  one. 

In  the  five  Countys  whereof  I  have  procured  lists,  the  numbers  were  composed  as  followeth, 

In  the  year  1703  1712  Increased. 

Christians  .  .  .  7707  10511  2744 

Slaves       .  .  .  1301  1775  474 

3218 

[  Note.— In  1700  Population  of  Ulster  Co.  was  2'K)5  of  which  324  were  Slaves. 

In  1714      "  "  2120  of  which  433  were  Slaves. 

The  Population  of  Dutchess  Co.  in  1714,  was  445  Souls  of  whom  29  were  Slaves.  ] 


GOV.  HUNTER  TO  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE,  APRIL;  1716. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XX.  ] 

The  number  of  the  Militia  of  this  Province  by  my  last  account  is  5000.  I  cannot  say  that  the 
inhabitants  increase  in  that  proportion  (at  least)  as  they  do  in  the  neighbouring  provinces  where  the 
purchases  of  land  are  easier  had,  than  with  us,  great  numbers  of  the  younger  sort  leave  Long  Island 
yearly  to  plant  in  the  Jerseys  &  Pensylvania. 


SAME  TO  THE  SAME.    AUGUST,  1720. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XXI.  ] 

Query,  what  is  the  number  of  the  Militia  >. 
Answer,  About  Six  thousand. 


470 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  POPULATION  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


AN  ACCOUNT 

OF  THE  FAMILIES  OF  GERMANS  SETTLED  ON  HUDSON'S  RIVER  IN  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK.  1718. 

[  Lonil.  Doc.  XXt.  ] 

On  the  East  side  of  Hudso?i>s  River. 


families 

Persons 

In  Hunterstown 

25 

109 

Kingsbury 

33 

104 

Annberry 

17 

71 

Haysberry 

1  A 

•                .               .            .   .  10 

rre. 
/□ 

Rheinbeck 

 35 

140 

In  Schohare 

In  Seven  Townships 

170 

680 

On  the  West  Side 

New  Town  . 

14 

56 

George  Town 

13 

52 

Elizb:  Town 

9 

36 

Kingstown 

 15 

60 

Wessels  pretended  land 

7 

28 

Kingstown  Sopes 

10 

40 

At  New  York  &  places  adjacent 

30 

150 

394 


1601 


The  widows  &  orphans  are  not  included  in  this  list. 

This  to  the  best  of  our  knowledge  is  the  Accot  of  those  people  settled,  amounting  to  394  families, 
containing  about  1601  persons. 

Joshua  Kocherthal 

[Endorsed  \  John  Fred.  Hager. 

"  New  York,  List  of  the  Palatines  settled  in 
New  York  Province    Recd  wth  Brig.  Hunters  Lr 
of  7  Aug  1718" 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  POPULATION  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


471 


AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  NUMBER  OF  PEOPLE  IN  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK  A.  D.  1723. 

[  Loml.  Doc.  XXII.  ] 


NAME  OF  THE  COUNTY 


White 


1460  1726 

335  320 

490  476 

1568  1599 

1441  1348 

1050  951 

309  245 

276  237 

642  453 

Albany  j    1512  1408 


New  York  . . . 
Richmond. . . . 

Kings  

Queens  

Suffolk  

West  Chester. 

Orange  

Dutchess  

Ulster. 


Totall  I  9083 


8763 


1352 
305 
414 
1530 
1321 
1048 
304 
259 
563 
1404 


8  a 
feu 


1348 
2fl 
394 

1371 

1156 
912 
239 
268 
699 

1369 


o  z 

■a* 

c  2. 
*2 


5886 
1251 
1774 
6068 
5266 
3961 
1097 
1040 
2357 
5693 


Negroes  and  other  Slaves 


8500 


8047  34393 


j  Men 

Women 

Male 
Children 

Female 
Children 

Totall  of  Negroes 
&  other  Slaves 

Totall  of  Persons 

408 

476 

220 

258 

1362 

7248 

101 

63 

49 

42 

255 

1506 

171 

123 

83 

67 

444 

2218 

393 

294 

228 

208 

1123 

7191 

357 

367 

197 

54 

975 

6241 

155 

118 

92 

83 

448 

4-109 

45 

29 

42 

31 

147 

1244 

22 

14 

2 

5 

43 

1083 

227 

126 

119 

94 

556 

2923 

307 

200 

146 

155 

808 

6501 

1  2186 

'  1810 

1178 

997 

6171 

40564 

ABSTRACT  OF  THE  ACCOUNTS 

OF  THE  NUMBER  OF  INHABITANTS  OF  THE  SEVERAL  CITIES  AND  COUNTIES  IN  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK 

2  NOV.  1731. 


[  MS  in  See's  off.  ] 


Citys  and  Counties 


Sheriffs 


w  O 


Z  o 


S3 


•£  a 


I3 


m  > 

■*  2 


¥) 

Si! 

9 

w  > 

2 


CJ 

■33 
« 


E2 


a  x 

2  c 

o  « 

«  2 


City  and  County  of  New 

York  

City  &  County  of  Albany 

Queens  County  

Suffolk  County  

W  est  Chester  County. . . 

Ulster  County  

Kings  County  

Orange  County  

Richmond  County  

Dutchess  County  


Henry  Beekman  

Gosen  Van  Schick  

Thos  Hicks  

David  Corey  715  Indians 

Gilbert  Willet  

John  Wyncoop  

Domini  Van  Der  Veer. . 

William  Pullen  

Charles  Garritson  

William  Squire  


2628 
2481 
2239 
2144 
1879 
990 
629 
627 
423 
570 


2250 
1255 
2175 
1130 
1701 
914 
518 
534 
571 
481 


14613 
11529 
10243 
6673 


11529 


43508  Whites 


1143 

2352 
1178 
2845 
1054 
577 
243 
325 
263 
263 


10243 


1024 
1212 
1139 

955 
707 
515 
268 
299 
256 
298 


599 
568 
476 
239 
269 
321 
205 

85 
111 

59 


6673 


2932 


607 
185 
363 
83 
96 
196 
146 
47 
98 
32 


186 
346 
226 
196 
176 
124 
65 
19 
51 
13 


1853 


1402 


185 
174 
199 
83 
151 
91 
76 
33 
44 
8 


1044 
1402 
1*53 
2932 

7231 


8622 
8573 
7995 
7675 
6033 
3728 
2150 
1969 
1817 
1727 


50289 


blacks 


It  is  Remarkable  that  in  New  York  there  are  above  ten  years  147  males  &.  995  females  more  than  in  Albany  [and  in  Albany] 
1029  males  &  188  females  [under  ten]  more  than  in  New  York  Which  is  Accounted  for  by  this  parts  being  a  trading  place  & 
many  of  the  males  go  abroad  of  course  many  females  Lye  fallor  &  perhaps  in  the  County  they  are  better  breeders  &  I  believe 
many  younger. 


472 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  POPULATION  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 

A  LIST  OF  THE  NUMBER  OF  INHABITANTS 


BOTH   WHITES  AND  BLACKS    OF    EACH    SPECIES   WITHIN    THE    PROVINCE  OF  NEW    YORK  ABOVE  AND  UNDER 

THE  AGE  OF  TEN  YEARS  TAKEN  IN  THE  YEAR  1737. 


[  Lonil.  Doc.  XXVI.  ] 


Cities  and  Countys 

White  Males 
j  above  10  years 

|  White  Females 
j  above  10  years 

W  hite  Males 
under  10  years 

|  White  Females 
under  10  years 

Black  Males 
above  10  j  ears 

Black  Females 
above  10  years 

Black  Males 
under  10  years 

Black  Females 
under  10  years  1 

Total  of  each 
county 

Total  in 
1731 

Since 
increased 

3253 

3568 

1088 

1036 

674 

609 

229 

207 

10h64 

8622 

2042 

3209 

2995 

1463 

1384 

714 

496 

223 

197 

10681 

8573 

2108 

2110 

1890 

950 

944 

304 

254 

153 

140 

6745 

6633 

712 

860 

753 

501 

433 

125 

95 

38 

35 

2840 

1969 

871 

1175 

1681 

541 

601 

378 

260 

124 

110 

4870 

3728 

1142 

940 

860 

710 

646 

161 

42 

37 

22 

3418 

1727 

1691 

488 

497 

289 

266 

132 

112 

52 

53 

1889 

1817 

72 

654 

631 

235 

264 

210 

169 

84 

101 

2348 

2150 

198 

2407 

2290 

1395 

1656 

460 

370 

254 

227 

9059 

7995 

1064 

2297 

2353 

1175 

1008 

393 

307 

203 

187 

7923 

7675 

248 

17393 

17518 

8347 

8238 

3551 

2714 

1397 

1279 

60437 

50289 

1U14S 

AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  NUMBER  OF  INHABITANTS 

OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK  TAKEN  4  JUNE  1746,  BY  ORDER  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  GOVERNOUR  CLINTON. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XXVIII.  ] 


«!  "3 


«  3 

v.  3 


III 


3 


V 


s 


it  . 

r!  to 


£2 


o 
H 


City  &.  Co.  of  N.  Y.  . 

Kingston  county  

•Albany  county  

Queens  county  

Dutchess  county  

Suffolk  county  

Richmond  county  . . . 

Orange  county  

Westchester  county. 
Ulster  county  


2117 

350 


2097 
435 


149 
71 


2013 
366 


2.897 
464 


419 
140 


645 
167 


1946 
22(H) 
1*87 
445 
536 
2435 
1022 


1826 
2056 
1835 
376 
763 
2090 
1044 


233 
200 
226 
35 

67  i 
303 
116 


awn 

2100 
1891 
421 
871 

2095 
972 


1914 

1750 
2016 
414 
721 
164U 
1000 


3<>5 
106 
329 
92 
82 
187 
244 


466 
160 
393 
88 
99 
180 
331 


12938   |  12522 


1400 


12196      12816  1964 


2529 


76 
32 


735 
154 


61 

26 
52 
13 
34 
27 
43 


391 
108 
315 
95 
51 
138 
229 


364 


2216 


Total  white  51,872. 
•  Not  possible  to  be  numbered  on  account  of  the  enemy. 


569 
J52 


361 
100 
310 
94 
44 
140 
264 


2034 


11718 

2331 


9640 
8806 
9254 
2073 
3268 
9235 
5265 


61589 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  POPULATION  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


473 


AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  NUMBER  OF  INHABITANTS 

IN  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK,  TAKEN  10th  MAY   1749,  BY  ORDER  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  HIE 

HONOURABLE  GOVERNOUR  CLINTON. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XXIX.  ] 


is  2 


ft  3 


*5 
S2 


5-3 

.3  3 

£2 


3  t. 


•a  a 

05  3 
^  si 

S2 


«1 


—  ^ 


.2 

3  * 
«  o, 
r-  a 
£  »j 
£2 


City  &  Co.  of  N.  Y. 

King's  county  

Albany  county  

Queens  county  

Dutchess  county  . . . 

Suffolk  county  

Richmond  county  . . 

Orange  county  

Westchester  county 
Ulster  county  


2346 
288 
2249 
1630 
1970 
2058 
431 
lOb'l 
2511 
913 


2765 
437 
2359 
1508 
1820 
1863 
420 
856 
2312 
992 


183 
62 
322 
151 
100 
248 
36 
66 
228 
110 


2364 
322 
2137 
1550 
1790 
1960 
424 
992 
2263 
810 


3268 
391 
20X7 
1778 
1751 
1969 
434 
899 
2233 
979 


10926 
15(A) 
9154 
6617 
7491 
8098 
1745 
3874 
9547 
3804 


460 
232 
309 
300 
103 
305 
88 
62 
303 
217 


610 
244 
424 
386 
155 
355 
110 
95 
270 
301 


41 
21 
48 
43 
21 
41 
20 
16 
66 
50 


556 
137 
334 
245 
63 
292 
93 
84 
238 
198 


701 
149 

365 
349 

75) 
293 

98 
103 
279 
240 


Total  number  of  whites 


62756 


Total  number  of  blacks 


Total  number  of  Inhabitants,  white  and  black,  73,448. 


2368 
783 
1480 
1423 
421 
1286 
409 
360 
1156 
1006 


10692 


G.  CLINTON. 


GENERAL  LIST  OF  INHABITANTS  IN  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK, 

EXTRACTED  FROM  THE  RETURNS  OF  THE  SHERIFFS  OF  THE  SEVERAL  COUNTIES,  IN  PURSUANCE  OF  WARRANTS 

TO  THEM,  DATED  16TH  FEBRUARY,  1756. 


WHITES. 


Cities  and  Counties. 


City  and  County  of  New  York, 
City  and  County  of  Albany,  .. 

UlsterCounty,  

Dutchess  County,  

Orange  County,  

Westchester  County,  

Kings  County,  

Queens  County,  

Suffolk  County,  

Richmond  County,  


Males  under 
16 

Males  above 
16  &  under  6( 

2260 

2308 

3474 

3795 

1655 

1687 

3910 

2873 

1213 

1H88 

3153 

2908 

417 

467 

I960 

2147 

2283 

2141 

344 

411 

=>~E 
<£> « 

£  S. 
a  3 


«  c 
h  3 


174 

456i 
156 
203 

74 
1039) 

84 
253  i 
221 
107; 


2359 
3234 
1489 
3530 
1083 
2440 

358 
1892 
2265 

334 


3667 
3846 
1618 
2782 

998 
2379 

536 
2365 
2335 

471 


10768 
14805 
6605 


BLACKS. 


3  <0 


468 
658 
328 


13289  211 

44461  103 

11919  296 

1862  212 

8617|  581 

9245  278 

1667  145 


o 
« to 

O  v 

~« 
22 


604 
786 
437 
270 
116 
418 
214 
563 
297 
92 


4j  2, 
*  a 

►*<  3 


68 
76 
49 
53 
24 
77 
21 
55 
40 
30 


443 
496 
326 
163 

93 
267 
201 
50i 
194 

97 


Whites  83,223 


Total  96,765. 


■  so 

a;  — I 

s  g 

ai  Si 

o 
H 

695 

2272 

4(13 

2619 

360 

1500 

162 

859 

94 

430 

280 

1338 

197 

845 

470 

2169 

!  236 

1045 

|  KM 

465 

Blacks  13,542 

|  Vol.  I.] 


60 


474 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  POPULATION  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


LIST  OF  INHABITANTS 

IN  THE  SEVERAL  COUNTIES   IN  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK,  TAKEN  IN  THE  YEAR  1771. 


WHITjfiS. 


Namei  of  the  sereral  Counties. 


City  &  Co.  of  New  York  ;  3,720 

Albany   9,740 

Ulster   2,83o 

Dutchess   5,721 

Orange  !  2,651 

Westchester   3,813 

Kings  ,  548 

Queens  I  1,253 

Suffolk  i  2,731 

Richmond   616 

Cumberland  ,  1,071 

Gloucester   178 


o 

w  o 
O  A 
_  a 

O 


BLACKS. 


"■a 

> 

5 


■a 

£ 

4> 


5,083 
9,822 
3,023 
4,687; 
2,297! 
5,204 

644 
2,083 
2,834 

438 
1,002 

185 


280 
1,136 

262 
384( 
167! 
549 
76 
950 
347 
96 
59; 
8 


3,779' 
9,U86! 
2,601j 
5,4131 
2,191' 
3,  483' 
513j 
2, 126 
2,65*1 
508 
941 
193 


5,864 
9,0451 
3,27d! 
4,839; 
2,124 
5,266 
680 
2,332 
3,106 
595) 
8621 
15L 


18,726 
38,829 
11,996 
21, 044 

9,430 
18,315 

2,461; 

8,744 
11,676 

2,253 

3,935' 
715 


Totals   34,887  37,302,  4,314  33, 492;38, 139,  148,124 


568     890i  42  552  1,085  3,137  21,863 

876  1, 100]  250  671  980  3,877  ;  42,706 

518     516  57  422  441   1,954'  13,950 

4171  34  282  328  l,36tl|!  22,404 

184!  22  120  174      662  10,092 

916i  68  776  887  3,430  21,745 

2871  22  261  295|  1,162(  3,623 

511  271  546  534  2,236;:  10,980 

389  59  320  3341  1,452:1  13,128 

152  22j  106  137;     594'  2,847 

 I        6  I!  1  2l       ]2i  3,947 

2j  4!   3  i  7  1  722 

4,416  5,372|     848  4,050:  5,197  19,8331  168^007 


299 
162| 
793 
297 
374 
350 
177, 


«  c 

_  <J 
ox 
_  0 

o 


■S5 

0£s 


WM  TYRON. 


Estimated  amount  of  Population  in  1 77 '4. 
[Lond.  Doc.  XLIV.  ] 


Whites. 
Blacks,. 


161,098 
21,149 


Total  estimated  Population  in  1774, 


182,247 


XXIV. 


STATISTICS 

H tv tunc,  Imports,  Exports,  &c. 


1G91—17GS. 


STATISTICS  OF  REVENUE,  IMPORTS,  EXPORTS,  ETC.  477 


THE  PRODUCE  OF  THE  REVENUE 

FROM  THE  30th  OF  JANUARY  1690  TO  THE  25th  OF  DECEMBR.  1691. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  X.  ] 

To  customs,  in,  out,  &  up  Hudsons  River   £2521.  2.11?       £     s.  d. 

To  Inland  Excise  on  retailed  Liquors   203.12 

To  the  produce  of  the  Weigh  house   150. 

To  fines  and  forfeitures   306.10 

To  Quit-rents  received   21.12.  6 


The  produce  of  one  year  ended  the  25th  of  Deer.  1692 

The  Customes,  as  above   £2463.  3.11£ 

To  Excise  of  Liquors   834.15  .  8 

To  produce  of  the  Weigh  house  

To  Fines  and  forfeitures,    60.  8. 

The  year  ended  25th  Deer  '93 

To  Customs   £1916.  8.  j 

To  Excise   665.16.  6 

To  Quit-rents   38.11. 

To  Weigh  house   90. 

To  Fines  and  seizures   229.17.  5? 

The  year  ended  25th  Deer.  '94. 

To  customes   X3055.ll.  3 

To  excise   862  .  4.10 

To  Quit-rents   149.  | 

To  Weigh  house   218.  3.  2 

To  fines  and  forfeitures   15.  7 

The  year  ended  25th  Deer  '95 

To  Customes,   X2313.17.10J 

To  Excise    919.18.  2\ 

To  Quit-rents   36.17.  6 

To  produce  of  the  Weigh-house   66.00.11? 

To  fynes  and  forfeitures   264.17.  4^ 


3202.17.  5? 


3358.  7/7$ 


2940.13. 


4299.19.11 


3601.11.11 


Totall  of  receipts 


£17403  .  9.114 


STATISTICS  OF  REVENUE,  IMPORTS,  EXPORTS,  ETC. 


asnoH 


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STATISTICS  OF  REVENUE,  IMPORTS,  EXPORTS,  ETC. 


179 


1721—1725. 


AN  ABSTRACT  of  the  whole  Amount  of  the  Duties  of  the  Several  Commodities  hereunder  mentioned,  from  5th  June  1721, 

until  the  5th  Day  of  June  1725  inclusive, 

[  From  Journals  of  the  General  Assembly.] 


Years. 

of  Wine. 

of  Rum. 
£1165.14.9 
1324.  1.9 
1782.11.6 
911.  8.9 

of  Molasses. 

£649.12.  4 
711.18.  8 
456.10.10 
728.15.  8 

of  Salt. 
£270.9.0 
175.7.0 
91.5.6 
213.6.0 

of  Cocoa. 

£192.19.6 
130.13.9 
163.  3.3 
665.19.0 

of  Dry  Goods . 
£62.  2.  5 
79.16.  4 
115.  2.11 
95.12.  9 

1742   

£3436.16.6 

2197.  7.  1J 

£5183.16.9 

£2546.17  .  6 

£750.7.6 

£1152.15.3 

£352.11.  5 

1152.15.  3 
750.  7.  6 

2546.17.  6 

5183.16.  9 
3436.16.  6 

Total 

£13423.  7.11 

Average 

£3355.16.11 

1726. 

AN  ABSTRACT  of  the  Several  Branches  of  His  Majesty's  Revenue  for  support  of  Government  in  the  Province  of  New  Fork. 

[  From  the  same.  ] 

From  the  20th  April  until  the  1st  October  1726  (5i  months)   £3825.6. 10^ 


GENERAL  ACCOUNT  of  the  Receipt  of  moneys,  granted  for  the  support  of  the  Government  of  New  York  from  1st  Sept. 

1740,  until  1st  March  1741. 

[  From  the  same.  ] 

Receipts,  £5392. 9.3J 

1st  Sept.  1742  to  1  Sept.  1743    6025.4  Ij 


A  GENERAL  STATE  OF  THE  PUBLIC  FUNDS  IN  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK, 

AND  THE  USES  TO  WHICH  THEY  ARE  APPLIED.  1767. 
[  Lond.  Doc.  XL.  ] 

Divers  sums  have  been  raised  by  different  Acts  of  Assembly.  We  have  an  Act  to  lay  a  Duty  of 
Tonnage  on  Ships,  but  the  money  is  applied  to  sink  certain  Bills  of  Credit.  Another  for  licencing 
Hawkers  and  Pedlars  but  it  will  expire  soon  and  not  be  revived  ;  and  a  third,  commonly  called  the 
Duty  Act.  This  last  raises  the  money  and  for  support  of  Government;  it  was  passed  the  12,h  Dec. 
1753,  and  was  limited  to  a  year,  but  is  annually  continued.    Tis  entitled,  "An  Act  for  granting  to 


480  STATISTICS  OK  REVENUE,  IMPORTS,  EXPORTS,  ETC. 

His  Majesty  the  several  Duties  &  impositions  on  Goods,  wares  and  Merchandizes  imported  into  this 
Colony,  therein  mentioned  "  The  Dutiable  Articles  are  Slaves,  Wine,  Cocoa,  Rum,  Brandy,  Shrub, 
and  other  distilled  Liquors,  and  European  and  East  India  dry  goods,  from  the  British  Islands. 

The  annual  produce  of  the  Duty  Act  for  ten  years  past  stands,  as  digested  from  the  Journals  of  the 
Assembly  to  whom  the  Province  Treasury  accounts  yearly. 

In  the  year  1755   £2447.19.  9|                    In  the  year  1761   £1(1318. 16. 11J 

1756                                          3171.  9  .  2                                       1762    71U8.12.  61 

1757                                          3880.17.10?                                      1763   8574.  0.10? 

1758                                       5207  .  6  .  2?                                    1764    7596.12  .  5? 

1759                                        8207  .  2.  8|                                    1765    4920.  5  .  4 

1760   10346  .  9.11                                     1766    4811.  8.11? 

In  value  Sterling   £41180.12.9?  74125.  3.  1 

The  last  years  amount  being  4811.8.11?  is  in  Sterling  at  the  usual  Exchange  of  £180  per  cent   £2673.  0.  64 

Out  of  this  money  tee  pay 

To  the  Governor   2000 

For  Fuel  and  Candles  for  Fort  George   400 

To  the  Chief  Justice  of  Salary  &  Riding  the  Circuit   300 

To  3  puisne  Judges  each  £200   600 

To  the  Secretary  for  enrolling  the  Laws   30 

To  the  Clerk  of  the  Council   30 

To  the  Doorkeeper  of  the  Council   20 

To  the  Public  Printer   50 

To  the  Guager  of  Dutiable  Liquors   30 

To  the  Land  and  Tide  Waiters   50 

To  the  Treasurers  Standing  Salary   200 

To  the  same  for  Extraordinary  Services   100 

To  the  Agent  in  England   500 

To  the  Attorney  General   150 

To  the  Clerk  of  the  Assembly,  each  day  of  a  session  20s  suppose  50  days   50 

To  the  Door  Keeper  of  the  Assembly  each  Day  6s  suppose  50  days   15 

To  the  Gunner  &  Store  keeper  of  the  Colony's  Stores   20 

Allowed  for  Contingents  in  the  Service  of  the  Colony   100 

4645  value  Sterling  £2580.11.  1J 

£92.  9.  5j 


The  Light  house  was  erected  in  the  year  1764.    A  Duty  of  3d.  P.  Ton  was  laid  on  the  Tonnage 
of  Ships  for  maintaining  it  which  produced  the  first  year  £487.6.9.  &  the  expenses  were  £431.8.6. 
The  second  year  415.16.1.    D°  407.14.6. 

From  this  State  of  the  Civil  List  of  the  Province  it  appears  that  there  is  even  this  year  a  surplus 
beyond  the  whole  Expeiiee  of  supporting  the  Government,  and  it  was  heretofore  very  considerable. 
This  Ballance  has  always  been  either  borrowed  in  exigencies  or  applied  by  particular  Laws  to  special 
uses. 


The  Annual  account  of  Quit  rents  agreable  to  the  list  of  Patents  in  the  Receiver  General's  office  is 
in  Sterling  -  ...  ...       £1806.  7.  9 

The  arrears  of  Quit  rents  agreable  to  the  list  in  the  said  office  amounts  to  -  18,888.16.10 
The  above  sums  are  as  near  as  can  be  computed,  the  price  of  Wheat,  Skins,  Lambs,  and  Pease 

differing  every  year. 

The  following  sums  are  paid  out  of  the  Quit  Rents  on  the  Kings  warrants  directed  to  the  Receiver 


General . 

To  the  Honourable  Robert  Cholmondcly  the  auditor  General  of  the  Plantations   £100 

To  George  Clarke  Esq.  Secretary  of  New  York  on  two  warrants  for  his  salary  and  Incidents   60 

To  the  Secretary  for  Indian  Atrairs  ,   100 

To  the  Receiver  GeneraPs  Salary   200 


Tothe  Honourable  Robert  Cholmondeley  a  Commission  of  £5  per  cent  for  all  monies  received  on  auditing  the  accounts. . 
The  Incidental  charges  of  the  Receiver  Genls  Office  


STATISTICS  OF  REVENUE,  IMPORTS,   EXPORTS,  ETC.  481 

The  owners  of  Lands  in  this  Province  have  ever  been  so  backward  in  the  Payment  of  their  Quit 
Rents  that  the  sum  collected  annually  has  never  been  sufficient  to  pay  ofF  the  above  mentioned 
salaries,  and  some  other  orders  which  were  formerly  granted  to  different  people  by  the  Lords  of  the 
Treasury. 


AMOUNT  OF  THE  VALUE  OF  THE  IMPORTS  AND  EXPORTS 

FROM  AND  TO   NEW   YORK,  FOR  THREE   YEARS  FROM   1717,  TO  1720. 
[  Loncl.  Doc.  XXIII.  ] 


From  1717  to  1718, 
From  1718  to  1719, 
From  1719  to  1720, 

Total  Imports  . 
Medium  


From  1720  to  1721,. 
From  1721  to  1722,. 
From  1722  to  1723,. 


Total  Imports,. 
Medium,  


£  s.  d. 
27.331.12.1 

19.596.  6.5 

16.836.12.7 

63.764.11.1 
21.254. 17.0f 


From  1717  to  1718,. 
From  1718  to  1719,  . 
From  1719  to  1820,. 


Total  exports 
Medium  


The  like  account  from  1720  to  1723. 


£  s.  d. 
15.681.  4.5 
19.564.15.4 
28.518.12.6 

63.764.12.3 
21.254.17.5 


From  1720  to  1721,. 
From  1721  to  1722,. 
From  1722  to  1723, . 

Total  Exports  . 
Medium,  


£  s.  d. 
62.966.16.3 
56.355.  3.9 
37.397.19.5 

156.719.19.5 
52.239. 19.9j 


X  s.  d. 
50.788.10.  6 
67.889.15.10 
54.838.  9.  8 

0 
0 


Total  Export  of  the  three  last  years,  

Total  Export  of  the  three  preceding  years,  

Exceeded  in  the  Total  Exports  of  the  three  last  years,  

Which  at  a  Medium  has  been  an  An'ual  Increase  in  ye  Exports. 


163.516.16. 
54.505.12. 

£  s.  d 
163.516.16.0 

156.719.19.5 

6.796.16.7 

2.265. 12.2J 


Jin  account  of  the  Value  of  Furrs  imported  from  Neio  York  for  six  years,  from  1717  to  1723. 

£    s.  d. 

  6.659.4.11 


From  1717  to  1718, 
From  1718  to  1719, 
From  1719  to  1720, 


Total  of  the  three  last  years. .. 
Excess  of  the  three  first  years. 


£  s.  d. 
10.704.  3.11 
7.138.  2.  5 
7.487.16.  5 

25.330.  2.  9 
22.537.14.  1 

2.792.  8.  8 


From  1720  to  1721,. 
From  1721  to  1722,. 
From  1722  to  1723,. 


Medium,. 


7.045.3.10 
8.833.5.  4 

22.537.14.1 


930.16.2J 


[Vol.  1. 1 


61 


482 


STATISTICS  OK  REVENUE,  IMPORTS,  EXPORTS,  ETC. 


AN  ACCOUNT 

OK  THE  ANNUAL    AMOUNT  OK  THE  IMPORTS    AND  EXPORTS    KROM    AND  TO  NEW    YORK,  KROM  CHRISTMAS, 

1723  TO  CHRISTMAS  1728. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XXIV.] 


The  several  years. 


Imports. 


Exports. 


JOHN  OXENFOKDH  A.  I.  Gen/1. 


Custom  House  Inspect  r  Gen'ls  Office  17  Nov'r  1729. 


NUMBER  OF  NEGROES  IMPORTED  FROM  1701—1726. 

AN  ACCO't  of  what  Negro  Slaves  have  been  Imported  into  his  Majesties  Province  of  New  York  as  taken  from  the  Custom 

House  Books  between  the  year  1701  &  this  present  year  1726. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XXIII.  ] 


CO 

CO 

"S 

■ 

YEAR. 

the  W< 

the  co; 
Africa. 

YEAR. 

the  W( 

the  coa 
Africa. 

B3 
o 

Io 

o 

O  0 

u 

£ 

M 

u 

fc. 

17D1   

36 
165 
16 
8 

68 
447 
104 
81 
76 
106 
82 
61 
54 
180 

266 
70 

24 
53 
55 
77 

•117 

1711   

53 
17 

19 

59 

38 
43 

1259 
314 

512 
290 

290 

1 

1573 

8(2)8 

Total  1  2395. 


Should  be  (0) 


N.  B.  That  all  ihc^Ncgrocs  in  the  foregoing  account  have  been  Imported  by  Private  Traders  and  that  none  have  been 
imported  dureing  that  time  by  the  African  Company.  ARCH'D  KENNEDY  CoU'r. 

New  York  15  Decembr  1626. 

•Entered  from  the  Coast  of  Africa  but  found  afterwards  to  have  been  from  Madagascar. 


XXV. 


P  A  P  E  E  S 


RELATING  TO  THE 


TRADE  AND  MANUFACTURES 


OF  THE 


Province  of  N  t  to  -  fl  0  r  k . 


1705—1757. 


&raoc  ana  iltamtfacturcs  of  tl)c  province,  170a. 


LORD  COENBURY  TO  SEC.  HODGES. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XVI.  ] 

The  Trade  of  this  Province  consists  chiefly  in  flower  and  biskett  which  is  sent  to  the  Islands  in  the 
West  Indians,  in  return  they  bring  Rum,  Sugar,  Molasses,  and  some  times  pieces  of  Eight  and  Cocoa 
and  Logwood ;  to  Europe  Our  people  send  Skins  of  all  sorts,  Whale  Oyle  and  Bone,  which  are  the 
only  Commodity  this  Country  sends  to  Europe,  of  its  own  produce  as  yet,  but  if  they  were  encour- 
aged, the  people  of  this  Province  would  be  able  to  supply  England  with  all  manner  of  Naval  Stores, 
Pitch,  Tarr,  Rosine,  Turpentine,  Flax  Hemp  Masts  and  Timber  of  all  Kinds  and  Sizes,  and  very  good 
in  their  Kinds.  .  ......... 

When  I  said  on  the  other  side  that  if  the  people  were  encouraged  they  would  be  able  to  supply 
England  with  all  manner  of  Naval  Stores,  I  mean  (by  encouraged)  if  they  had  a  certain  sure  market 
for  their  produce ;  for  as  the  Case  now  stands,  they  aply  their  land  to  Corn  of  all  sorts,  but  chiefly 
Wheat,  because  they  have  a  certain  Market  for  that  in  the  Islands,  but  if  they  had  a  sure  market  for 
Hemp  and  flax  in  England,  they  would  greedily  fall  to  the  planting  of  hemp  and  Flax,  because  they 
want  Commoditys,  to  make  returns  to  England  for  the  goods  they  take  from  thence.  Besides  if  part 
of  their  lands  were  imployed  to  those  uses,  their  Corn  would  fetch  a  better  price ;  besides  the  want 
of  wherewithall  to  make  returns  for  England,  sets  mens  witts  at  work,  and  that  has  put  them  upon 
a  Trade  which  I  am  sure  will  hurt  England  in  a  little  time ;  for  I  am  well  informed,  that  upon  Long 
Island  and  Connecticut,  they  are  setting  up  a  Woollen  Manufacture,  and  I  myself  have  seen  Serge 
made  upon  Long  Island  that  any  man  may  wear.  Now  if  they  begin  to  make  Serge,  they  will  in  time 
make  Course  Cloth,  and  then  fine  ;  we  have  as  good  fullers  earth  and  tobacco  pipe  clay  in  this  Pro- 
vince, as  any  in  the  world  ;  how  farr  this  will  be  for  the  service  of  England  I  submit  to  better  Judg- 
ments ;  but  however  I  hope  I  may  be  pardoned,  if  I  declare  my  opinion  to  be,  that  all  these  Colloneys, 
which  are  but  twigs  belonging  to  the  Main  Tree  (England)  ought  to  be  Kept  entirely  dependent  upon 
&  subservient  to  England,  and  that  can  never  be  if  they  are  suffered  to  goe  on  in  the  notions  they 
have,  that  as  they  are  Englishmen,  soe  they  may  set  up  the  same  manufactures  here  as  people  may 
do  in  England ;  for  the  consequence  will  be  that  if  once  they  can  see  they  can  cloath  themselves,  not 
only  comfortably  but  handsomely  too,  without  the  help  of  England,  they  who  are  already  not  very 
fond  of  submitting  to  Government  would  soon  think  of  putting  in  Execution  designs  they  had  long 
harbourd  in  their  breasts  This  will  not  seem  strange  when  you  consider  what  sort  of  people  this 
Country  is  inhabited  by. 


486 


TRADE  AND  MANUFACTURES  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


MR  CALEB  HEATHCOTE  TO  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE,  3  AUG.  1708. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XVII.  ] 

My  Lords — This  comes  chiefly  to  ask  pardon  for  all  the  trouble  I  have  given  your  Lordships  in  my 
severall  letters  relating  to  the  Naval  Stores.  What  I  aimed  at  chiefly  therein  was  the  service  of  my 
Nation  &  I  do  assure  yor  Lordships  (notwithstands  I  may  have  been  otherwise  represented)  is  very 
dear  to  me.  And  what  in  the  first  place  I  aimed  at  by  my  proposals  was,  to  have  diverted  the  Ame- 
ricans from  goeing  on  with  their  linen  and  Woollen  Manufactory's  &  to  have  turn'd  their  thoughts  on 
such  things  as  might  be  usefull  &  beneficiall  to  Great  Britain.  They  are  already  so  far  advanced  in 
their  Manufactories  that  3|4  of  ye  linen  and  Woollen  they  use,  is  made  amongst  'em  ;  espetially  the 
Courser  sort,  &  if  some  speedy  and  effectual  ways  are  not  found  to  putt  a  stop  to  it,  they  will 
carry  it  on  a  great  deal  further,  &  perhaps  in  time  very  much  to  the  prejudice  of  our  manufactory's 
at  home.  I  have  been  discoursed  with  by  some  to  assist  them  in  setting  up  a  manufactory  of  fine 
stulfs,  but  I  have  for  the  present  putt  it  by,  L  will  for  my  own  part  never  be  concerned  in  yl  nor  any 
thing  of  y*  nature,  but  use  all  the  little  interest  &  skill  I  have  to  prevent  it. 1 


GOV.  HUNTER  TO  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE.  12  N0VR  1715 

[Lond.  Doc.  XX.] 

The  Trade  of  this  Province  has  consisted  chiefly  of  provisions,  We  may  reckon  it  considerably 
|  decreased]  since  the  late  Peace,  by  reason  that  the  Spaniards  do  not  permit  our  Vessels  to  come  on 
their  coasts,  as  they  did  formerly,  having  lately,  as  I  am  well  informed  sent  several  ships,  some  of 
which  are  French  with  Spanish  Commiss118  to  Guard  their  Coasts  from  that  Traflick,  which  formerly 
we  had  by  private  communications  with  them;  and  these  Provinces  raising  much  more  than  serves 
for  their  own  consumption  and  that  of  the  West  Indies,  I  can  think  of  no  solid  way  of  prevents  the 
total  decay  of  Trade,  and  consequently  the  ruin  of  the  Provinces  but  by  setting  on  foot  and  carrying 
vigorously  the  production  of  Naval  Stores,  and  if  hemp  were  not  so  bulky  a  commodity,  we  know 
experimentally  that  our  swamps  and  low  land  will  produce  as  good  of  that  kind  as  any  in  the  world. 

The  People  of  this  Town  (N.  York)  and  Albany,  which  make  a  great  part  of  the  Province  wear 
no  clothing  of  their  own  manufacture,  but  if  the  letters  mentioned  in  your  Lordships  mean  the 
Planters  and  poorer  sort  of  Country  people,  the  computat"  is  rather  less  than  more,  but  the  several 
sorts  are  coarser  than  what  come  from  England;  I  know  no  way  to  prevent  it,  than  by  encouraging 
them  to  go  on  some  manufactures  that  may  be  useful  to  England  Sc  beneficial  to  themselves,  for  few 
that  are  able  to  go  to  the  expense  of  English  manufacture  do  wear  home  spun,  and  a  law  to  oblige 
such  as  are  not  able  to  go  to  that  expense  to  do  it,  under  penalties,  would  be  equivalent  to  a  law  to 
compel  them  to  go  naked,  for  your  Lordships  well  know  that  Goods  at  100  percent  advance  are 
reckoned  cheap  here,  nor  does  it  consist  with  my  knowledge  that  ever  any  home  spun  was  sold  in 
the  shops. 

1  Col.  Heathcote  the  writer  of  the  above,  was  Member  of  the  Council,  and  an  applicant  for  a  contract  to  supply  the  Crown 
with  Naval  Stores  &  some  small  sloops  of  War  for  coasting  purposes. 


TRADE  AND  MANUFACTURES  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


187 


CADWALLADER  COLDEN  ON  THE  TRADE  OF  NEW  YORK;  1723 

[Lonil.  Doc.  XXII.] 

The  Trade  of  New  York  is  chiefly  to  Britain  &  the  British  Plantations  in  the  West  Indies;  besides 
which  we  have  our  wines  from  Madeira  &  a  considerable  Trade  with  Curacoa;  some  with  Surinam 
&  some  little  private  Trade  with  the  French  Islands — The  Trade  to  the  West  Indies  is  wholly  to  the 
advantage  of  this  Province  the  balance  being  every  where  in  our  favor  so  that  we  have  money 
remitted  from  every  place  we  trade  with,  but  chiefly  from  Curacoa  and  Jamaica,  these  places  taking 
oft'  great  quantitys  of  Flower  for  the  Spanish  trade  The  Trade  to  Barbadoes  is  more  considerable 
than  to  any  one  of  the  rest  Provisions  being  carried  thither  not  only  for  the  supply  of  that  Island 
but  likewise  for  Transportation  to  the  Spanish  coast  while  the  Assiento  Factors  were  settled  there, 
&  to  the  French  Islands,  so  that  tho'  we  consume  more  of  the  produce  of  that  Island  in  Hum  Sugar 
k  Molasses  than  of  all  the  others  put  together  we  have  money  frequently  remitted  from  thence  on 
Bills  of  Exchange  for  England  The  Trade  to  Madeira  is  to  our  Loss  this  Province  consuming  more 
wine  from  thence,  than  can  be  purchased  with  our  commodities  which  obliges  the  Merchant  either 
to  send  money  or  to  pay  the  Ballance  of  Bills  of  Exchange  for  London  But  whatever  advantages 
we  have  by  the  West  India  Trade  we  are  so  hard  put  to  it  to  make  even  with  England,  that  the 
money  imported  for  the  West  Indies  seldom  continues  six  months  in  the  Province,  before  it  is 
remitted  for  England  The  Current  Cash  being  wholly  in  the  Paper  Bills  of  this  Province  and  a  few 
Lyon  Dollars 

In  the  time  of  the  last  war  when  the  great  scarcity  of  provisions  happened  in  France,  we  had  a 
very  profitable  Trade  with  Lisbon  for  wheat,  by  which  several  have  made  estates  but  that  Trade 
was  of  no  long  duration,  for  the  Distance  made  the  carriage  so  chargeable  being  the  Ships  were 
obliged  to  return  empty,  that  the  Trade  could  not  be  carried  on  any  Longer  without  Loss,  after 
wheat  fell  to  its  usual  price,  tho  the  Wheat  of  America,  be  of  greater  value  there  than  the 
European,  &  we  cannot  hope  for  a  return  of  this  Trade  unless  such  a  general  scarcity  of  Provisions 
happens  over  Europe  as  did  then 

The  Staple  Commodity  of  the  Province  is  Flower  &  Bread  which  is  sent  to  all  Parts  of  the  West 
Indies  we  are  allowed  to  trade  with,  Besides  Wheat,  Pipe  staves  and  a  little  Bees  Wax  to  Madeira, 
We  send  likewise  a  considerable  quantity  of  Pork,  Bacon,  Hogshead  Staves,  some  Beef  Butter  & 
a  few  Candles  to  the  West  Indies.  The  great  Bulk  of  our  commoditys  in  proportion  to  their  value, 
is  the  reason  we  cannot  Trade  directly  to  the  Spanish  Coast  as  they  do  from  the  West  Indies  it  being 
necessary  to  employ  armed  vessels  to  prevent  Injuries  from  the  Spaniards  and  Pirates,  but  we  some- 
times send  vessels  into  the  Bays  of  Campeachie  &  Honduras,  to  purchase  Logwood  &  we  have  it 
imported  from  thence  frequently  by  Strangers.  This  commodity  is  entirely  exported  again  for 
England 

From  Barbadoes  we  import  Rum,  Molasses  &  Sugar  which  are  all  consumed  in  the  Province,  from 
Antigua  &  the  adjacent  Islands,  Molassus  &  some  Rum  for  the  country  consumption,  &  sometimes 
sugar  &  Cotton  for  exportation  to  England,  From  Jamaica  some  Rum,  Molasses  &  the  best  Musco- 
vada  Sugar  for  the  consumption  of  the  Country  &  sometimes  Logwood,  but  the  principal  returns 
from  thence  are  in  Spanish  money,  From  Curacoa  the  returns  are  in  Spanish  money  &  Cocoa  which 
is  exported  again  for  England  Surinam  returns  nothing  besides  Molasses  and  a  little  Rum  which  are 
consumed  in  the  Province,  in  the  time  of  War  when  the  English  could  not  trade  with  the  French 
there  was  some  considerable  Trade  to  the  Island  of  St.  Thomas  The  Danes  from  thence  supplying 


488 


TRADE  AND  MANUFACTURES  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


the  French  with  our  Provisions.  We  have  Cotton  from  thence  &  now  from  the  French  Islands  we 
sometimes  have  Cocoa  Sugar  &  Indigo,  the  far  greatest  part  of  which  are  exported  again  from 
England 

Several  of  our  Neighbours  upon  the  Continent  cannot  well  subsist  without  our  assistance  as  to 
Provisions  for  we  yearly  send  Wheat  and  Flower  to  Boston  &  Road  Island  as  well  as  to  South  Caro- 
lina tho  not  in  any  great  quantity  Pennsylvania  only  rivals  us  in  our  Trade  to  the  West  Indies,  but 
they  have  not  that  Credit  in  their  Manufactures  that  this  Province  lias 

Besides  our  Trade  by  Sea  this  Province  has  a  very  considerable  inland  Trade  with  the  Indians  for 
Beaver  other  Furs  &,  Peltry  &  with  the  French  of  Canada  for  Beaver,  all  which  are  purchased  with 
English  Commodity  except  a  small  quantity  of  Rum.  As  this  Trade  is  very  profitable  to  England, 
so  this  province  has  a  more  considerable  share  in  it  than  any  other  in  His  Matys  Dominions  &  is  the 
only  Province  that  can  Rival  &  I  beleive  out  do  the  French,  being  the  most  advantagiously  situated 
for  this  Trade  of  any  part  of  America 

This  Government  (since  the  arrival  of  the  present  Goyernor)  considering  that  the  French  of  Can- 
ada buy  yearly  of  the  people  of  this  Province  great  quantitys  of  English  Goods  in  English  Cloaths 
fit  for  the  Indians  use,  &  being  convinced  that  the  French  cannot  without  great  difficulty  and  expence 
import  these  goods  directly  from  Europe  &.  that  without  them  they  cannot  carry  out  their  trade  with 
the  Indians  exclusive  of  the  English:  did  by  a  severe  Law  prohibit  the  selling  of  any  Indian  Goods 
to  the  French  At  the  same  time  considerable  encouragement  was  given  to  a  number  of  young  men 
to  go  into  the  Indian  Country  as  far  as  the  Pass  between  the  great  Lakes  at  the  Falls  of  lagara,  to 
learn  the  language  of  these  Indians,  and  to  renew  the  Trade  with  the  far  Indians  which  our  Traders 
have  disused  ever  since  the  beginning  of  the  Wars  with  France  This  they  could  not  be  persuaded 
to  undertake  of  themselves  having  of  late  fallen  into  the  more  safe  and  less  toilsome  Trade  with  the 
French  tho  less  profitable 

The  Government  has  pursued  this  with  a  good  deal  of  diligence  notwithstanding  many  difficultys 
put  in  the  way  by  the  merchants  who  trade  with  the  French  &  these  measures  are  likely  to  have  a 
very  happy  effect,  to  strengthen  the  British  Interest  on  this  continent.  For  if  the  Indians  shall  be 
once  convinced  that  the  French  cannot  supply  them  with  the  Goods  they  want  or  that  they  are  fur- 
nished much  cheaper  by  the  English  it  will  takeoff  the  dependance  of  the  remote  Indians  on  the 
French,  which  has  been  increasing  of  late  to  the  Great  Danger  of  this  province,  in  case  of  a  War, 
as  well  as  to  the  loss  of  its  trade  in  time  of  Peace,  What  is  already  done  has  had  so  good  effect, 
that  but  a  few  days  ago  80  Indian  Men,  besides  Women  &  Children  arrived  at  Albany  from  the  fur- 
thest nation  who  live  about  the  place  called  by  the  French  Missilimakenak  1200  miles  distant  from 
Albany,  they  could  not  be  stopped  in  their  design  by  all  the  art  of  the  French  who  in  several  places 
endeavored  to  divert  them  When  they  came  to  Albany  they  entered  into  a  League  of  Friendship 
with  this  Government  &  desired  to  be  added  to  the  Six  Nations  under  this  Government,  and  that 
they  may  be  esteemed  the  seventh  Nation  under  the  English  Protection — The  Language  of  those 
Indians  is  not  understood  by  any  Christian  among  us,  &  is  the  first  time  we  have  had  any  League 
with  them — It  is  the  opinion  of  many  here  that  by  the  arts  of  Peace,  with  the  assistance  of  a  less 
sum  than  a  tenth  of  what  the  expedition  to  Canada  cost  the  Nation  the  settlement  of  Canada  would 
be  rendered  useless  to  the  French,  and  that  they  would  be  obliged  to  abandon  it 

It  is  evident  that  the  whole  Industry,  Frugality  &  Trade  of  this  Province  is  employed  to  ballance 
the  Trade  with  England  &  to  pay  for  the  goods  they  yearly  import  from  thence,  &•  therefore  it  is 
undoubtedly  yc  Interest  of  Britain  to  encourage  the  Trade  of  this  Province  as  much  as  possible: 
For  if  the  people  here  could  remit  by  any  method  more  money  or  Goods  to  England  they  woidd 
proportionally  consume  more  of  the  English  Manufactures.  We  have  no  reason  to  doubt  that  it  is 
truly  the  desire  of  our  mother  country  to  make  her  colonys  flourish— The  only  thing  in  question,  is 


TRADE  AND  MANUFACTURES  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW- YORK. 


489 


by  what  methods  the  produce  and  Trade  of  the  Plantations  can  be  best  encouraged  with  the  greatest 
advantage  to  England.  It  may  be  that  many  in  England  are  not  so  well  informed  what  their  coL  >nj  s 
are  able  to  produce  &  by  what  means  the  people  in  the  colonys  will  most  effectually  be  put  upon  such 
Manufacture  or  Trade  as  shall  be  most  beneficial  to  the  Kingdom  for  the  Colonys  diifer  very  much 
in  the  soil  &  inclination  &  humour  of  the  Inhabitants 

It  seems  to  be  the  desire  of  the  Government  of  Great  Britain  that  y°  Kingdom  be  supplied  with 
naval  Stores  from  their  Plantations,  that  they  may  not  rely  so  much  on  the  Pleasure  of  foreign  Princes 
for  what  is  so  necessary  to  ye  Strength  &  Wealth  of  ye  Kingdom.  Towards  this  end  none  of  His 
Matys  Provinces  can  be  more  useful  than  this  &  perhaps  no  country  in  the  World  is  naturally  better 
fitted  for  such  produce  or  manufactures.  There  is  not  any  where  a  richer  Soil  for  producing  Hemp 
than  in  many  places  in  this  Province — Such  Land  as  has  every  year  borne  grain  for  above  50  years 
together  without  dunging  in  which  I  believe  this  excells  all  the  other  Provinces  in  North  America. 
Our  barren  Sandy  Lands  bear  great  quantitys  of  Pitch  pine  for  Tar,  The  Northern  parts  of  the 
Province  large  white  Pines*  for  Masts:  &  for  iron  we  have  great  plenty  of  that  Oar  in  many  places 
close  by  the  Bank  of  the  River,  where  Ships  of  3  or  4U0  Tuns  may  lay  their  sides  the  ground  every 
where  covered  with  wood  for  the  Furnace  and  no  want  of  Water  Streams  any  where  for  the  Forge 

The  reasons  which  have  hindred  the  Inhabitants  from  going  upon  any  of  these  manufactures  are 
the  difficulty  with  which  people  can  be  persuaded  to  leave  the  common  means  by  which  they  have 
supported  their  familys  to  adventure  upon  any  new  methods  which  are  always  expensive  in  the  begin- 
ning &  uncertain  in  the  profits  they  yield  This  reasoning  has  the  more  force  because  few  of  the 
Planters  have  any  stock  of  money  by  them  but  depend  yearly  on  the  Produce  of  their  Farms  for  the 
support  of  their  Families.  North  America  containing  a  vast  Tract  of  Land  every  one  is  able  to 
procure  a  piece  of  land  at  an  inconsiderable  rate  and  therefore  is  fond  to  set  up  for  himself  rather 
than  work  for  hire  This  makes  labor  continue  very  dear  a  common  laborer  usually  earning  3  shil- 
lings by  the  day  &  consequently  any  undertaking  which  requires  many  hands  must  be  undertaken 
at  a  far  greater  expense  than  in  Europe  &  too  often  this  charge  only  o\  erballances  all  the  advantages 
which  the  country  naturally  affords  k  is  the  hardest  to  overcome  to  make  any  commodity  or  Manu- 
facture profitable  which  can  be  raised  in  Europe 

The  Merchant  will  not  readily  adventure  his  Stock  in  raising  Hemp  or  making  Tar  being  unac- 
quainted with  husbandry  and  will  more  difficultly  be  induced,  because  he  knows  the  Farmer  does 
not  gain  yearly  half  the  common  Interest  of  the  value  of  his  land  &  stock  after  lie  has  deducted  the 
charge  of  labor. 

One  of  the  methods  already  thought  of  for  making  this  Province  more  useful  as  to  Naval  Stores,  is 
a  severe  prohibition  of  cutting  any  white  Pines  fit  for  Masts,  No  doubt  the  destroying  of  so  necessary 
a  commodity  ought  to  be  prevented  &  it  would  be  difficult  to  frame  a  Law  for  that  end  with  many 
exceptions  or  Limitations  which  could  be  of  much  use  ou  the  other  hand  when  the  literal  Breach  of 
the  Law  becomes  generally  unavoidable  it  must  loose  its  force,  The  Lands  of  this  Province  are 
granted  upon  condition  that  the  Grantee  within  three  years  after  the  Grant  effectually  cultivate  three 
acres  for  every  fifty  granted  &  it  will  not  be  supposed  that  it  is  the  intent  of  the  Law  to  put  a  stop 
to  cultivating  the  Land  which  however  cannot  be  done  without  destroying  the  Timber  that  grows 
upon  it  One  at  first  is  ready  to  fear  that  the  poor  Planter  is  under  a  sad  Dilemma.  If  lie  does  not 
cultivate  he  cannot  maintain  his  family  &  he  must  loose  his  Land ;  if  he  does  cultivate,  he  cuts  down 
Trees,  for  which  he  is  in  danger  of  being  undone  by  prosecution  &  fines — The  Inhabitants  cannot 
build  Houses  without  pine  for  boards  &  covering,  nor  send  Vessels  to  sea  without  masts.    It  cannot 

*  Neither  the  Pitch  Pine  nor  White  Pine  are  properly  Pines  according  to  the  Botanists  but  are  put  by  them  under  the 
class  of  ye  Larix  'he  White  Pine  being;  called  by  Tournefo'irt — Larix  orientalis  fructu  rotundiori  obtuso  &  by  J  Bonhim. 
Cedrus  magna,  Sive  Libani,  Conifera.    I  have  not  seen  the  true  Pine  to  the  Northward  of  Maryland. 


[Vol.  I.] 


62 


490 


TRADE  AND  MANUFACTURES  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


surely  be  the  intent  of  the  Legislature  to  put  the  inhabitants  under  such  extreem  hardships  by  deny- 
ing us  necessary  timber  while  we  live  in  the  midst  of  such  Forests  as  cannot  in  many  ages  be 
destroyed — And  the  more  that  the  King  for  whose  use  these  Trees  are  reserved,  does  not  nor  has  not 
made  use  of  one  Tree  fur  many  yeais  in  this  Province. 

Nor  netd  we  mind  t]  e  aj  \  jehensions  of  some  who  tell  us  of  what  ill  consequence  it  may  be  if  the 
People  of  the  Plantations  should  apprehend  that  the  people  of  England  design  to  cut  them  off  from 
the  common  body  of  English  subjects  by  denying  them  the  fundamental  English  Privilege  of  being 
toyed  by  their  country  Our  mother  country  the  nursery  of  Liberty  will  never  give  up  her  children 
to  the  ravenous  appetites  of  any  one  man  nor  will  they  loose  the  surest  tye  she  has  upon  the  affec- 
tions of  the  people  in  the  plantations  especially  in  a  Frontier  Province  in  the  neighbourhood  of  so 
p.ttent  k  cunning  a  nation  as  the  French  are  where  the  native  English  are  less  in  number  than 
Foreigners  French  k  Dutch  who  at  present  think  themselves  happy  under  the  English  liberty,  for 
the  maxim,  that  free  subjects  are  more  useful  to  their  Prince  than  Slaves  will  be  found  as  true  in 
America  as  in  Europe. 

But  suppose  the  People  could  be  restrained  from  cutting  any  White  Pines  it  will  not  answer  the 
end  for  which  it  was  designed,  For  if  the  King  were  to  send  People  to  cut  down  Masts  in  the  place 
where  they  grow  and  to  transport  them  to  such  places  where  they  can  be  carried  by  water  the  charge 
will  amount  to  treble  the  sum  they  might  be  bought  for  at  New  York,  if  the  carrying  of  them  were 
left  to  the  Inhabitants  themselves  The  King  in  this  case  must  have  a  great  many  hands  k  overseers 
in  constant  pay  He  must  buy  horses,  Oxen  k  Carriages  k  maintain  them  or  hire  them  after  the  most 
chargeable  manner — whereas  the  country  people  carry  these  Trees  in  the  Winter  upon  the  Snow  k 
Ice  when  they  cannot  labor  in  the  ground  k  are  glad  to  make  a  little  profit  at  any  rate. 

To  balance  any  hard  ship  which  the  Colonys  may  apprehend  themselves  to  be  under  The  British 
Parliament  has  given  such  rewards  &  encouragements  to  their  Plantations  as  no  other  nation  has 
done  the  like  for  the  manufacture  of  Hemp  k  Tar.  The  benefit  of  this  however  does  not  so  immedi- 
ately reach  the  Planters  as  the  before  mentioned  penalties  affect  him,  There  is  a  considerable  differ- 
ence between  encourageing  the  exportation  k  sale  of  a  commodity  which  is  already  the  manufacture 
'  of  the  country  &  engageing  people  to  go  upon  a  new  commodity  or  manufacture  in  the  first  it  is 
sufficient  to  give  the  merchant  encouragement  to  buy  k  export  in  the  other  the  encouragement  would 
be  more  effectual  if  it  were  immediately  applied  to  the  persons  who  were  to  begin  the  Manufacture 
&  run  the  whole  risque  of  its  turning  to  advantage  or  not. 

Now  I  shall  mention  the  means  which  I  think  most  probable  to  make  this  Province  useful  in  pro- 
ducing Naval  Stores  k  which  may  with  the  least  difficulty  be  put  in  practice — In  the  first  place,  to* 
prevent  the  decay  of  Timber,  fit  for  masts  every  one  that  improves  Lands  on  which  white  Pines 
grow  ought  to  be  obliged  to  plant  white  Pines  at  proper  distances  all  round  his  fields  &  enclosures 
when  any  of  these  shall  dye  or  be  cut  down  to  put  another  in  its  place  and  some  officer  be  obliged  to 
see  this  punctually  observed  and  for  the  encouragement  of  such  as  shall  raise  Hemp  that  the  Receiver 
General  be  directed  to  receive  Hemp  when  offered  in  lieu  of  money  for  the  Kings  Quit  Rents  at  an 
encouraging  price  which  Price  the  Receiver  General  ought  to  publish,  pursuant  to  the  directions  he 
shall  receive  from  England — The  Commissioners  of  the  Navy  to  appoint  a  Factor  at  New  York  whose 
credit  must  be  punctually  kept  up  to  purchase  Masts  &  Tar,  made  according  to  the  direction  of  the 
Act  of  Parliament,  who  shall  yearly  publish  the  prices  he  will  give  for  any  of  these  commoditys  k 
the  Government  to  save  themselves  the  Benefit  of  the  Bounty.  For  gome  years  the  price  to  be 
allowed  be  above  the  intrinsic  value  of  the  commoditys,  the  loss  of  which  to  be  defrayed  by  some 
publick  fund,  which  I  believe  without  great  difficulty  may  be  found  k  if  these  proposals  be  thought 
practicable  k  useful  shall  be  the  subject  of  another  paper. 


TRADE  AND  MANUFACTURES  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


491 


The  Parliament  appears  desirous  to  encourage  the  importation  of  materials  for  dyeing  which 
hitherto  have  been  only  brought  from  Foreign  Parts  I  have  seen  fine  Reds  and  Yellows  &  good  black 
(the  Country  people  say  they  have  seen  all  colors)  died  by  the  Indians  with  some  roots  &.  weeds, 
which  grow  plentifully  in  the  country.  As  the  Indians  know  very  little  of  the  art  of  dying  from 
what  I  have  seen  of  their  Reds  I  am  apt  to  believe  the  root  they  dye  that  color  with,  may  be  very 
valuable  &  we  may  find  some  commoditys  which  at  present  are  not  in  the  Least  thought  of — When 
I  go  next  to  the  Indians  country  I  intend  to  procure  some  quantity  of  them  sufficient  to  make  a  few 
experiments. 


G0VR  COSBY  TO  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE. 

[Lond.  Doc.  XXIV.] 

New  York  18th  Deer  1732. 

My  Lords — I  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  Lord''Ps  to  me  of  the  16th  of  June  last,  and  in  pur- 
suance of  His  Maty*  directions  to  your  Lok1pps  Board  have  made  the  strictest  inquiry  in  respect  to 
manufactures  sett  up,  &  Trade  carryed  on  in  this  Province  of  New  York  &  can  discover  none  that 
may  in  any  way  affect  or  prejudice  the  Trade,  Navigation  &  Manufactures  of  the  Kingdom  of  Great 
Britain.  As  to  the  Laws  made  here,  I  beg  leave  to  refer  your  Lordpps  to  the  acts  which  I  shall  trans- 
mitt  to  your  Lordpps  so  soon  as  they  are  engrossed  which  I  fear  I  cannot  have  time  to  have  done  to 
send  by  this  opportunity.  The  inhabitants  here  are  more  lazy  &  inactive  than  the  world  generally 
supposes,  &  their  manufacture  extends  no  farther  than  what  is  consumed  in  their  own  fanullys,  a  few 
coarse  Lindsey  Woolseys  for  clothing,  and  linen  for  their  own  wear ;  he  hatt  makeing  trade  here 
seemed  to  promise  to  make  the  greatest  advances  to  the  prejudice  of  Great  Britain,  but  that  the 
Parliament  having  already  taken  into  their  consideration,  needs  no  more  mention,  whatever  new 
springs  up  that  may  in  the  least  affect  or  prejudice  the  Trade  or  Navigation  of  Great  Britlain,  shall 
be  narrowly  inspected  k  annual  returns  of  your  Lordpp5  querries  constantly  sent  In  t'.ie  mean  time 
I  have  the  honor  to  be  with  the  greatest  respect  imaginable 

My  Lords 
Your  Lordpp3  most  obedient 

k  most  humble  servant 

(signed)  W.  G\  sbv. 


SAME  TO  THE  SAME  6  DEC.  1734. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XXV.  ] 

Wheat  is  the  staple  of  this  Province,  and  tho'  that  comcdity  seem  literally  to  interfere  with  the 
product  of  Great  Britain,  it  do's  not  so  in  fact,  for  it's  generally  manufactured  into  flower  and  bread, 
and  sent  to  supply  the  sugar  Collonys,  and  whenever  a  market  in  Spain  Portugal  or  other  parts  of 
Europe  has  encouraged  the  sending  it  thither  in  Grain,  the  adventurers  have  often  suffered  by  the 
undertaking,  for  at  this  remote  distance,  the  intelligence  of  a  demand  reaches  us  so  late,  that  the 
marketts  are  supplyed  before  our  vessells  come  there,  and  even  if  it  were  otherwise  our  merchants 


492 


TRADE  AND  MANUFACTURES  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OK  NEW-YORK. 


lye  under  vast  and  certain  disadvantages  besides  for  freight  of  wheat  from  hence  in  time  of  warr  was 
at  least  two  shillings  and  six  pence,  and  in  time  of  peace  is  eighteen  pence  sterling  per  bushell,  and 
by  the  length  of  the  passage  it  often  grows  musty,  at  least  cannot  come  so  fresh  to  markett  as  from 
Great  Britain  •  whence  freights  (as  it's  said)  are  not  above  one  quarter  part  of  what  they  are  here. 

The  main  bent  of  our  farmers  is  to  raise  wheat,  and  they  are  like  to  remain  in  that  way  until  the 
price  of  it  becomes  so  low,  that  necessity  puts  upon  some  other  way  of  Cultivation  ;  which  in  process 
of  time  is  like  to  happen,  because  the  Sugar  Islands  cannot  increase  in  the  proportion  tvuich  the 
Noithern  Collonys  do,  and  whether  some  other  encouragement  may  bring  them  over  sooner  I  cannot 
affirm. 

In  this  Collony  are  a  great  many  lands  extream  fit  for  hemp,  and  there  is  not  one  farm  in  it  but 
has  land  proper  to  raise  flax ;  but  little  more  of  either  is  raised  than  what  is  for  private  use,  the 
former  they  apprehend  to  require  more  hands  than  they  have  to  spare,  and  labour  is  still  so  dear 
that  they  cannot  alford  to  hire  people  for  that  purpose.  Nor  do  they  (as  I  believe)  well  understand 
how  to  rost  [rot  ?]  and  dress  it. 

Tarr  Pitch  and  Turpentine  may  be  got  here,  but  more  plentifully  in  some  of  the  other  Northern 
Collonys,  in  greater  quantity's  than  can  be  made  use  of  by  the  Navy  or  Nation  of  Great  Britain,  if 
the  price  at  home  will  encourage  it,  which  I  am  informed  it  has  not  done  for  several  years  past, 
notwithstanding  the  bounty  allowed  on  the  importation. 

I  am  told  your  Lordships  formerly  sent  hither  the  method  used  in  Russia  for  making  of  Tar  and 
that  upon  tryal  thereof  it  was  found  not  to  answer  here,  which  is  attributed  more  to  the  difference 
of  the  nature  of  their  pitch  pine  and  that  of  this  Country,  than  to  the  unskillfulness  of  our  people. 

In  the  Jerseys  is  an  extraordinary  rich  mine  and  some  others  are  discovered  there  which  alford  a 
good  prospect  but  in  this  Province  none  have  as  yet  been  discovered,  tho'  a  good  deal  of  money 
has  been  expended  in  search  of  them. 

Some  lead  mines  have  been  found  in  several  parts  of  this  Collony  but  they  hitherto  not  by  fair 
quitted  the  cost  expended  on  them,  and  if  they  happen  to  prove  good,  I  believe  the  proprietor  will 
rather  send  it  home  in  Oar  than  be  at  the  charge  to  erect  smelt  houses  here. 

We  have  a  great  many  Iron  mines  both  of  the  bogg,  and  of  the  Mountain  Oar  but  as  yet  no  Iron 
Work  is  set  up  in  this  province  if  any  encouragement  was  given  upon  the  importing  of  it  in  Piggs 
and  Bars,  at  least  that  it  might  be  free  of  dutys,  It  is  very  probable  that  in  a  few  years  the  Nation 
might  be  amply  supplyed  from  her  own  Plantations  and  it  is  evident  that  the  whole  amount  thereof 
wo'd  be  paid  in  the  manufactures  of  Great  Britain,  who  now  pays  ready  money  (as  I  am  informed) 
for  greatest  part  of  the  Iron  It  has  from  Sweden. 

I  am  informed  that  when  the  Dutch  were  in  possession  of  this  Collony  they  sett  up  a  Pottash  work 
at  vast  expenee  but  found  it  wo'd  not  answer,  about  twenty  five  years  agoe  it  was  attempted  here 
again  at  the  expense  of  a  Gentleman  in  London  but  dropt  for  the  same  reason,  and  a  like  essay  is 
lately  set  on  loot  in  Jersey;  which  it  is  feared  will  be  attended  with  the  same  late. 


TRADE  AND  MANUFACTURES  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


493 


ANSWER  OF  THE  COLLECTOR  OF  NEW  YORK  TO  QUERIES  OF  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE. — 1747. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XXVIII.  ] 


The  referred  queries  from  the  Lords  of  Trade  and  Plantations  and  the  required  Answer  from  the 
Collector  of  the  Customs  here  as  by  direction  of  his  Excellency  the  Governour  of  His  Majl>» 
Province,  viz4.  • 


THE  QUERIES. 


THE  ANSWER  THEREUPON  AS, 


TRADING  IN  GENERAL 


INWARDS. 


What  is  the  trade  of 
this  Province,  the 
number  of  Shipping, 
their  tonnage  and 
the  Number  of  sea 
faring  men  with  the 
respective  increase 
or  diminution  within 
1U  years  past? 

What  quantity  and 
sorts  of  British  Man- 
ufactures do  the  In- 
habitants annually 
take  from  hence? 

What  trade  has  the 
Province  under  your 
Governt  with  any 
Foreign  Plantations 
or  any  part  of  Europe 
besides  Great  Brita  in  ? 
how  is  that  tradecar- 
ried  on?  what  com- 
modities do  the  peo- 
ple under  your  Gov- 
ernt send  or  receive 
from  Foreign  Plan- 
lat'ns? 

What  is  the  natural 
produce  of  the  Coun- 
try, staple  commodi- 
ties and  Manufac- 
tures? and  what  val- 
ue thereof  in  sterling 
money  may  you  an- 
nually export. 


First  :    From  Great  Bri 


OUTWARDS. 


O  0>  < 

ts:  •>  I 


O,  O 


First :  To  London  &.  out- 


tain  :  European  goodsand 
those  India    with  silk 
manufactures  chiefly 
From  Ireland  :  linnen  and 


ports  thereof,  the  latter 
seldom,  the  enumerated 
goods  &  other  Merchan- 
dize legally  imported, 
canvass  as  duly  certifyed.iTo  Ireland  :  Flax-seed, 
From  British  Colonies  :  Rum,  Sugar,  being  prize 
cnnumerated  commodi-i  effects  &  staves, 
ties,  Rum,  Limejuice,,To  other  parts  of  Europe 
snuff,  piemento,  sulphur,  grain,  hides,  Elk-skins, 
straw-plat,  deer-skins,  Deer-skins,  Ox-horns, 
conch-shells,  mahogany,  logwood,  Indico,  cocoa- 
ebony  and  Negroes.  nutts,  ettc,  of  foreign 
From  Europe  and  both]  produce,  lumber  also,  Su- 
English  and  Foreign  set-  gar,  Coffe,  wines  &  other 


tlements  in  America  to- 
gether in  Africa:  Salt. 
From  Africa,  within  the 
proper  limits  directed, 
Negroes  now  less  than 
formerly  bro't  hither. 


goods  as  prize  effects  be 
brought  &  in  the  Vice 
Admiralty  Court  adjudi- 
cated upon  proper  cer- 
tifying. 

To  Madeira  &  Azores 


What  methods  are 
there  used  to  prevent 
illegal  Trade, and  are 
the  same  effectual? 


From  Madeira:  Wines  thej  Grain  and  other  provisi- 
growth  thereof.  ons,  Bee-wax  and  staves. 

From  Northern  &  South-jTo  English  districts  North 
ern  parts  of  this  Conti-  &  South  of  this  Conti- 
nent:  Cyder. Oil. Blubber  J  nent  &  West  Indies :  pro 
Whale-tins,    Flax-seed,  visions,  chocolate,  him 
hops,  Flax,  Bricks,  Seal-I  t>er,  European  &.  India 
Skins  &  certain  \V  roughtj  goods  with  those  species 
Iron,  Brasury  &  Tin.         enumerated  &  such  oth- 
Lastly  from   Plantations,  ers  as  brought  here  for 
not   under   His  Majties]  export  regularly. 
Dominions:  small  quan-j  Lastly  :    to   the  neutral 
tities  of  Molasses,  Sugar!  Ports :  as  St.  Thomas, Cu 
&  Rum,  since  the  Act  im-j  racoa&  Surrenhaim  :  pro 


posing  new  duties  there- 
on, Snuff,  Lign'vitse,  In- 
dico, Logwood  &.  other 
dying  wood, cotton  wool, 
cocoa  nuts,  ettc. 


visions,  Lumber  &  Hor- 
ses with  provender. 


£  g  .a  o 

!.S  S  E 

CC  l__  02 


99 


PRODUCTION  &  MANUFACTURE. 


4513 


First:  The  Country  people  here 
have  for  many  years,  &  yet  their 
home  spun  (so  termed)  of  wool  & 
flax  to  supply  themselves  some- 
what with  the  necessaries  of  cloth- 
ing ettc. 

From  the  year  1715  or  thereabouts, 
have  been  raised  Linseed  &.  milled 
into  oil:  hats  made  of  Beaver-fur, 
the  exporting  whereof  prevented 
by  the  Act,  from  Michelmas  173:.', 
also  Lamp-Black  work'd  up. 
From  the  year  1730  Sugar  baking  Sl 
its  refining  have  been  for  home  con- 
sumption, &  transportation  hence 
to  other  districts  on  the  Continent 
to  the  West  Indies  by  regalar 
certificates,  &.  latterly  the  distil- 
ling of  Rum  &.  othtr  Spirits,  for 
755  there  are  three  houses  erected. 
In  this  Province  are  mines  of  Iron 
&  Lead  ores,  the  manufacturing  of 
which  have  been  of  late  proposed 
&.  the  raising  of  Hemp  likewise. 
Lastly:  of  these  several  besides,  of 
grain  of  all  sorts  &  other  provi- 
sions, with  Tobacco  a  diminutive 
quantity  naturally  produced  out  of 
this  soil,  yet  being  with  such  like 
brought  hither  from  the  Eastern  &. 
Western  parts  of  this  continent  are 
saleable  &  indeed  abroad  cannot  be 
distinguished  as  to  ascertain  the 
annual  exporting  of  their  value : 
neither  practicable  could  it  be  from 
the  imports  thereof  separated;  be- 
cause their  prices  according  to  the 
Markets  currently  vary  in  the  re- 
spective species. 


These  on  each  column  are  particularized  as  to  the  quantities  as  qualities  in  the  quarterly  lists  of 
Trading  Vessels:  the  transmitting  whereof  to  their  Lordshipps,  is  from  the  Naval  Officer  here,  con- 
stituted by  the  Governour  &  also  such  Lists  duly  to  their  Honours  the  Commissioners  of  the  Customs 
from  their  Officers,  hence,  thereby  may  appear,  that  within  the  queries  mentioned,  time,  how  the 
increase  or  diminution  differenceth  respectively. 

Such  as  are  prescribed  in  the  principal  Laws  of  trade  &.  aptly  used  hereat,  whereby  to  effect  the 
intended  preventing  any  what  contrary  to  those  Laws :  &  that  upon  any  breach  thereof  carefully 
inquired  after  by  the  deputed  officers,  process  is  issued  against  the  same  in  the  Vice  Admiralty:  or 
it  happening  sometimes  in  the  Courts  of  records  of  this  Province,  for  the  Recovery  of  the  subjected 
penalty  on  the  fraud  or  abuse  committed. 


Examined  and  compared  at  the  Custom  House  of  New  York  with  the  Books  of  Reports  and  entries  therein  by 

ARCH'D  KENNEDY  Collctr. 

5  January  1746-7. 


494 


TRADE  AND  MANUFACTURES  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


NEW  YORK  IN  AMERICA. 

THE  REFERRED  QUERIES  FROM  THE  LORDS  OF  TRADE  AND  PLANTATIONS  ;  AND  THE  REQUIRED  ANSWER  FROM 
THE  BOOKS  OF  REPORTS  AND  ENTRIES  IN  THE  CUSTOM  HOUSE  AT  ITS  PORT  BY  DIRECTION  OF  THE  GOVr  OF 
THIS  HIS  MAJESTY'S  PROVINCE.  1749. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XXIX.] 

Qre.  What  is  the  Trade  of  the  Province,  the  Number  of  Shipping,  their  Tonage  and  the  number 
of  Seafaring  Men  with  the  respective  Increase  or  Diminution  within  the  years  past  ]  What  Quantity 
and  Sorts  of  British  Manufactures  do  the  Inhabitants  Annually  take  from  hence  ?  What  trade  has 
the  Province  with  any  Foreign  Plantations  or  any  part  of  Europe  besides  Great  Britain  1  How  is 
that  Trade  caryed  on  ?  What  Commodities  do  the  People  send  to  and  receive  from  Foreign  Planta- 
tions ?    What  methods  are  there  used  to  prevent  Illegal  Trade  and  are  the  same  effectual  I 

Jlnsr.  The  Inward  Trading  in  General  is  from  Great  Britain,  European  Goods,  k  those  India  with 
Silk  Manufactures  chiefly.  From  Ireland  Linnen  and  Canvas  Manufactures  certified  duly.  From 
British  Colonies,  enumerated  Commodities,  Piemento, Sulphur,  Strawplating,  Lime  juice,  Colfee  growth 
thereof,  Hides,  Deer  Skins,  Conch  Shells,  Mahogonie,  Plank,  Ebonie,  k  Negros.  From  Europe  and 
Africa,  besides  from  English  Foreign  Settlements  in  America,  Salt.  From  the  African  Coast  within 
the  proper  limits  Directed,  Negri's :  now  less  than  formerly.  From  the  Northern  k  Southern  parts 
of  this  Continent;  Fish,  Oil,  Bluber,  Whale  fins,  Turpentine  oil,  Seal  Skins,  Hops,  Cyder,  Flax, 
Bricks,  Cole,  Lamp  Black,  certain  wrought  Iron,  Tin  k  Braziery,  Joinery,  various  Carriages  and 
Chairs.  From  Plantations  not  under  his  May8  Dominions,  Molasses,  Sugar,  &  Bum  in  no  great 
Quantitys,  since  the  Act  imposing  the  new  Dutys  thereon,  Lign.  Vita?,  Drugs,  Logwood  and  other 
Dying  Wood}  Indico,  Cocoa  Nutts,  Cotton  Wool,  Snuff  kca.  And  the  Outward  is  to  London  and  its 
Outports,  the  latter  more  seldom,  Naval  Stores,  Copper  Ore,  Furs  and  other  the  enumerated  species, 
with  the  legal  Import  of  divers  Mercantile  WTares,  Plantation  Iron,  Oil,  Spermaceti,  Whale  Fins, Lime 
Juice,  Shruif,  [snuff  ?]  Myrtle  Candles,  Mahogany  k  Walnut  planks,  Reeds  and  Drugs.  To  Ireland 
Flax  Seed,  Rum,  Sugar,  being  Prise  effects,  and  Staves.  To  sev1  Parts  in  Europe,  Grain,  Hides,  Deer 
k  Elk  Skins,  Ox  Horns,  Sarsaperila,  Indico,  Logwood,  Cocoa  Nutts  kca.  And  Foreign  Produce  k 
Lumber,  Moreover  Argent  Vivum,  Coffee,  Anatts,  Elephant's  Teeth,  Beewax,  Leather,  Sarsafrax, 
Casiafistula,  Wines  k  other  goods  as  Prise  effects  hitherto  brought  and  in  the  Vice  admiralty  Courts 
here  and  els  where  adjudicated  upon  proper  certifying.  To  Madeira  k  the  Azorts,  Grain  and  other 
Provisions,  Bee  Wax  k  Staves.  To  English  Districts  North  k  South  of  this  Continent  k  West  Indies, 
Provisions,  Chocolate,  Lumber  European  k  India  Goods  with  those  enumerated  in  the  Plantation 
Trade  Acts,  and  such  other  Imported  here  for  Conveyance  home  regularly  To  neutral  Ports  as 
Curacoa,  Suranhaim,  k  Saint  Thomas ;  Provisions,  Lumber,  Horses,  Sheep,  and  other  live  Stock  with 
their  Provender.  All  which  are  particularized  as  to  the  Quantitys  and  Quahtys  in  the  Quarterly 
Lists  of  Vessells  :  the  due  transmitting  whereof  to  their  honours  the  Commissioners  of  the  Customs 
from  the  offices  hereat ;  thereby  may  appear  within  the  Queries  signified  time  what  the  Increase  or 
Diminution  respectively  differenecth  ;  Therefore  upon  comparing  which  it'l  be  thus  considerate,  that 
the  first  is  somewhat  more  than  the  other.  As  to  the  Shipping  which  at  present  belong  here,  the 
Number  whereof  is  157,  the  tons  for  registry  G406  k  Navigated  with  12-28  men  of  Sea  Employ,  and 
for  the  preventive  method  of  which  happening  illicite  here,  such  prescribed  in  the  principal  Laws 
and  aptly  made  use  of,  whereby  to  effect  the  same  as  contrary  thereto ;  so  that  upon  any  Breach 
carefully  Inquired  after  by  the  Deputed  Officers,  process  is  issued  against  the  like  in  the  Vice  Admi- 


TRADE  AND  MANUFACTURES  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


495 


ralty,  or  sometimes  in  the  Courts  of  Record  holden  hereat,  for  recovery  of  the  subjected  Penalty  on 
the  Committed  fraud  &  abuse. 

Qre.  What  is  the  natural  produce  of  the  Country,  Staple  Commodities  and  Manufacture,  and  what 
Value  thereof  in  Sterling  Money  may  you  actually  export  1 

Jinsr.  1  he  production  and  Manufacture  is  that  the  people  in  the  Country  here  for  many  years  & 
yet  have  their  home  spun,  so  termed,  of  Flax  and  Wool  to  supply  themselves  somewhat  with  neces- 
saries of  Clothing  &c.  That  for  thirty  four  years  or  thereabouts,  have  been  raised  Linseed  &  mil'd 
into  Oil,  Hats,  made  of  beaver  Furs,  their  Exportation  prohibited  by  the  act  from  Michaelmas  1730, 
also  the  working  of  Lampblack.  That  for  nineteen  years,  Sugar  baking  and  its  refining  in  order  to 
consumption  here  &  transportation  for  other  Districts  on  the  Continent  &  the  West  Indies  upon  regu- 
lar certificate;  And  Erecting  Six  houses  latterly  that  rum  and  other  Spirits  may  thcirein  Distillable. 
That  in  the  said  Province  are  Mines  of  Lead  &  Iron  ores;  the  Manufacturing  of  which  hath  been  of 
late  proposed ;  likewise  Hemp  raised ;  And  that  besides  there  are  Grain  of  all  kinds  k  other  Provi- 
sions with  Tobacco,  a  small  quantity  out  of  soil  naturally  productive  :  Yet  such  with  the  like  hither 
brought  from  the  Western  &  Eastern  parts  of  this  Continent  being  Vendible  abroad  cannot  be  dis- 
tinguished as  to  ascertain  the  Prices  of  Annual  Export,  neither  could  be  practicable  if  from  the 
seperated  Exportness,  because  their  current  value  according  to  the  Markets  in  their  respective 
Species  vary. 

G  Clinton. 

New  York  23<»  May,  1749. 


GOVERNOR  CLINTON'S  CERTIFICATE  ABOUT  IRON  ROLLING  MILLS,  &c,  1750. 

[  Loml.  Doc.  XXIX.  ] 

By  His  Excellency  Honble  George  Clinton  Captain  General,  and  Governor  in  Chief  of  the  Province 
of  New  York  and  territories  thereon  depending  in  America,  Vice  Admiral  of  the  same  and  Admiral 
of  the  White  Squadron  of  His  Majesty's  Fleet. 

In  Obedience  to  an  Act  of  Parliament,  Entitled,  "An  Act  to  Encourage  the  Importation  of  Pig 
and  Bar  Iron  from  His  Colonies  in  America;  and  to  prevent  the  erection  of  any  Mill  or  other  Engine 
for  Slitting  or  Rolling  of  Iron  ;  or  any  plating  Forge  to  work  with  a  Felt  Hammer,  or  any  Furnace 
for  making  Steel  in  any  of  the  said  Colonies"  passed  in  the  twenty  third  year  of  His  Majesty's  Reign 
His  said  Excellency  doth  hereby  certify,  that  there  is  erected  within  the  said  Province,  in  the  County 
of  Orange,  at  a  place  called  Wawaganda,  about  twenty  six  miles  from  Hudsons  River,  one  plateing 
Forge  to  work  with  a  Tilt  Hammer,  which  belongs  to  Lawrance  Scrauley  of  the  said  County  a  Black- 
smith ;  has  been  built  about  four  or  five  years,  and  is  not  at  present  made  use.  And  further  that 
there  are  not  erected  in  his  said  Excellency's  Government,  any  other  or  more  plateing  Forges,  to  work 
with  a  Tilt  Hammer  or  any  Mill  or  Mills,  or  other  Engine  for  Slitting  or  Rolling  of  Iron,  or  any 
Furnace  or  Furnaces  for  making  Steel.  In  Testimony,  whereof  his  said  Excellency  hath  subscribed 
these  Presents,  and  caused  the  Great  Seal  of  the  Province  of  New  York  to  be  hereunto  affixed.  At 
Fort  George  in  the  city  of  New  York  the  fourteenth  day  of  December  in  the  year  of  Our  Lord  one 
thousand  seven  Hundred  and  Fifty,  and  in  the  seventy  fourth  year  of  His  Majestys  Reign. 

G.  Clinton. 


496  TRADE  AND  MANUFACTURES  OK  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


AN  ACCOUNT  OF  IRON  MADE  AT  ANT  RAM, 

IN  THE  MANOUR  OF  LIVINGSTON,  BY  ROB1  LIVINGSTON  JUNr  ESQr. 
[  Lond.  Doc.  XXXIV.  ] 


MADE  INTO  BARS. 


Year. 

T 

C 

qrs. 

lbs. 

T 

Castings. 

43 

3 

3 

13 

195 

15 

5 

2  3 

7 

606 

6 

3 

17 

164 

12 

6 

1  2 

354 

7 

3 

0 

183 

14 

3 

2  1 

i-i 

22 

9 

2 

0 

215 

6 

2 

3  0 

21 

211 

5 

4 

2  2 

722 

2 

3 

0 

149 

'!! 

36 

2  3 

7 

267 

14 

0 

14 

182 

10 

0  0 

0 

2016 

4 

3 

16 

1302 

» 

66 

15      !  0 

21 

1302 

8 

0 

0 

Pr  Dirck  Jansex, 

Total 

331* 

12 

3 

16 

Store  keeper. 

JAMES  DE  LANCEY  TO  BOARD  OF  TRADE. 

New  York  1st  December  1757. 

My  Lords — I  bad  the  honour  of  your  Lordships  letter  of  the  9th  of  June  directing  me  forthwith 
upon  the  receipt  thereof  to  take  the  most  effectual  method  for  obtaining  an  account  of  the  quantity 
of  Iron  made  in  this  Province  from  the  year  1749  to  the  5th  of  January  1756.  I  accordingly  wrote 
to  Mr.  Robert  Livingstone  who  has  the  only  Iron  work  in  this  Province  which  is  carried  on  &  I  send 
your  Lordships  enclosed  the  account  received  from  him  as  soon  as  it  came  to  my  hands.  This  Coun- 
try abounds  in  Iron  ore  especially  in  the  Highlands,  &  several  works  have  been  begun  but  were  dropt 
through  the  mismanagement  or  inability  of  the  undertakers ;  of  these  there  were  two  Furnaces  in 
the  Mannor  of  Cortland  k  several  Bloomeries;  but  they  have  not  been  worked  for  several  years  past  ; 
it  is  probable  after  the  war  upon  the  Encouragement  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  are  giving  the 
Colonies  in  this  Article  these  and  several  others  will  be  carried  on  in  this  Province. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Your  Lordship's 

most  obed1  &  most  humble  servt 

James  De  Lancy. 

Right  Honorable  Lords  Commissioners  of  Trade. 


[  Council  Min.  XXIII.  ] 

At  a  Council  held  at  Fort  George  in  the  city  of  New  York, 

Wednesday,  27 «  May  1761. 
The  Petition  of  William  Hawkshurst  praying  a  Grant  for  (he  sole  making  of  Anchors  and  Anvills 
within  this  Province  for  the  Term  of  Thirty  years,  or  such  other  Term,  and  under  such  Regulations 
as  shall  be  thought  meet,  was  presented  to  the  Board,  and  being  read  was  rejected. 


TRADE  AND  MANUFACTURES  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW- YORK. 


497 


CIRCULAR. 

THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE  TO  ALL  THE  GOVERNORS  ON  THE  CONTINENT  OF  AMERICA. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XXXIX.  ] 

Whitehall  August  I.  1766. 

In  pursuance  of  an  Address  of  the  House  of  Commons  to  His  Majesty  on  the  27'h  March  last,  and 
of  his  Majesty's  Commands  thereupon,  signified  to  us  by  his  Grace  the  Duke  of  Richmond,  in  a  letter 
to  us  dated  the  ll'h  ultimo,  you  are  forthwith  to  prepare,  and  as  soon  as  possible  transmit  to  us,  in 
order  to  be  laid  before  the  House  of  Commons  in  the  next  Session,  a  particular  and  exact  Account  of 
the  several  manufactures  which  have  been  set  up  and  carried  on  within  the  Colonv  under  your 
Government  since  the  year  1734  and  of  the  Public  Encouragement  which  have  been  given  thereto. 

You  are  also  from  time  to  time  Annually  to  transmit  the  like  Account  of  any  Manufactures  which 
shall  be  hereafter  set  up,  and  of  the  Public  Encouragement  which  have  been  given  thereto. 

"We  are  &c. 

Dartmouth. 
Ed.  Elliot. 
John  Roberts. 
Wm.  Fitzherbert. 
Palmerston. 


[  Council  Min.  XXVI.  ] 

At  a  Council  held  at  Fort  George  in  the  City  of  New  York 
on  Friday  the  7th  day  Nov  17(36. 
Present — His  Excellency  Sir  Henry  Moore  Baronet,  Capt.  Genl  &c 

M1'  Horsmanden  Mr  Read  Mr  Apthorpe 

Mr  Smith  Mr  Morris 

His  Excellency  communicated  to  the  Council  a  Letter  to  him  of  the  1st  of  August  from  the  Right 
Honble  the  Lords  Commissioners  for  Trade  &  Plantations  requiring  his  Excellency,  in  pursuance  of 
the  Address  of  the  House  of  Commons  to  his  Majesty  on  the  27  March  last,  and  of  his  Majesty's 
Commands  thereupon,  forthwith  to  prepare  and  transmit  to  their  Lordships,  in  order  to  be  laid  before 
the  House  of  Commons,  at  their  next  Sessions,  a  particular  and  exact  Account  of  the  Several  Manu- 
factures &C.    [As  in  the  ■preceding  Letter.] 

The  Council  declared,  that  no  manufactures  had  been  set  up  within  this  Colony  since  that  Peroid, 
or  received  any  public  encouragement;  nor  did  they  know  of  any  Manufacture  of  Wool  or  Woolen 
Cloth,  but  what  was  principally  confined  to  private  Families,  for  their  own  particular  Consumption, 


[Vol.  I.] 


63 


498 


TRADE  AND  MANUFACTURES  OK  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


GOV.  MOORE  TO  THE  LORDS  OF  TRADE. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XL.  ] 

Fort  George,  New  York,  12  Jany  1767. 

My  Lords — Having  rec4*  your  Lordships'  commands  in  a  letter  dated  the  first  of  August  last,  in 
which  I  was  directed  to  prepare  and  transmit  as  soon  as  possible  an  account  of  the  Several  Manufac- 
tures Set  up  and  carried  on  within  this  Colony  since  the  year  173-1, 1  took  the  liberty  of  giving  Mr 
Peter  Hasenclaver  a  Letter  of  Introduction  to  your  Lordships  as  he  was  then  ready  to  sail  for 
England,  imagining  that  from  his  Character  and  Knowledge  of  the  Country  a  more  perfect  Account 
might  be  obtained  from  him  of  what  was  required  in  the  beforementioned  Letter,  than  I  could  possi- 
bly give  by  that  opportunity.  I  have  since  made  all  the  Inquiries  I  could,  and  the  whole  of  the 
Information  given  to  me  may  be  reduced  to  the  following  Heads. 

There  is  a  Small  Manufactory  of  Linen  in  this  City  under  the  Conduct  of  one  Wells,  and  supported 
chiefly  by  the  Subscriptions  of  a  set  of  men  who  call  themselves  the  Society  of  Arts  and  Agriculture. 
No  more  than  fourteen  Looms  are  employed  in  it,  and  it  was  established  in  order  to  give  Bread  to 
several  poor  families  which  were  a  considerable  charge  to  the  city  and  are  now  comfortably  supported 
by  their  own  daily  Labour  in  Spinning  of  Flax.  It  does  not  appear  that  there  is  any  established  Fabric 
of  Broad  Cloth  here;  and  some  poor  Weavers  from  Yorkshire,  who  came  over  lately  in  expectation 
of  being  engaged  to  make  Broad  Cloths  could  find  no  Employment.  But  there  is  a  general  Manufac- 
tory of  Woolen  carried  on  here  and  consists  of  two  sorts,  the  first  a  coarse  cloth  entirely  woolen  |  of 
a  yard  wide;  and  another  a  stuff' which  they  call  Linsey  Woolsey.  The  Warp  of  this  is  Linen,  and 
the  Woof  Woollen,  and  a  very  small  quantity  of  it  is  ever  sent  to  market.  Last  year  when  the 
KM' its  and  Disorders  here  were  at  their  height  on  the  occasion  of  the  Stamp  Act,  these  manufactures 
were  greatly  boasted  of,  and  the  quantity  then  made  greatly  magnified  by  those,  who  were  desirous 
of  distinguishing  themselves  as  American  Patriots,  and  would  wear  nothing  else;  They  were  some- 
times sold  for  three  times  their  value;  but  the  manufacturers  themselves  shewed  that  they  had  more 
good  sense  than  the  persons  who  employed  them;  for  they  never  cloathed  themselves  with  the  work 
of  their  own  hands,  but  readily  brought  it  to  market,  and  selling  it  at  an  extravagant  price  there, 
bought  English  Cloths  for  themselves  and  their  families.  The  Custom  of  making  these  Coarse  Cloths 
in  private  families  prevails  throughout  the  whole  province,  and  almost  in  every  House  a  sufficient 
quantity  is  manufactured  for  the  use  of  the  Family,  without  the  least  design  of  sending  any  of  it  to 
market.  This  I  had  an  opportunity  of  Seeing  in  the  late  Tour  I  made,  and  had  the  same  Accounts 
given  me  by  all  those  persons  of  whom  I  made  any  inquiry,  for  every  house  swarms  with  children, 
who  are  set  to  work  as  soon  as  they  are  able  to  Spin  and  Card,  and  as  every  family  is  furnished  with 
a  Loom,  the  Itinerant  Weavers  who  travel  about  the  Country,  put  the  finishing  hand  to  the  Work. 

There  is  a  Manufactory  of  Hats  in  this  City,  which  is  very  considerable;  for  the  Hats  are  not  so 
good  as  those  made  in  England,  and  are  infinitely  dearer.  Under  such  disadvantages  as  these  it  is 
easy  to  imagine  with  what  difficulty  it  is  supported,  &  how  short  the  duration  of  it  is  like  to  be;  the 
Price  of  Labour  is  so  great  in  this  part  of  the  World,  that  it  will  always  prove  the  greatest  obstacle 
to  any  Manufactures  attempted  to  be  set  up  here,  and  the  genius  of  the  People  in  a  Country  where 
every  one  can  have  Land  to  work  upon  leads  them  so  naturally  into  Agriculture,  that  it  prevails 
over  every  other  occupation.  There  can  be  no  stronger  Instances  of  this,  than  in  the  Servants  im- 
ported from  Europe  of  different  Trades;  as  soon  as  the  time  stipulated  in  their  Indentures  is  expired, 
they  immediately  quit  their  masters,  and  get  a  small  tract  of  Land,  in  settling  which  for  the  first 
three  or  four  years  they  lead  miserable  lives,  and  in  the  most  abject  Poverty;  but  all  this  is  patiently 


TRADE  AND  MANUFACTURES  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


499 


b»rne  and  submitted  to  with  the  greatest  cheerfulness,  the  satifaction  of  being  Landholders  smooths 
every  difficulty,  &  makes  them  prefer  this  manner  of  living  to  that  comfortable  subsistence  which 
they  could  procure  for  themselves  and  their  families  by  working  at  the  Trades  in  which  they  were 
brought  up. 

The  Master  of  a  Glass-house;  which  was  set  up  here  a  few  years  ago  now  a  Bankrupt,  assured  me 
that  his  ruin  was  owing  to  no  other  cause  than  being  deserted  in  this  manner  by  the  Servants,  which 
he  had  Imported  at  a  great  expence;  and  that  many  others  had  suffered  and  been  reduced  as  he  was, 
by  the  same  kind  of  misfortune. 

The  little  Foundry  lately  set  up  near  this  Town  for  making  Small  Iron  Potts  is  under  the  direction 
of  a  few  private  persons,  and  as  yet  very  inconsiderable. 

As  to  the  Foundaries  which  Mr  Hasenclaver  has  set  up  in  the  different  parts  of  this  Country,  I  do 
not  mention  them,  as  he  will  be  able  to  give  your  Lordships  a  full  account  of  them  and  of  the  pro- 
gress he  has  already  made;  I  can  only  say  that  I  think  this  Province  is  under  very  great  obligations 
to  him  for  the  large  sums  of  money  he  has  laid  out  here  in  promoting  the  Cultivation  of  Hemp,  and 
introducing  the  valuable  Manufacture  of  Iron  and  Pot  Ash. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  Sic. 

H.  Moore. 


GOV.  MOORE  TO  LORD  HILLSBOROUGH. 

[Lond.  Doc.  XU.] 

Fort  George,  New  York,  7  May.  1768. 

My  Lord — I  have  the  honor  to  transmit  to  your  Lordship  the  copy  of  a  letter  I  wrote  in  the  be- 
ginning of  the  last  year  to  the  Lords  Commissioners  for  Trade  and  Plantations,  in  answer  to  a  letter 
I  received  from  their  Lordships  in  consequence  of  the  Address  of  the  House  of  Commons  to  His 
Majesty  concerning  the  Manufactures  of  this  Country,  dated  March  2711'  1766.  Another  copy  of 
this  Address  has  been  inclosed  to  me  in  your  Lordships  Letter  marked  N°  3,  to  which  I  must  make 
the  same  answer,  as  the  Progress  of  Manufactures  in  this  part  of  the  world  by  no  means  corresponds 
with  the  pompous  accounts  given  of  them  in  the  public  papers  

No  mention  is  made  in  the  former  Letter  of  the  great  quantities  of  Leather  being  tanned  in  this 
Country,  as  this  branch  of  business  has  been  carried  on  for  many  years;  the  leather  is  greatly  inferior 
in  quality  to  that  made  in  Europe;  and  they  are  not  yet  arrived  to  the  perfection  of  making  Sole- 
leather.  Your  Lordship  may  be  assured  that  I  shall,  from  time  to  time,  give  every  due  information 
required  in  this  address,  and  be  particularly  attentive  to  any  new  Establishments  of  which  we  have 
no  instances  since  my  last  letter,  except  in  the  paper-Mill  begun  to  be  erected  within  these  few  days, 
at  a  small  distance  from  the  Town. 

I  am  &c.  H.  Moore. 


XXVI 


REPORT 


OK 


GOVERNOR  WILLIAM  TRYON, 


ON  THE  STATE  OF  THE 


r  0  v  i  n  c  e  of  N  c  id  -  11  o  r 


1774. 


REPORT  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  WILLIAM  TRYON,  ESQUIRE, 

CAPTAIN  GENERAL  AND  GOVERNOR    IN    CHIEF    IN    AND    OVER    THE    PROVINCE    OF    NEW    YORK    AND  THE 

TERRITORIES    DEPENDING    THEREON  IN  AMERICA,  CHANCELLOR   AND    VICE    ADMIRAL  OF  THE  SAME  ON 

CERTAIN  HEADS  OF  ENQUIRY  RELATIVE  TO  THE  PRESENT  STATE  &  CONDITION  OF  HI8  MAJESTY'S 
SAID  PROVINCE. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XLIV.  ] 

Question  JVo  1. 

What  is  the  situation  of  the  Province  under  your  Government,  the  nature  of  the  Country  soil  and 
Climate  :  the  Latitudes  and  Longitudes  of  the  most  considerable  places  in  it :  have  those  Latitudes 
and  Longitudes  been  settled  by  good  Observations,  or  only  by  common  Computations,  and  from  whence 
are  the  Longitudes  computed? 

Answer. 

The  Province  of  New  York  is  situated  on  the  Atlantic  Ocean  which  washes  its  Southern  shores  : 
situation  of  The  Colonies  of  Connecticut,  Massachusetts  Bay  and  New  Hampshire,  lying  to  the  East, 
the  prownce.  Quejjec  ^0  tjie  j^opjjj^  and  ]^ew  Jersey,  Pensylvania  and  the  Indian  Country  to  the  West. 
The  Face  of  the  Country  is  everywhere  uneven,  with  all  the  variety  of  Soil  to  be  found  any  where 
Nature  of  the  In  the  Northern  Parts  are  lowlands  enriched  by  the  overflo  -'ing  of  Rivers,  but  little  of  this 

Country  and  o  ? 

hs  soil.  sort  lies  within  seventy  miles  of  the  City  of  New  York  the  Metropolis — The  soil  in  general 
is  much  thinner  and  lighter  in  the  Southern  than  in  the  Northern  Parts  and  having  been  longer  under 
Culture  and  subject  to  bad  Husbandry,  is  much  more  exhausted. 

The  Province  extending  nearly  Four  Degrees  and  a  half  of  Latitude  the  difference  of  Climate 
cumate.  between  the  Southern  and  Northern  Parts  is  remarkable.  In  Summer  the  Heat  is  sometimes 
excessive,  and  in  general  much  greater  than  in  England — Melons  and  many  other  things  are  raised 
here  by  the  natural  warmth  of  the  Climate  which  in  England  will  require  the  aid  of  Hot  Beds  and 
Glasses — The  Winter  in  all  parts  of  the  Province  is  more  severe  than  in  England,  tho'  the  Latitude 
of  London  is  about  ten  Degrees  more  North  than  the  City  of  New  York — Even  in  the  Southern  Part 
the  Mercury  in  Farrenhight's  Thermometer  sinks  some  Degrees  below  0  and  rises  to  90°  but  these 
extremes  are  always  of  short  Duration. — At  Albany  and  to  the  Northward  of  that  City  the  Harvest 
is  about  a  Month  later  than  at  New  York,  and  the  Winter  is  much  earlier.  Hudson's  River  is  gene- 
rally frozen  over  many  miles  below  Albany  before  the  middle  of  December  but  no  Quantity  of  Ice 
is  found  in  the  River  within  thirty  miles  of  the  City  of  New  York,  earlier  than  the  Month  of  January — 
In  March  the  Navigation  is  again  open  up  to  Albany  ;  And  it  is  observed  the  Seasons  both  as  to  Heat 
and  Cold  grow  more  temperate. 

Latitudes.  The  Latitudes  of  the  following  places  have  been  determined  by  good  observations. 


504 

The  Light  House  at  Sandy  Hook  -  -  -  40°  27' 40" 

Fort  George  City  of  New  York         -                    .          -  -  -  -  40  41  50 

Mouth  of  Mackhacamac  Branch  of  Delaware,  where  the  Line  settled  between  New  York 

&  New  Jersey  terminates    -                    -          -          -  -  -  -  41  21  37 

City  of  Albany         -          -          -          -                    -  -  -  42  36  00 

The  South  End  of  Lake  George        -                    -          -  -  -  -  43  16  12 

Crown  Point  -          -                                        -          -  -  43  50  07 

Windmill  Point        -          -          -          -          -          -  -  -  -  44  57  18 

Port  au  Pine  -          -          -          -          -          -          -  -  -  -  44  58  48 

Moores  Point  -  ------  45  00  00 

The  Longitude  of  the  City  of  New  York  has  been  found  by  good  Observation  of  the  Satellites  of 
Longiwde.  Jupiter  to  be  74°  38  West  from  London. 

Question  No.  2. 

What  are  the  reputed  Boundaries,  and  are  any  parts  disputed  and  by  whom 

.Answer. 

The  Boundaries  of  the  Province  of  New  York  are  derived  from  Two  Sources. — First,  the  Grants 
Boundaries  or  from  King  Charles  the  Second  to  his  Brother  James  Duke  of  York  dated  the  12th  March 
the  Province.  1663|4  and  tne  29  June  1674,  which  were  intended  to  convey  to  the  Duke  all  the  Lands 
claimed  by  the  Dutch,  the  first  occupants  of  this  Colony. — Secondly,  from  the  Submission  and  Sub- 
jection of  the  Five  Nations  of  Indians  to  the  Crown  of  England. 

The  Descriptive  part  of  both  the  Duke's  Grants  is  In  the  same  Words  and  exclusive  of  the  Territory 
Eastward  of  Connecticut  River,  since  granted  to  the  Massachusetts  Bay  bv  their  Charter  of 

As  grounded  /       -      «  * 

from  c'haHe*  ^91 '  comprehends  "  All  that  Island  or  Islands  commonly  called  Mattawacks  or  Long  Island, 
j»em«'0Duke  together  with  Hudson's  River,  and  all  the  Land  from  the  West  side  of  Connecticut  River  to 
the  East  side  of  Delaware  Bay."  Connecticut  River  extends  beyond,  and  Hudson's  River 
takes  its  rise  a  little  to  the  Southward  of  the  Forty  fifth  Degree  of  Northern  Latitude ;  And  as  a 
Line  from  the  Head  of  the  River  Connecticut  to  Delaware  Bay,  would  exclude  the  greatest  part  of 
Hudson's  River,  which  is  expressly  granted  to  the  Duke  of  York,  the  Boundary  most  consistent  with 
the  Grants  to  the  Duke,  and  the  claim  of  New  York  founded  thereon,  is  a  Line  from  the  Head  of  the 
Connecticut  River  to  the  Source  of  Hudson's  River,  thence  to  the  Head  of  the  Mohawk  Branch  of 
the  Hudsons  River  and  thence  to  the  East  side  of  the  Delaware  Bay. 

That  this  has  been  the  reputed  Boundary  under  the  Duke's  Title  has  been  confirmed  by  the  Grants 
of  this  Government  extending  Westward  nearly  to  the  Head  of  the  Mohawk  Branch  of  the  Hud- 
son's River,  and  Southward  of  that  Branch  to  within  a  fewr  miles  of  the  North  Boundary  of  Pensyl- 
vania. 

No  other  Construction  will  justify  the  Terms  of  the  Grants  to  the  Duke,  nor  any  Lines  less  com- 
prehensive include  the  Lands  patented  by  this  Province  or  ceded  to  the  Crown  by  the  Indians,  at  the 
Treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix  in  1768. 

And  axgroun-  The  Second  source  of  the  Title  of  this  Government  is  grounded  on  the  Claim  of  the 
i       i  the  Five  Nations  who  are  in  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  acknowledged  by  France  to  be  subject 

Five  Nations 

of  Indians,    to  Great  Britain. 

Soon  after  the  English  conquered  this  Country  from  the  Dutch,  pursuing  their  System  of  Policy, 
they  entered  into  a  strict  Alliance  with  the  Natives  who  by  Treaties  with  this  Colony,  subjected  them- 
selves to  the  Crown  of  England,  and  their  Lands  to  its  protection,  and  from  this  Period  were  always 
treated  as  Subjects,  and  their  Country  considered  by  this  Government  as  part  of  the  Province  of 


GOVERNOR  TRYOn's   REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


505 


New  York,  which  probably  gave  rise  to  the  extended  Jurisdiction  of  the  Colony  beyond  the  Duke's 
Grants,  signified  by  the  Words  "  The  Territories  depending  thereon"  which  are  found  in  all  the 
Commissions  of  the  Crown  to  its  Governors.  Nor  has  the  Crown  except  by  the  Confirmation  of  the 
Agreement  fixing  the  Boundary  of  Connecticut  at  about  Twenty  miles  East  of  Hudson's  River  at  any 
Time  contracted  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Colony  Westward  of  Connecticut  River  &  Southward  of  the 
Latitude  45  the  Proclamation  of  His  present  Majesty  of  the  7th  of  October  1763,  leaving  the  juris- 
diction Southward  of  that  Latitude  as  it  stood  before,  tho'  it  prohibits  for  the  present  the  further 
Extention  of  the  Grants  and  Settlements  into  the  Country  thereby  reserved  to  the  Indians,  to  avoid 
giving  Umbrage  to  that  People  who  complained  they  were  too  much  straitned  in  their  hunting 
grounds.  It  is  uncertain  to  this  Day  to  what  Extent  the  Five  Nations  carried  their  claim  to  the 
Westward  &  Northward  but  there  is  no  doubt  it  went  to  the  North  beyond  the  45  Degree  of  Latitude 
and  Westward  to  Lake  Huron,  their  Beaver  Hunting  Country  being  bounded  to  the  West  by  that 
Lake,  which  Country  the  Five  Nations  by  Treaty  with  the  Governor  of  this  Province  at  Albany  in 
1701,  surrendered  to  the  Crown  to  be  protected  and  defended  for  them — Mitchel  in  his  Map  extends 
their  claim  much  further  Westward  and  he  is  supported  in  this  opinion  by  Maps  and  other  Authorities 
very  Ancient  and  Respectable.  - 

The  above  Treaty  of  1701  is  to  be  found  among  the  Records  of  Indian  Transactions  but  it  is 
recited  and  the  Surrender  made  thereby  confirmed  in  a  Deed  dated  the  14th  September  1720  by  which 
the  Seneca,  Cayouga  and  Onondaga  Nations  also  surrcnder*d  their  Habitations  to  King  George  the 
first,  a  Copy  whereof  is  inserted  in  the  article  of  the  Appendix,  Number  1. 

Oswego  on  the  South  side  of  Lake  Ontario  was  first  established  by  this  Colony  about  1724,  a  Gar- 
rison of  the  Kings  Troops  supported  there  at  the  Expence  of  this  Government,  and  the  Jurisdiction 
of  New  York  actually  exercised  Westward  to  Oswego  and  its  Vicinity  until  the  Commencement  of 
Hostilities  in  the  late  war. 

His  Majestys  Order  of  the  20  July  1764  confirming  the  Ancient  Limits  as  granted  the  Duke  de- 
clares "  The  Western  Banks  of  the  River  Connecticut  from  where  jt  enters  the  Province  of  the 
«  Massachusetts  Bay  as  far  North  as  the  Forty  fifth  Degree  of  Northern  Latitude,"  to  be  the  Boundary 
Line  between  the  two  Provinces  of.  New  Hampshire  and  New  York  :  And  if  the  Agreement  lately 
concluded  at  Hartford  should  finally  be  ratified  by  the  Crown,  the  Eastern  Limits  of  this  Colony 
where  it  borders  on  the  Massachusetts  Province,  will  extend  about  twenty  miles  only  East  from 
Hudson's  River. 

Description  or  Without  any  view  to  the  more  Westerly  claim  of  the  Five  Nations,  supposing  the  Colony 
supposing  the     comprize  within  its  Limits  or  Jurisdiction  the  Country  those  Nations  Surrendered  to  the 

Colony  to  in-  r  r 

vCTdhratingea"Crown  by  the  Description  of  the  Beaver  Hunting  Country  as  before  mentioned — The  Boun- 
remierectto'"  daries  of  the  Province  of  New  York  are  as  follows. 

the  Crown  by 
Treaty  with 

th.s  Province  O/l  the  South 

111  1701. 

The  Atlantic  Ocean,  including  Long  Island,  Staten  Island  and  others  of  less  note. 

On  the  West 

The  Banks  of  Hudson's  River  from  Sandy  Hook,  on  the  Ocean,  to  the  41  Degree  of  Latitude, 
thence  the  Line  established  between  New  York  and  New  Jersey  to  Delaware  River — Thence  the  River 
Delaware  to  the  North  East  Corner  of  Pensylvania  or  the  Beginning  of  the  Latitude  43,  which  in 
Mitchel's  Map  is  by  mistake  carried  thro'  the  whole  of  that  degree — Thence  the  North  Boundary 
Line  of  Pensylvania  to  the  Northwest  Corner  of  that  Province,  and  continuing  the  same  Line  to  a 
point  in  Lake  Erie  which  bears  due  South  from  the  East  Bank  of  the  Streights  of  D'Etroit  and  of 
Lake  Huron  to  the  Forty  Fifth  Degree  of  Northern  Latitude. 

[Vol.  1. 1  64 


506 


GOV.  TRYON'S  REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OK  NEW-YORK. 


On  the  North 

A  Line  from  a  point  on  the  East  bank  of  Lake  Huron  in  the  Latitude  of  P.  rty  Five  East  to  the 
River  St  Lawrence,  or  the  Soutli  Boundary  Line  of  Quebec  ;  Thence  along  the  South  Boundary  Line 
of  that  Province  across  the  River  St  Lawrence  to  the  Monument  on  the  East  Bank  of  Lake  Champlain 
fixed  there  in  the  45  Degree  of  Northern  Latitude ;  Thence  East  along  the  Line  already  run  and 
marked  to  the  Monument  or  Station  fixed  on  the  West  Bank  of  the  River  Connecticut  in  the  same 
Latitude. 

On  the  East 

The  Western  Banks  of  the  River  Connecticut  from  the  last  mentioned  Station  to  the  South-west 
corner  of  the  Province  of  New  Hampshire,  in  the  North  boundary  Line  of  the  Ma  ssaehusetts  bay  ; 
and  from  thence  along  that  Line,  (if  continued)  and  the  Western  limits  of  the  Province  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  and  the  Colony  of  Connecticut. 

In  the  Appendix  N°  4,  is  a  Map  of  the  Province  of  New  York  according  to  the  preceding  Descrip- 
tion of  its  Boundaries. 

The  Boundary  of  the  Province  of  Newr  York  (in  respect  to  the  other  Governments)  being  established 
in  every  part  except  where  it  borders  to  the  East  on  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  it  was  conceived 
Dispute*  thai  the  iate  agreement  with  that  Province  when  ratified  by  the  Crown,  would  extinguish  every 

may  still  arise  °  "  * 

withMawa-  Controversy  respecting  the  Limits  of  New  York,  the  North  Boundary  Line  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Buy,  *       ¥         °  '  ^ 

'h r  Lnniu  of  chusetts  having  in  the  year  1740  been  ascertained  by  a  Royal  Decree  of  the  King  in  Privy 
this  Province.  £ouncii  jn  the  Contest  between  that  Province  &  New  Hampshire.  But  the  Massachusets 
Commissaries  at  the  late  Meeting  at  Hartford  in  1773  declared  that  they  had  no  authority  to  settle 
their  North  Boundary  which  they  considered  as  undetermined  with  respect  to  New  York,  and  one  of 
those  Gentlemen  intimated  that  they  still  left  open  their  Western  Claim  to  the  South  Sea. 

Hence  two  very  important  Disputes  may  still  arise  of  great  Consequence  to  the  Interests  of  the 
Crown,  as  well  as  the  property  of  His  Majesty's  subjects  of  this  Colony. 

The  Massachusetts  Northern  Claim  beyond  the  Line  settled  between  that  Province  and  New  Hamp- 
obsemtioiu  shire,  extends  north  from  that  Line  about  Fifty  miles,  and  from  thence  Westward  to  within 
.'•'nuseus  Nor-  Twenty  Miles  East  of  Hudson's  River,  and  after  passing  this  Province,  is  commensurate 
.hem  GUim.  with  thdr  Western  Ciaim  t0  the  South  Sea— The  immediate  object  of  their  Northern  Claim 
is  a  Country  between  Connecticut  k  Hudson's  Rivers  about  Fifty  Miles  in  length  and  about  Fort}-  in 
breadth  and  includes  not  only  the  greater  part  of  the  County  of  Cumberland,  but  a  large  District  of 
the  Counties  of  Albany  and  Charlotte. — The  Lands  there  in  question  are  wholly  appropriated  under 
Grants  of  this  Province  [and?]  of  New  Hampshire, and  the  Families  settled  thereon  are  not  less  than 
Two  Thousand,  tho'  they  probably  exceed  that  number. 

The  Massachusetts  Bay  long  acquiesced  in  the  Royal  Decree  of  1740,  the  Line  established  by  that 
Decision  hath  actually  been  run  and  marked  from  the  south  West  Corner  of  New  Hampshire  West- 
ward, to  within  about  Twenty  miles  East  of  Hudson's  River,  and  the  Inhabitants  of  New  York  and 
the  Massachusetts  Bay  have  deemed  that  Line  to  be  the  utmost  Extent  of  the  Massachusetts  North 
Boundary,  whatever  might  have  been  determined  as  to  their  Western  Limits.  And  that  this  was  the 
sense  of  the  General  Court  of  that  Province  soon  after  the  Treaty  of  1767,  for  settling  the  Boundary 
of  the  Two  Provinces,  appears  clearly  by  their  Resolution  of  the  23d  January  1 70S  in  these  Words 
"  Resolved  that  this  Court  will  concede  to  and  confirm  the  last  proposal  made  by  their  Commission- 
ers on  the  part  of  New  York  at  their  late  Conference  in  the  Words  of  the  Report  of  the  Lords  of 
Trade  and  Plantations  in  May  1757,  That  a  Streight  Line  be  drawn  Northerly  from  a  point  on  the 
Southern  Line  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Twenty  Miles  due  East  from  Hudson's  River,  to  another 
point  Twenty  Miles  due  East  from  the  said  River,  on  the  Line  which  divides  the  Province  of  the  .Mas- 
sachusetts Bay  from  New  Hampshire,  be  the  Eastern  Boundary  of  New  York." 


OOt.   TRYON's   REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


507 


Nor  can  any  Line  more  favorable  to  the  Massachusetts  Colony  be  hereafter  established,  without 
subverting  the  Principles,  and  calling  in  question  the  Justice  of  the  Royal  Decree  pronounced  in  1740 
after  full  hearing  of  the  merits  of  the  Massachusetts  claim  on  the  appeal  of  both  parties  to  the  King- 
in  Privy  Council ;  and  which  could  it  now  be  effected,  must  not  only  prove  highly  injurious  to  the 
Crown  in  respect  to  the  right  of  Soil,  its  Quit  Rents  &  Escheats,  but  be  productive  of  the  greatest 
disorder  &  confusion  in  that  Country. 

The  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay  ground  their  claim  Westward  to  the  South  Sea  on  the  Deed  dated 
Remarks  on  19th  March  162718  from  the  Council  of  Plimouth  to  Sir  Henry  Roswell  &c.  and  their  asso- 

the  claim  of 

Massachusetts  ciates. — As  also  on  the  Charter  or  Letters  Patent  of  Charles  the  First  dated  the  4  March 

Bay  West- 
ward to  the    1628|9 — The  Lands  granted  are  the  same  in  both,  being  in  breadth  about  Sixty  Miles,  and 

showhiKuDe-  extending  as  described  in  these  Instruments  "  From  the  Atlantic  and  Western  Sea  and  Ocean 

feci  in  their  ° 

Title  as  a  Cor-  Qn  tJle  £ast  part  to  t]le  Sout]1  gea  Qn  tne  West  part." 

rfraffihis  But  the  Crown  being  divested  of  these  Lands  by  the  Grant  to  the  Council  of  Plimouth  in 
uon.'shouw'    1620,  could  not  pass  them  by  its  Charter  of  1628|9,  which  had  no  other  operation  than  to 

their  claim  to 

form  the  Massachusetts  Bay  into  a  Province,  and  to  invest  the  same  with  Powers  as  a  Body 

a  North  Bonn-  „, 

dary  beyond  Corporate. 

LmerEstab-      It  became  necessary  therefore  for  the  Massachusetts  Bay  after  they  were  incorporated,  to 

li«hed  be-  'r  ' 

tween  thati    obtain  a  Conveyance  to  the  Corporation  of  the  Lands  granted  to  Roswell  &c.  and  Associ- 

Province  and  * 

ihfrTl.nheir  ates- — That  they  obtained  such  Conveyance  has  not  been  pretended. — If  they  had,  the 
claim"" the  Crown  either  became  reseized  of  the  Lands  of  the  Corporation  by  the  Judgment  in  1C84 
south  sea.  which  Vacated  the  Letters  Patent  of  1628 19  or  the  Property  reverted  to  the  Grantees  of  the 
Council  of  Plymouth. 

Had  the  Crown  been  reseized  it  might  have  passed  the  same  Lands  to  the  Massachusetts  Pro- 
vince by  the  present  Charter  of  1691.  But  instead  of  so  extensive  and  unreasonable  a  Grant  of 
Three  Thousand  Miles  in  length  they  obtained,  it  is  true,  by  that  Charter  a  great  addition  of 
Territory  Eastward,  but  were  confined  in  their  Western  limits  which  extend  "  towards  the  South 
Sea  as  far  as  the  Colonies  of  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut  and  the  Narragansett  Country."  This 
Description  in  strict  Construction  of  Law  will  carry  the  Massachusetts  Bay  West  no  further  than 
the  Eastern  Bounds  of  Connecticut,  and  by  the  most  liberal  interpretation  do  not  extend  their  Boun- 
dary beyond  the  West  Line  of  Connecticut,  then  and  for  some  years  before  determined  by  Agreement 
between  that  Colony  and  New  York  to  be  upwards  of  Twenty  Miles  East  of  Hudson's  River. 

On  the  other  hand  admitting  the  Massachusetts  Bay  after  their  charter  of  1628|9,  and  before  it 
was  vacated  in  1684,  did  not  obtain  a  Conveyance  of  the  Lands  granted  to  Roswell  &c.  and  Associ- 
ates, the  Judgment  which  vacated  that  charter  did  not  affect  the  Lands  but  left  the  Title  in  Roswell 
&c.  and  Associates,  and  the  Crown  could  not  by  the  Charter  of  1691 ,  grant  them  to  the  Massachusetts 
Colony ;  So  that  the  Title,  if  any  exists,  must  at  this  day  be  vested  in  the  heirs  or  assigns  of  Roswell 
&c.  and  Associates  in  their  private  Right,  and  not  in  the  Government  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay, 
unless  transferred  to  or  vested  in  the  latter  by  some  act  of  their  Provincial  Legislature,  if  such  an 
Act  could  possibly  have  any  Efficacy. 

It  is  however  presumed  no  Law  of  that  Tendency  has  been  passed,  and  if  any  should  hereafter  be 
presented  for  His  Majesty's  approbation,  that  it  will  be  objected  to  (so  far  as  it  may  countenance  the 
extension  of  their  Northern  or  Western  claims  beyond  the  Limits  of  their  present  Charter)  as  a 
measure  calculated  to  divest  the  Crown  of  the  right  of  Soil  in  that  very  large  and  extensive  Territory, 
which  lies  Westward  of  the  Colony  of  New  York  to  the  South  Sea. 

This  claim  had  it  been  considered  as  well  grounded  would  long  since  have  been  prosecuted  and 
brought  to  a  decision. — The  Massachusetts  General  Court  or  Assembly  assert  it  in  a  Resolve  they 
passed  on  the  23d  of  January  1768,  but  whether  with  an  intention  to  maintain  it,  Time  must  dis- 


508 


GOT.  TRYOn's  REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK. 


cover. — A  claim  so  long  dormant,  can  hardly  be  expected  under  any  circumstances  to  be  now  revived 
with  a  prospect  of  success,  &  whatever  Judgment  the  Assembly  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  may  ha\  e 
formed  certainly  their  present  Governor  had  no  opinion  of  its  solidity,  when  at  a  late  Meeting  of  the 
Commissaries  of  both  Provinces  at  Hartford  in  1773  he  declared  "That  it  was  a  mere  Ideal,  Visionary 
project,  in  winch  he  believed  Nobody  to  be  sincere,'1  and  discovered  an  anxiety  least  it  s''1  ■  1 1  inter- 
rupt the  progress  of  the  Treaty. 

Question  No.  3. 

What  is  the  size  and  extent  of  the  Province,  the  number  of  Acres  supposed  to  be  contained  therein  ; 
What  part  thereof  is  cultivated  and  improved ;  and  under  what  Title  do  the  inhabitants  hold  their 

possessions  ? 

Answer. 

The  Extent  of  the  Province  from  North  to  South  is  about  300  Statute  miles.  Nassau  Island 
size  and  ex-  (commonly  called  Long  Island)  is  situated  to  the  South,  its  length  from  East  to  West,  is 
province  about  150  miles,  and  its  breadth  on  a  medium  fifteen  miles;  The  breadth  of  the  Province 
Northward  of  this  Island  is  various.  From  the  City  of  New  York  North  about  20  miles  up  the  Country, 
the  breadth  does  not  exceed  14  miles,  and  lies  wholly  on  the  East  side  of  Hudson's  River,  New 
Jersey  being  bounded  by  the  opposite  shore — From  the  41st  Degree  of  Latitude  the  Province  extends 
on  both  sides  of  that  River;  soon  widens  to  about  60  miles ;  and  increases  in  breadth  up  to  the  42d 
Degree,  where  it  is  about  80  miles  wide;  supposing  the  Western  Boundary  to  extend  to  the  line 
mentioned  in  the  Answer  to  the  preceding  Question  No.  2,  the  extent  from  the  42d  Degree  to  the 
North  Line  of  Massachusetts  Bay  (a  distance  of  49  miles)  is  about  45G  miles,  and  from  thence  to  the 
45tn  Degree,  it  extends  East  &  West  on  a  Medium  about  500  miles,  and  on  the  like  supposition  the 
number  of  square  miles  contained  within  this  Province  exclusive  of  the  Lakes  is  82,1 12  or  52,551,080 
acres,  which  is  one  fourth  less  than  the  number  contained  in  the  Province  of  Quebec. 
Nassau  or  Long  Island  which  contains  Kings,  Queens  and  Suffolk  Counties. — Staten  Island  which 
Parts  cultivated  forms  Richmond  County  and  the  Counties  of  New  York,  Westchester,  Dutchess,  Orange 
and  Ulster,  are  all  well  inhabited,  and  not  many  large  Tracts  of  improveable  land  are  left  unculti- 
vated.— The  County  of  Albany  tho'  the  Inhabitants  are  numerous,  and  the  Lands  in  general  under 
Cultivation  in  the  South,  contains  extensive  and  valuable  Tracts  unimproved  in  the  North  Part.' — 
Tryon  County  tho'  thinly  settled,  as  its  extent  is  great,  has  many  Inhabitants.2  The  cultivated 
parts  of  Charlotte  County  are  inconsiderable,  compared  with  what  remains  to  be  settled  and  the 
same  may  be  remarked  with  respect  to  the  Counties  of  Cumberland  and  Gloucester.5 — In  the  Appen- 
dix is  a  list  of  the  Inhabitants  White  and  Black  in  the  respective  Counties,  according  to  the  returns 
of  their  numbers  in  1771,  since  which  they  are  greatly  augmented,  but  it  is  to  be  observed  that  the 
new  counties  of  Charlotte  and  Tryon  were  then  part  of  Albany.4 

1  Albany  County  at  this  liate  included  the  present  Counties  of  Greene,  Columbia,  Albany,  Rensselaer,  Schenectady  and 
Saratoga. 

2  This  County  was  taken  from  Albany  County  in  1772,  and  named  in  honour  of  Wm.  Tryon  then  the  Governor  of  the 
Province.  In  1784  it  was  changed  to  that  of  Montgomery.  When  formed  it  embraced  all  that  part  of  the  State  lying  West 
of  a  line  running  North  &  South  nearly  through  the  centre  of  the  present  County  of  Schoharie. — Campbell's  Annals  of  Tn,on 
County,  Mew  York  1881a  p.  27. 

:i  Charlotte  County  embraced  what  now  are  Franklin,  Clinton,  Esr.ex,  Warren  &  Washington  Counties  in  this  State,  and 
the  West  half  of  the  State  of  Vermont  ;  Cumberland  &  Gloucester  lay  on  the  West  bank  of  the  Connecticut  river  ami  ex- 
tended from  Canada  to  the  Massachusetts  boundary  ;  the  South  line  of  the  towns  of  Tunbridge,  Strafford  and  Thetford  being 
the  division  between  the  two.  Westward  they  ran  to  the  East  bounds  of  Charlotte.  Cumberland  was  erected  in  1766  ; 
Gloucester  in  1770,  and  Charlotte  was  taken  from  Albany  in  1772,  at  the  same  time  as  Tryon. 

4  For  the  Census  table  see  ante  p.  474. 


GOV.  TRYON's  REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


509 


The  proportion  of  the  cultivated  to  the  uncultivated  parts  of  the  Province  (the  Limits  as  stated  in 
No.  2)  is  as  one  to  four;  or  one  fifth  only  improved. 

With  respect  to  the  Titles  under  which  the  Inhabitants  hold  their  possessions;  Before  the  Province 
Titles  under  was  granted  on  12  March  1663|4  by  King  Charles  the  Second  to  his  brother  James  Duke  of 

which  lands  i~  i     i       •      i    •  i  i  ixi 

are  held.  York,  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  had  seized  it,  made  settlements  and  Issued  many 
Grants  of  Land.  In  August  1664  the- Country  was  surrendered  by  the  Dutch  to  the  English,  and  by 
the  3d  Article  of  the  Terms  of  Capitulation  it  was  stipulated  "  That  all  People  shall  continue  free 
Denizens  and  shall  enjoy  their  Lands,  Houses,  and  goods,  wheresoever  they  are  within  this  Country 
and  dispose  of  them  as  they  please."  Some  lands  of  the  Province  are  held  under  the  old  Dutch 
Grants  without  any  confirmation  of  their  Titles  under  the  crown  of  England,  but  the  ancient  Records 
are  replete  with  confirmatory  Grants,  which  the  Dutch  Inhabitants  were  probably  the  more  solicitous 
to  obtain  from  an  Apprehension  that  the  Dutch  conquest  of  the  Province  in  1673,  might  render  their 
Titles  under  the  former  articles  of  Capitulation  precarious  ;  tho'  the  Country  was  finally  restored  to 
the  English  by  the  Treaty  signed  at  Westminster  the  9th  Febx  1674. 

From  that  period  it  has  remained  in  the  possession  of  the  English,  and  the  Duke  of  York  on  the 
29th  of  June  1674,  obtained  a  new  Grant  from  the  King,  of  all  the  Territories  included  within  the 
former  Letters  Patent  in  1663|4. 

During  the  life  of  King  Charles  the  Second,  the  Duke  of  York  as  proprietor  of  the  Soil,  passed 
many  Grants  (by  his  Governor)  in  Fee,  and  since  his  accession  to  the  Throne,  Grants  have  continued 
to  issue  under  the  Great  Seal  of  the  Province,  in  consequence  of  the  Powers  given  the  several 
Governors  by  their  Commissions  and  Instructions  from  the  Crown — Two  instances  only  occur  of 
Grants  or  Letters  Patent  for  Lands  under  the  Great  Seal  of  Great  Britain. — One  to  Sir  Joseph  Eyles 
and  others  on  the  15th  May  in  the  4th  year  of  His  late  Majesty  King  George  the  Second  for  a  Tract 
of  62,000  acres,  called  the  Equivalent  Land  from  its  having  been  ceded  to  New  York  by  the  Colony 
of  Connecticut  (on  the  settlement  of  the  boundary  between  the  t\\  Provinces)  in  lieu  of  a  like 
quantity  yielded  up  to  Connecticut  by  the  Province  of  New  York — The  other  lately,  to  Sir  William 
Johnson  Baronet — The  Lands  granted  to  Sir  Joseph  Eyles  and  his  associates  are  not  possessed  by 
them  or  their  assigns,  Letters  Patent  under  the  Great  Seal  of  the  Province  of  New  York  having 
passed  to  others  for  the  same  Lands,  before  it  was  known  here  that  the  Royal  Grant  was  obtained ; 
and  the  Lands  are  now  in  possession  of  the  New  York  Patentees  or  their  assigns. 1 

These  are  all  the  different  modes  by  which  the  Inhabitants  have  derived  any  legal  Titles  to  their 
Lands  within  the  Limits  of  this  Province,  whence  it  appears  that  all  their  lawful  titles  to  Lands  in 
Fee,  except  in  cases  of  old  Dutch  Grants  unconfirmed,  originated  from  the  Crown  either  mediately 
thro'  the  Duke  of  York  betbre  his  Accession  to  the  Throne,  or  immediately  by  Grants  under  the 
Great  Seal  of  Great  Britain  or  of  this  Province. 

Purchases  from  the  Indian  Natives,  as  of  their  aboriginal  right  have  never  been  held  to  be  a  legal 
Title  in  this  Province,  the  Maxim  obtaining  here;  as  in  England  that  the  King  is  the  Fountain  of  all 
real  property,  and  that  from  this  source  all  real  Titles  are  to  be  derived. 

Question  JVb.  4 

What  Rivers  are  there  and  of  what  Extent  &,  Convenience  in  point  of  Commerce? 

1  This  tract,  otherwise  called  "The  Oblong,"  lies  along  the  eastern  line  of  Putnam  and  Dutchess  counties,  extending 
from  the  north  line  of  Cortland  Manor  to  about  the  south  bounds  of  Livingston  Manor  in  Columbia  co.,  as  laid  down  in  Le 
Rouge's  Map  of  the  Prov.  of  N.  Y. ;  also  in  Sauthier'n  Map  of  New  York,  1776,  1779.  Further  particulars  regarding  the 
controversy  may  be  learned  by  reference  to  Book  of  Patents  xi.,  1. ;  Deed  Books  xiv.  133  ;  xvii.,  457,  471.  (in  Scc.'s  Office.; 
Also  Smith's  History,  ed.  1829-30.  i.,  285-288  ;  ii.,  13,  29. 


510 


GOV.  TRYOn's  REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  0¥  NEW-YORK. 


Jlnswei'. 

Hudsons  River  is  the  only  Navigable  River  in  the  Province,  and  affords  a  safe  and  easy  Passage  for 
Rivers.  Vessels  of  Eighty  Tons  Burthen  to  the  city  of  Albany,  which  is  about  180  miles  from  the 
sea — It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  it  extends  nearly  to  the  Latitude  of  15 — but  the  Navigation, 
except  for  small  Vessels  terminates  at  or  near  that  City. — To  the  Northward  of  Albany  about  Ten 
Miles  this  River  divides.  The  Western  Branch  which  (above  the  Great  Cahoo  Falls)  is  called  the 
Mohawk  River,  or  the  Mohawk  Branch  of  Hudson's  River  leads  to  Fort  Stanwix,  and  a  short  cut 
across  the_carrying  Place  there  might  be  made  into  Wood  Creek  which  runs  into  the  Oneida  Lake, 
and  thence  thro'  the  Onondaga  River  into  Lake  Ontario. 

The  other  Branch  being  the  continuation  of  the  main  River  tends  to  Fort  Edward,  to  the  North 
of  which  it  seems  practicable  to  open  a  passage  by  Locks  &c.  to  the  Waters  of  Lake  Champlain 
which  communicate  with  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  passing  over  the  Falls  at  St.  Johns. 

Both  Branches  are  interrupted  by  Falls  and  Rifts,  to  surmount  these  obstructions  an  Expense 
would  be  required  too  heavy  for  the  Province  at  present  to  support,  but  when  effected  would  open  a 
most  effective  inland  navigation,  equal  perhaps  to  any  as  yet  known. 

Between  Nassau  or  Long  Island  and  the  Continent  the  greatest  Distance  scarcely  exceeds  Twenty 
Miles.  Near  the  City  of  New  York  it  is  less  than  one  Mile,  and  is  there  called  the  East  River,  and 
from  thence  bears  the  appellation  of  the  Sound.  The  River  and  Sound  afford  Navigation  for  Vessels 
of  any  Burthen  towards  the  Collonies  of  Connecticut,  Rhode  Island  and  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  in 
some  degree  hazardous  however  at  the  noted  place  distinguished  by  the  name  of  Hell  Gate  about  six 
Miles  East  of  the  City  of  New  York. 

Connecticut  River  where  it  divides  this  Province  from  New  Hampshire  is  included  within  the 
Limits  of  the  latter. 

Question  JVo.  5. 

What  are  the  Principal  Harbours,  how  situated  and  of  what  extent;  and  what  is  the  Depth  of 
Water  &  nature  of  Anchorage  in  each? 

Answer. 

There  is  but  one  principal  Harbour  which  is  the  Port  of  Newr  York  being  that  part  of  the  East  River 
Harbour-  fronting  the  City  and  lying  between  that  and  Long  Island. — The  harbour  is  in  length  from 
the  North  East  to  the  Southwest  about  two  miles,  and  its  Breadth  across  to  Long  Island  about  one 
mile.  The  Depth  of  water  from  Four  to  Eight  Fathom,  tho'  at  some  places  no  more  at  low  Water 
than  Ten  Feet.  In  Nip  Tides  the  Water  rises  about  Four  Feet  and  an  half,  at  the  Full  and  Change 
of  the  Moon,  Six,  and  if  at  those  Seasons  a  strong  Easterly  Wind  prevails  the  rise  of  the  Tides 
increase  to  Eight  Feet.  The  Anchorage  is  good  in  a  bottom  of  mud;  there  is  only  one  remarkable 
Reef  of  Rocks  about  mid-channel,  half  a  mile  within  the  Entrance;  And  the  Harbour  being  shelter'd 
in  front  by  Long  Island;  to  the  East  by  a  sudden  bend  in  the  River;  and  to  the  West  by  Nutten 
Island;  Vessels  during  the  hardest  Gales  ride  in  great  safety,  and  are  only  incommoded  a  few  days 
in  the  Winter  by  the  floating  Ice. 

The  Map  in  the  Appendix  marked  N°  3,  presents  a  full  view  of  the  Harbour,  the  situation  of 
Sandy  Hook,  and  shows  the  Depth  of  Water  from  thence  up  to  the  Port.1 

Questio7i  JVo.  6. 
What  is  the  Constitution  of  the  Government  I 

I  None  of  thete  Maps  uro  in  the  London  Dooumanti.    A  copy  of  Sautbier's  larje  Map,  reduced  one-half,  engrared  es 
proudly  for  thi*  Vol.  will  be  found  at  the  end  of  th is  Report. 


GOV.   TRYONS   REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OK  NEW-YORK. 


511 


Answer. 

By  the  Grants  of  this  Province  and  other  Territories  to  the  Duke  of  York  in  1C63|4  and  1674,  the 
Constitution  powers  of  Government  were  vested  in  him,  and  were  accordingly  exercised  by  his  Govern- 
Govemment.  ors  until  he  ascended  the  Throne  when  his  Rights  as  Proprietor  merged  in  his  Crown, 
and  the  Province  ceased  to  be  a  charter  Governm1 

From  that  time  it  has  been  a  Royal  Government,  and  in  its  Constitution  nearly  resembles  that  of 
Great  Britain  and  the  other  Royal  Governments  in  America.  The  Governor  is  appointed  by  the 
King  during  his  Royal  Will  and  pleasure  by  Letters  Pattent  under  the  Great  Seal  of  Great  Britain 
with  very  ample  Powers.  He  has  a  Council  in  Imitation  of  His  Majesty's  Privy  Council. — This 
Board  when  full  consists  of  Twelve  Members  wiio  are  also  appointed  by  the  Crown  during  Will  & 
Pleasure;  any  three  of  whom  make  a  Quorum. — The  Province  enjoys  a  Legislative  Body,  which 
consists  of  the  Governor  as  the  King's  Representative;  the  Council  in  the  place  of  the  House  of 
Lords,  and  the  Representatives  of  the  People,  who  are  chosen  as  in  England:  Of  these  the  City  of 
New  York  sends  four. — All  the  other  Counties  (except  the  New  Counties  of  Charlotte  &  Gloucester 
as  yet  not  represented)  send  Two. — The  Borough  of  Westchester,  the  Township  of  Schenectady  and 
the  three  Manors  of  Rensselaerwyck,  Livingston  and  Cortlandt  each  send  one;  in  the  whole  form- 
ing a  Body  of  Thirty  one  Representatives. 

The  Governor  by  his  Commission  is  authorized  to  convene  them  with  the  advice  of  the  Council, 
and  adjourn,  prorogue  or  dissolve  the  General  Assembly  as  he  shall  judge  necessary. 

This  Body  has  not  power  to  make  any  Laws  repugnant  to  the  Laws  and  Statutes  of  Great  Britain. 
All  Laws  proposed  to  be  made  by  this  Provincial  Legislature,  pass  thro'  each  of  the  Houses^  of 
Council  and  Assembly,  as  Bills  do  thro'  the  House  of  Commons  and  House  of  Lords  in  England,  and 
the  Governor  has  a  Negative  voice  in  the  making  and  passing  of  all  such  Laws.  Every  Law  so 
passed  is  to  be  transmitted  to  His  Majesty  under  the  Great  Seal  of  the  Province,  within  Three  months 
or  sooner  after  the  making  thereof  and  a  Duplicate  by  the  next  conv  vrance,  in  order  to  be  approved 
or  disallowed  by  his  Majesty;  And  if  His  Majesty  shali  disallow  any  such  Law  and  the  same  is  sig- 
nified to  the  Governor  under  the  Royal  Sign  Manual  or  by  Order  of  his  Majesty's  Privy  Council, 
from  thenceforth  such  law  becomes  utterly  void. — A  law  of  the  Province  has  limited  the  duration 
of  the  Assembly  to  seven  years. 

The  Common  Law  of  England  is  considered  as  the  Fundamental  law  of  the  Province  and  it  is  the 
received  Doctrine  that  all  the  Statutes  (not  Local  in  their  Nature,  and  which  can  be  fitly  applied  to 
the  circumstances  of  the  Colony)  enacted  before  the  Province  had  a  Legislature,  are  binding 
upon  the  Colony,  but  that  Statutes  passed  since  do  not  affect  the  Colony,  unless  by  being  specially 
named,  such  appears  to  be  the  Intentions  of  the  British  Legislature. 

The  Province  lias  a  Court  of  Chancery  in  which  the  Governor  or  Commander  in  chief  sits  as 
Chancellor  and  the  Practice  of  the  Court  of  Chancery  in  England  is  pursued  as  closely  as  possible. 

The  officers  of  this  Court  consist  of  a  Master  of  the  Rolls  newly  created — Two  Masters.  Two 

Clerks  in  Court. — A  Register. — An  Examiner,  and  a  Serjeant  at  Arms. 

Of  the  Courts  of  Common  Law  the  Chief  is  called  the  Supreme  Court. — The  Judges  of  which 
have  all  the  powers  of  the  King's  Bench,  Common  Pleas  and  Exchequer  in  England.  This  Court 
sits  once  every  three  months  at  the  City  of  New  York,  and  the  practice  therein  is  modelled  upon 
that  of  the  King's  Bench  at  Westminster. — Tho'  the  judges  have  the  powers  of  the  Court  of  Ex- 
chequer they  never  proceed  upon  the  Equity  side.  The  Court  has  no  Officers  but  one  Clerk,  and  is 
not  organized  nor  supplied  with  any  officers  in  that  Department  of  the  Exchequer,  which  in  Eng- 
land has  the  care  of  the  revenue. — The  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  hold  their  offices  during  the 
King's  Will  and  Pleasure  and  are  Judges  of  Nisi  prius  of  Course  by  act  of  Assembly,  &  Annually 
perform  a  Circuit  through  the  Counties. — The  Decisions  of  this  Court  in  General  are  final  unless 


512 


GOV.   TRYON's   REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


where  the  Value  exceeds  £300.  Sterling,  in  which  case  the  subject  may  be  relieved  from  its  errors 
only  by  an  application  to  the  Governor  and  Council,  and  where  the  Value  exceeds  £500  sterling  an 
appeal  lies  from  the  Judgment  of  the  latter  to  His  Majesty  in  Privy  Council. 

By  an  Act  of  the  Legislature  of  the  Province  suits  are  prohibited  to  be  brought  in  the  Supreme 
Court  where  the  Value  demanded  does  not  exceed  £20.  Currency. 

The  Clerk's  Office  of  the  Supreme  Court  has  always  been  held  as  an  Appendage  to  that  of  the 
Secretary  of  the  Province. 

There  is  also  in  each  County  an  Inferior  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  which  has  the  Cognizance  of  all 
actions  real,  personal  k  mixed,  where  the  matter  in  demand  is  above  £5.  in  value. — The  practice  of 
these  Courts  is  a  mixture  between  the  Kings  Bench  and  Common  Pleas  at  Westminster. — Their  Er- 
rors are  corrected  in  the  first  Instance  by  Writ  of  Error  brought  into  the  Supreme  Court ;  and  the 
Judges  hold  their  offices  during  pleasure. — The  Clerks  of  these  Courts  also  hold  their  offices  during 
pleasure  and  are  appointed  by  the  Governor,  except  the  Clerk  of  Albany  who  is  appointed  under  the 
King's  Mandate. 

Besides  these  Courts  the  Justices  of  peace  are  by  Act  of  Assembly  empowered  to  try  all  causes  to 
the  amount  of  £5.  Currency,  (except  where  the  Crown  is  concerned  or  where  the  Title  of  Lands 
shall  come  into  Question ; — and  Actions  of  Slander)  but  the  parties  may  either  of  them  demand  a 
jury  of  Six  Men  — If  wrong  is  done  to  either  party,  the  person  injured  may  have  a  Certiorari  from 
the  Supreme  Court,  tho1  the  remedy  is  very  inadequate. 

The  Courts  of  Criminal  Jurisdiction  are  Correspondent  to  those  in  England. — The  Supreme  Court 
exercises  it  in  the  City  of  New  York,  as  the  King's  Bench  does  at  Westminster. — The  Judges  when 
they  go  the  Circuit  have  a  Commission  of  Oyer  and  Terminer  and  General  Goal  Delivery ;  and  there 
are  Courts  of  Sessions  held  by  the  Justices  of  the  peace  ;  the  powers  of  which  and  their  proceedings 
correspond  with  the  like  Courts  in  England. — The  Office  of  Clerk  of  the  Sessions,  is  invariably  con- 
nected with  that  of  the  Clerk  of  the  Inferior  Court  of  Common  Pleas  in  the  respective  Counties. 

By  acts  of  the  Provincial  Legislature  the  Justices  of  the  Peace  have  an  extraordinary  Jurisdiction 
with  respect  to  some  offences  by  which  any  three  Justices,  (one  being  of  the  Quorum)  where  the 
offender  does  not  find  Bail  in  48  Hours  after  being  in  the  Custody  of  the  Constable,  may  try  the  party 
without  any1  or  a  jury,  for  any  offence  under  the  Degree  of  Grand  Larceny  ;  and  inflict  any 

punishment  for  these  small  offences  at  their  Discretion,  so  that  it  exceeds  [qyl  extends]  not  to  Life 
or  Limb. — And  any  three  Justices  of  the  Peace  (one  being  of  the  Quorum)  and  Five  Freeholders 
have  power  without  a  Grand  or  Petty  Jury  to  proceed  against  and  try  in  a  Summary  Way,  Slaves 
offending  in  certain  cases,  and  punish  them  even  with  death. 

The  Duty  of  His  Majesty's  Attorney  General  of  the  Province  is  similar  to  the  Duty  of  that  Officer 
in  England,  and  the  Master  of  the  Crown  Office  :  He  is  appointed  by  the  Crown  during  Pleasure, and 
His  Majesty  has  no  Sollicitor  General  nor  Council  in  the  Province,  to  assist  the  Attorney  General 
upon  any  Occasion. 

There  are  two  other  Courts  in  the  Province.  The  Court  of  Admiralty  which  proceeds  after  the 
Course  of  the  Civil  Law  in  matters  within  its  Jurisdiction,  which  has  been  so  enlarged  by  divers 
Statutes  as  to  include  almost  every  breach  of  the  Acts  of  Trade. — From  this  Court  an  appeal  lies  to 
a  Superior  Court  of  Admiralty,  lately  established  in  North  America  by  Statute ;  before  this  Establish- 
ment an  appeal  only  lav  to  the  High  Court  of  Admiralty  of  England. 

The  Prerogative  Court  concerns  itself  only  in  the  Probate  of  wills  and  in  matters  relating  to  the 
Administration  of  the  Estates  of  Intestates  and  in  granting  Licenses  of  Marriage.  The  Governor  is 
properly  the  Judge  of  this  Court  but  it  has  been  usual  for  him  to  act  in  general  by  a  Delegate. 


1  Blank  in  the  Orig. 


,  gov.  trvon's  report  on  the  province  of  new- york.  5ig 

The  Province  is  at  present  divided  into  fourteen  Counties,  viz1— The  City  and  County  of  New 
York— The  County  of  Albany— Richmond  (which  comprehends  the  whole  of  Statcn  Island)  Kings, 
Queens  &  Suffolk  (which  include  the  whole  of  Nassau  or  Long  Island)  Westchester,  Dutches,  Ulster 
Orange,  Cumberland,  Gloucester,  Charlotte  and  Tryon.— For  each  of  these  Counties  a.  Sheriff  and  one 
or  more  Coroners  are  appointed  by  the  Governor  who  hold  their  offices  during  pleasure. 

As  to  the  Military  power  of  the  Province,  the  Governor  for  the  time  being  is  the  Captain  General 
and  Commander  in  Chief  and  appoints  all  the  Provincial  Military  officers  during  pleasure. 

Question  No.  7. 

What  is  the  Trade  of  the  Province,  the  Number  of  shipping  belonging  thereto,  their  Tonnage,  and 
the  number  of  seafaring  Men  with  respect  to  the  Increase  and  Diminution  within  ten  years  past  ! 

.  Inswer. 

The  Province  carries  on  a  considerable  Trade  with  the  British  Settlements  on  the  Continent  of  North 
Trade  of  the  America,  supplying  some  of  them  with  the  produce  of  the  Colony,  others  with  British  Manu- 
factures and  West  India  goods.  The  Trade  to  the  British  West  Indies  is  extensive  they 
having  a  constant  demand  for  provisions  and  Lumber  of  all  kinds,  which  articles  are  the  natural  pro- 
duce of  this  Province. 

The  returns  from  the  American  Ports  and  West  India  Islands,  are  made  in  such  produce  and 
manufactures  of  the  Provinces  and  Islands,  as  best  suit  the  Trade  and  consumption  of  this  Colony- 
There  are  also  fitted  out  from  the  Port  of  New  York  several  Whaling  and  Fishing  Vessels. 
vesTiisV       The  above  together  with  the  Trade  of  Great  Britain,  Ireland,  Aft'rica  and  the  foreign  ports 
Tonnage  k    in  Europe  and  the  West  Indias  as  stated  in  the  Answers  to  Questions  No.  8,  and  No.  9,  in 
seafaring    elude  the  whole  Trade  of  the  Province  which  employed 


Men 


In  the  year  Vessels  Tons  B  >rthen  Men 

1762  -  -       477  19,514  3,552 

In  1772  -  -  -       709  29,132  3.371 


232  9,618  178 

So  that  the  increase  of  shipping  in  that  period  of  Ten  years  is  232  Vessels  and  of  the  Tonnage  or 
Burthen  9,618  Tons — And  the  Decrease  of  men  178.  A  less  number  of  Hands  being  employed  on 
board  of  Vessels  in  peace,  than  they  sail  with  in  time  of  War. 

Question  jVo.  8. 

What  Quantity  or  sorts  of  British  Manufactures  do  the  Inhabitants  annually  take  from  hence,  What 
Goods  and  Commodities  are  exported  from  thence  to  Great  Britain,  and  what  is  the  annual  Amount 
at  an  average  ? 

Answer. 

More  than  Eleven  Twelfths  of  the  Inhabitants  of  this  Province  both  in  the  necessary  and  ornamental 
.       ,      parts  of  their  Dress  are  eloathed  in  British  Manufactures,  except  Linen  from  Ireland  and 

Imports  from    r  '  *  » 

Great  Britain.  jfats  an(\  shoes  manufactured  here.  The  same  proportion  of  Houses  are  in  like  manner 
furnished  with  British  Manufactures,  except  Cabinet  &  Joiner's  Work,  which  is  Generally  made  here. 

When  the  number  of  Inhabitants  are  considered  a  better  idea  may  be  formed  of  the  Quantity  and 
variety  of  sorts  of  British  Manufactures  used  in  this  Province,  than  can  be  done  by  enumerating  the 
names  under  which  they  are  imported. 

Besides  the  Articles  necessary  for  Cloathing  and  Furniture,  there  are  imported  from  Great  Britain, 
large  Quantities  of  all  kinds  of  East  India  Goods. — Grocery  of  all  sorts  (except  Sugars,  Coffee,  and 

[Vol.  I.]  65 


514 


GOV.  TRTON-'S  REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


Ginger)  Ironmongery,  Arms,  Gunpowder,  Lead,  Tin,  Sheet  Copper,  Drugs,  Brimstone,  Grindstones, 
Coals,  Chalk,  Sail  Cloth,  Cordage,  Paints,  Malt  Liquors  &  Cheese. — There  are  indeed  few  articles  the 
British  Market  affords, but  what  are  in  some  proportion  imported  here,  except  such  as  are  among  our 
Staple  Commodities,  particularly  mentioned  in  the  Answer  to  No.  11. 

If  the  Brokers  in  Great  Britain  employed  as  shippers  of  goods  were  for  one  year  obliged  to  give  in 
the  value  of  the  Goods  when  they  apply  for  Cockets,  the  exact  amount  of  what  the  Inhabitants  of 
each  Province  in  America  take  from  thence  would  be  easily  ascertained.  In  this  Country  it  is  not 
possible  to  make  such  a  calculation  with  any  Degree  of  Precision,  for  as  the  Amount  of  Goods  never 
•  appears  in  the  Cockets,  no  Judgment  can  be  formed  of  their  Value  from  the  Quantity  or  Number  of 
pieces. — Silks  for  Instance  come  out  from  25s  to  2  shillings  per  yard,  and  in  general  the  other  Articles 
differ  in  the  same  proportion  from  the  first  cost  of  the  highest  to  that  of  the  lowest  in  quality. 
Value  of  ani-  When  no  particular  stop  is  put  upon  Trade  with  Great  Britain,  it  is  generally  estimated 
from  orPe°aried  here  that  the  Annual  Imports  from  thence  into  this  Colony,  amount  on  an  average  to  Five 
Bntain        Hundred  Thousand  Pounds  Sterling. 

The  Goods  exported  from  hence  to  Great  Britain  that  are  the  produce  of  this  Colony,  arc  chiefly  pot 
Expom to  ana<  pearl  ashes,  Pig  and  Bar  Iron,  Peltries,  Beeswax,  Masts  and  Spars,  with  Timber  and 
Great  Britain.  LumDer  Gf  a\\  kinds  ; — And  of  the  produce  of  the  West  Indies  and  Honduras  Bay,  Log 
Wood  and  other  Dye  woods  and  Stuffs,  Sarsaparilla,  Mahogany,  Cotton,  Ginger  k  Pimento  with  some 
Raw  Hides — And  Tar,  Pitch  &  Turpentine,  the  produce  of  North  Carolina. 

The  Annual  Amount  of  Exports  to  Great  Britain  on  an  Average,  is  One  Hundred  &  Thirty  Thou- 
sand pounds  Sterling  exclusive  of  the  Cost  of  Ships  built  here  for  the  Merchants  in  Eng- 

Vwuc  thereof 

land  to  the  Amount  of  Thirty  Thousand  pounds  Sterling  annually. 

Question  No.  9 

What  trade  has  the  Province  under  your  Government  with  any  Foreign  Plantations,  or  any  part  of 
Europe  besides  Great  Britain  ;  how  is  that  Trade  carried  on,  what  Commodities  do  the  People  under 
your  Government  send  to  or  receive  from  Foreign  Plantations,  and  what  is  the  annual  Amount 
thereof  at  an  Average  1 

Answer 

A  considerable  Trade  is  carried  on  from  this  to  the  Foreign  West  India  Islands,  Surrinam  and  Hon- 
t  ^  durasBay.  Provisions  and  Lumber  are  the  principal  Articles  with  which  they  are  supplied 
Foreign  Plan-  from  hence. — The  returns  are  generally  in  Sugar,  Molassses,  Dye  Woods,  Mahogany,  Hides, 

Silver,  and  Bills  of  Exchange. 
There  are  a  few  vessels  employed  annually  in  the  African  Trade,  their  Outward  Cargoes  are  chiefly 
Rum  and  some  British  Manufactures. — The  high  price  and  ready  sale  tliev  meet  with  lor 

With  Africa.  , . 

their  Slaves  in  the  West  Indies  induce  them  always  to  dispose  of  their  cargoes  among  the 

Islands. 

To  Madeira  &  Teneriffe  the  Trade  from  hence  is  considerable.  The  outward  Cargoes  are  composed 
u_-v  *  of  Wheat,  Indian  Corn,  Flour,  Provisions  in  General,  Lumber  and  Beeswax. — The  returns 
Tenenuc.  are  made  in  Wines,  the  greatest  part  of  which  are  carried  directly  from  Madeira  to  the 
Hritish  and  foreign  West  India  Islands,  there  sold  and  West  India  Cargoe  purchased  with  which  the 
Vessel  returns. 

When  Grain  is  Scarce  in  Europe  there  is  also  a  very  considerable  Trade  from  hence  to  the  Spanish 
^h!1'""l'-*reipil  ports  in  the  Bay  of  Biscay  and  to  other  Foreign  ports  in  Europe  lying  to  the  Southward  of 
rep""  somh."  Cape  Finnistre. — To  these  places  are  exported,  Wheat,  Rye,  Flour,  Indian  Corn  Beeswax  ; 
vVm^u^  and  the  returns  are  in  Specie,  Bills  of  Exchange  and  large  Cargoes  of  Salt.    Sometimes  the 


GOV.  TRYON's  REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


515 


Vessels  employed  in  this  Trade  take  in  a  Load  of  Wines  and  Fruit,  and  call  at  some  of  the  Outports 
in  England  for  Clearances  agreeable  to  Law.— The  Trade  is  Carried  on  in  Ships  belonging  to  British 
Subjects  and  navigated  conformable  to  the  Acts  of  Trade. 

The  Annual  Amount  of  the  Commodities  exported  from  hence  to  Foreign  Countries  is  on  an  average, 
vuiue  oc  For-  ®ne  Hundred  and  Fifty  Thousand  Pounds  Sterling  ;  and  the  Foreign  Imports  on  an  Ave- 
eignEipom  rage  Qne  Hundre(i  Thousand  Pounds  Sterling. 

Besides  the  Trade  to  the  Foreign  Ports  in  Europe,  there  is  every  year  a  great  Quantity  of  Flax  seed 
Exports  lo     and  Lumber  and  some  Iron  sent  to  Ireland,  in  ships  generally  belonging  to  that  Kingdom, 
Ireland       which  come  out  annually  with  passengers  and  Servants,  as  also  Linen,  Beef  and  Butter. 
The  Province  hath  likewise  some  Trade  with  Gibralter  and  Minorca,  the  Cargoes  out  generally  con- 
,„  „.    ,     sist  of  Grain,  Flour,  Provisions  of  other  Kinds,  Lumber,  Naval  Stores,  and  Rice. — As  they 

To  Gibralter  '  '  '  '  '  " 

anu  Mmorca.  are  British  Ports,  it  has  ever  been  the  practice  here  to  allow  enumerated  Goods  to  be  ship- 
ped to  them,  the  Master  of  the  vessel  giving  the  enumerated  Bond  at  the  Naval  Office. — The  Returns 
are  Specie,  Bills  of  Exchange  and  Salt. 

Question  No.  10. 

What  Methods  are  there  used  to  pz-event  illegal  Trade,  and  are  the  same  effectual  ? 

Answer 

At  this  Port  there  is  generally  one  of  His  Majesty's  Ships  of  War,  stationed  near  its  principal 
Means  to  pre.  entrance,  except  during  the  Four  Winter  Months,  when  she  is  obliged  on  account  of 
Trade.  the  severe  Weather  and  the  Ice  to  come  to  the  Wharf.  The  Custom  House  Officers 
are  Eight  in  Number ;  viz.  The  Collector,  Comptroller,  Surveyor,  and  Searcher,  Land  Waiter, 
Tide  Surveyor  and  Three  Tide  Waiters ;  There  is  also  a  Naval  Officer.  The  Tide  Waiters  are 
mostly  employed  on  Board  of  Vessels  that  arrive  with  dutiable  goods,  so  that  there  are  but  three 
other  out  door  officers  to  look  after  the  business  of  a  very  extensive  Harbour,  lying  on  two 
sides  of  the  Town,  which  is  situated  on  a  point  between  two  large  Rivers. 

As  all  Articles  of  Commerce,  Provisions  and  Fuel  are  conveyed  to  Town  by  Water  in  a  number  of 
Small  Boats,  from  Landings  that  lay  on  each  side  of  both  entrances  to  the  Port,  the  strictest  attention 
of  the  officers  of  His  Majesty's  ship,  or  the  Vigilance  of  the  Collector  &  Comptroller,  (who  speak 
favourably  of  their  present  Outdoor  officers)  cannot  altogether  prevent  the  illegal  Trade  in  a  port 
situated  as  this  is;  there  can  be  no  doubt  therefore  but  that  Assistance  different  from  what  the  officers 
have  at  present,  would  be  very  necessary,  and  tend  much  to  the  increase  of  His  Majesty's  Revenues 
in  this  Province. 

Question  No.  11. 

What  is  the  Natural  produce  of  the  Country,  staple  Commodities  and  Manufactures,  and  what 
Value  thereof  in  Sterling  Money  may  you  annually  Export? 

Answer. 

The  Natural  produce  &  Staple  Commodities  of  this  Province  are  Wheat,  Indian  Corn,  Oats,  Rye, 
Produce  sta  PeaseJ  Barley  and  Buck  Wheat,  Live  Stock,  Masts  &  Spars,  Timber  &  Lumber  of  all  sorts, 
fi'ees  andnM°anIFurrs5  Skins,  Beeswax,  Iron  Ore,  Pork,  Beef,  Flour,  Pot  &  Pearl  Ashes. — And  its  Manu- 
ufactures.  factures  are,  the  making  of  Pig  and  Bar  Iron,  Distilling  of  Rum  and  Spirits,  Refining  of 
Sugar,  and  making  Chocolate;  from  Molasses,  brown  Sugar  and  Cocoa  imported. — The  Making  of 
Soap  and  Candles,  Hats,  Shoes,  Cordage  and  Cabinet  Ware,  Tanning,  Malting,  Brewing  k  Ship 
Building. 


51 G  GOV.  TRYON's  REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 

Value  of  llin«e  The  Annual  Amount  of  the  above  mentioned  Articles  Exported  (Hats  excepted)1  is  on 
Exported,    an  average  Four  Hundred  Thousd  Pounds  Sterling. 

Question  No.  12. 

What  Mines  are  there? 

Answer. 

There  are  few  Mines  yet  discovered  in  the  Province. — One  of  Iron  Ore  in  the  Manor  of  Ll\  iu_,ston 
Mines.  in  the  County  of  Albany  belonging  to  Robert  Livingston  Esquire, — Another  of  Iron  also 
in  Orange  County,  the  property  of  Vincent  Matthews  Esquire  and  one  in  the  Manor  of  Philipsburgh 
in  the  County  of  Westchester  lately  leased  for  99  years  (pursuant  to  the  Royal  Order)  to  Frederick 
Philispe  Esquire. — It  is  called  a  Silver  Mine,  but  from  the  small  Quantity  of  Silver  the  Ore  has 
hitherto  yielded,  may  perhaps  more  properly  be  classed  among  the  Richer  sort  of  lead  Mines. — The 
Works  belonging  to  the  First  are  carried  on  to  great  advantage. 

Question  No.  13. 
What  is  the  Number  of  Inhabitants,  Whites  &  Blacks'? 

Answer. 

inhawlarite.      By  the  last  account  taken  in  1771,  the  number  of  Inhabitants  stood  thus, 

Whites   148,124 

Blacks       .       .       .   19,883 


Total  Number  of  Inhabitants  in  1771    168,007 

Supposing  the  Increase  from  1771  to  1774  to  have  been  no  more  than  the  average  Pro- 
portion of  the  Increase  between  1756  and  1771,  there  must  be  added  to  compleat  the 
Number  of  Inhabitants  to  the  present  Time 

Whites  12,974 

Blacks   1,266 

  14,244 * 


Total  Number  of  Inhabitants  in  1774  .    182,251 3 

Question  No.  14. 

Are  the  Inhabitants  increased  or  decreased  within  the  last  Ten  years ;  how  much  and  for  what 
Reasons  1 

1  In  Feb.  1731  the  Master  Wardens  and  Assistants  of  the  Company  of  Feltmakers  of  London  petitioned  Parliament  to 
pass  a  law  to  prevent  the  Inhabitants  of  the  American  Colonies  exporting  Hals  of  American  Manufacture  to  any  place 
whatsoever,  as  the  foreign  Markets  were  then  almost  altogether  supplied  from  the  Plantations  as  well,  also,  as  Great 
Britain  to  the  great  prejudioe  of  the  Trade. 

This  petition  was  referred  to  a  Special  Committee  who  reported  the  Evidence  in  which  the  number  of  Beaver  Hats  then 
Manufactured  in  New  York  &  New  England  was  estimated  at  10,000  yearly  ;  In  Boston  there  were  16  Hatters  one  of  whom 
was  stated  to  have  commonly  finished  40  hats  a  week.  The  Exports  were  to  the  Southern  Plantations,  the  West  Indies  and 
Ireland. 

A  law  was  accordingly  passed  the  •ame  Session  (O.  Geo.  II.  c  xxii.,)  "  to  prevent  the  Exportation  of  Hats  out  of  any  of 
His  Majesty's  Colonies  or  Plantations  in  America  and  to  restrain  thenumber  of  Apprentices  taken  by  the  Hatmakers  in  said 
Colonies"  &c  All  such  exported  hats  were  declared  forfeit ;  the  exporter  subjected  to  a  fine  of  £500  and  every  Master, 
Mariner,  Porter,  Carter,  Waggoner,  Boatman  &c  aiding  and  assisting  him  became  liable  to  a  fine  of  Forty  pounds;  any 
officer  of  Custoir.s  passing  an  Entry  for  such  Export  was  to  be  fined  also  £300.  No  person  was  to  make  Hats  in  the  Colonies 
unless  he  served  seven  years  to  the  Trade  it  no  master  could  take  more  than  two  apprentices.  This  Jaw  continued  in  force 
in  this  country  as  long  as  it  belonged  to  Great  Britain  and  is  still  applicable  to  the  existing  Colonies.  This  explains  th« 
exception  above  made  in  Gov.  Tryon's  Report. 

2  Incorrect:  ought  be  14,240.  3  Ought  to  be  182,247. 


GOV.  TRYON's  REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


517 


.Answer. 

habriSStt?fin"    The  number  of  Inhabitants  in  1771  as  appears  in  No.  13  was                      -  108,007 
By  the  returns  in  1750  from  which  year  to  1771  no  Census  was  taken,  the  numbers  appear 
to  have  been 

1?56  J  Whites    -----   83,233 

I  Blacks     -   .  -       -       -  -  -  -  13,542 

 —  90,775 

Which  shews  the  Increase  from  1750  to  1771  to  be        -------  71,232 

Admitting  the  Increase  for  the  succeeding  three  years  to  be  no  more  than  the  average  pro- 
portion of  this  number  which  is  much  less  than  the  Proportion  at  which  it  ought  to  be 

rated,  there  must  be  added  for  the  Increase  from  1771  to  1774     -       -              -       -  14,244 

Increase  of  Inhabitants  from  1756  to  1774  a  Period  of  18  years       -----  85,476 
Hence  by  taking  the  proportion  of  the  last  mentioned  number  it  is  found  that  the  Inhabitants  of 


this  Colony  are  increased  during  the  last  Ten  years  according  to  the  lowest  Calculation  47,480. 
Causes  of  the    The  reasons  commonly  assigned  for  the  rapid  population  of  the  Colonies,  are  doubtless 
inhabitant,  the  principal  causes  of  the  Great  Increase  in  this  Province. 

The  high  price  of  Labour,  and  the  plenty  and  cheapness  of  new  land  fit  for  Cultivation,  as  they 
increase  the  means  of  subsistence  are  strong  additional  Incitements  to  Marriage,  and  the  people 
entering  into  that  state  more  generally  and  at  an  earlier  period  of  life  than  in  Europe,  the  Proportion 
of  Marriages  and  Births  so  far  exceeds  that  of  populous  Countries,  that  it  has  been  computed  the 
Colonies  double  their  Inhabitants  by  natural  Increase  only  in  Twenty  years. 

The  increase  in  this  Colony  has  been  nearly  in  same  proportion,  but  it  cannot  be  denied  that  the 
accession  to  our  own  numbers  by  Emigrations  from  the  neighbouring  Colonies  and  from  Europe,  has 
been  considerable,  tho'  comparatively  small  to  the  number  thus  ar  [uired  by  some  of  the  Southern 
Colonies. 

Question  No.  15 

What  is  the  Number  of  Militia  and  under  what  Regulations  is  it  constituted  1 

Jlnswer 

Numberof      The  White  Inhabitants  amounting  to  101,102,  the  Militia  may  be  supposed  to  consist  of 

Mil,tia-   about  Thirty  two  Thousand. 
A  law  is  passed  annually  or  every  two  years  for  regulating  the  Militia ;  The  act  now  in  force  directs 
Regulation    That  every  Man  from  Sixteen  to  Fifty  years  of  age  (a  few  excepted)  shall  inlist  himself 

under  which  it 

is  constituted,  with  the  Commanding  Officer  of  the  Troop  of  Horse,  or  Company  of  Foot  in  the  place 
where  he  resides. — That  the  Militia  armed  and  equipped  (as  the  Law  prescribes)  shall  appear  and 
be  exercised  twice  a  year. — And  imposes  fines  on  both  Officers  and  Soldiers  for  every  neglect  of 
Duty,  with  other  less  material  provisions  relative  to  the  service.  The  Officers  are  all  appointed  by 
the  Governor,  and  the  whole  Militia  is  under  his  Command  and  subject  to  his  Orders,  agreeable  to 
the  power  vested  in  him  as  Captain  General  of  the  Province  by  the  Royal  Letters  Patent  or  Commis- 
sion. 

As  no  Act  relative  to  the  Militia  wras  passed  during  the  last  Session  of  the  General  Assembly,  the 
above  regulations  will  cease  on  the  first  day  of  May  1774,  when  the  present  Militia  Law  expires  by 
its  own  Limitation. 

Question  No.  10. 

What  Forts  and  places  of  Strength  are  there  within  your  Government,  and  in  what  Condition  1 


518 


GOV.  TRYON'S  REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


Answer 

The  City  of  New  York  the  Metropolis,  is  protected  by  a  Fort  and  a  Range  of  Batteries  at  the  En- 
Forw  and  Pia-trance  of  t,ie  East  Kiver  or  Harbour,  in  good  order  and  capable  of  mounting  about  One 
""-"'  Hundred  pieces  of  Ordnance. — Albany  and  Schenectady  are  defended  by  Forts,  and  both 
places  incircled  by  large  Pickets  or  Stockades,  with  Blockhouses  at  proper  Distances  from  each  other, 
but  which  since  the  peace  have  been  suilered  to  go  to  Decay  and  are  now  totally  out  of  Repair. 

The  Western  Posts  are  Fort  Stanwix,  and  the  Forts  at  Oswego  and  Niagara ;  the  two  former  are 
Dismantled ;  a  few  men  only  are  kept  at  Oswego. — Niagara  is  occupied  by  a  Garrison  of  the  King's 
Troops. 

The  Northern  Posts  are,  Fort  Edward  which  is  abandoned. — A  few  men  only  are  kept  at  the  Works 
at  the  South  End  of  Lake  George  to  facilitate  the  Transportation  to  the  next  Posts,  which  are  Ticon- 
deroga  and  Crown  Point ;  these  are  both  Garrisoned  by  His  Majesty's  Troops,  but  since  the  fire 
Which  happened  at  Crown  Point,  only  a  small  guard  is  kept  there,  the  principal  part  of  the  Garrison 
being  withdrawn  and  posted  at  Ticonderoga. 

Question  No.  17. 
What  number  of  Indians  have  you  and  how  are  they  inclined  ? 

Answer 

The  Indians  who  formerly  possessed  Nassau  &  Long  Island,  and  that  part  of  this  Province  which  lies 
below  Albany,  are  now  reduced  to  a  small  number,  and  are  in  general  so  scattered  and  dis- 

Niimuer  of  *  '  70 

Indiana       persed,  and  so  addicted  to  wandering  that  no  certain  account  can  be  obtained  of  them. — 

how  are  they  Jr  5  O 

inclined.  They  are  remnants  of  the  Tribes — Montocks  and  others  of  Long  Island — Wappingers  of 
Dutchess  County — Esopus,  Papagonck  kc  in  Ulster  County — and  a  few  Skachticokes. 

These  Tribes  have  generally  been  denominated  River  Indians  and  consist  of  about  Three  hundred 
Fighting  Men — They  speak  a  language  radically  the  same,  and  are  understood  by  the  Delawares 
being  originally  of  the  same  Race.  Most  of  these  People  at  present  profess  Cluistianity,  and  as  far  as 
in  their  power  adopt  our  Customs — The  greater  part  of  them  attended  the  Army  during  the  late 
War  but  not  with  the  same  reputation  as  those  who  are  still  deemed  Hunters. 

The  Mohawks  the  first  in  Rank  of  the  Six  Nation  Confederacy  tho'  now  much  reduced  in  Number, 
originally  occupied  the  Country  Westward  from  Albany  to  the  German  Flatts,  a  space  of  about  90 
miles,  and  had  many  Towns ;  but  having  at  dilferent  times  been  prevailed  on  to  dispose  of  their 
Lands  they  have  little  property  left,  except  to  the  Northward,  and  are  reduced  to  Two  Villages  on  the 
Mohawk  River  and  a  few  Families  at  Schoharie.  The  lower  Mohawks  are  in  Number  about  One 
Hundred  and  Eighty  Five,  and  the  L'pper  or  those  of  Canajoharie  Two  Hundred  and  Twenty  one 
making  together  Four  Hundred  and  Six ;  this  nation  hath  always  been  Warm  in  their  attachment  to 
the  English,  and  on  this  account  suffered  great  loss  during  the  late  War. 

The  Nation  beyond  and  to  the  Westward  of  the  Mohawks  is  the  Oneidaes  ;  the  Villages  where  they 
reside  including  Onoaughquaga  are  just  beyond  the  Indian  Line  or  Boundary  established  at  Fort 
Stanwix  in  1708, 1  and  their  property  within  that  Line  except  to  the  Northward  has  been  sold — This 
Nation  consists  of  at  least  Fifteen  Hundred  ami  are  firmly  attached  to  the  English. 

The  other  Nations  of  that  Confederacy  and  who  live  further  beyond  the  Indian  Line  are  the  Onon- 
dagaes,  Cayotlges,  Senecas  and  Tuscaroras  and  are  Well  inclined  to  the  British  Interest — The  whole 
Six  Nations  consist  of  about  Two  Thousand  Fighting  Men^  and  their  number  of  Souls  according  to 
their  latest  Returns  are  at  least  Ten  Thousand  ;  the  Seneca  Nation  amounting  alone  to  one  half  that 
Dumber. 


1  See  Ante  p.  379  for  this  Paper  &.  Map. 


GOV.  TRYOn's  REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


519 


Question  No.  18. 
What  is  the  Strength  of  the  Neighbouring  Indians  ? 

Answer 

The  Indians  North  of  this  Province  near  Montreal,  with  those  living  on  the  River  St.  Lawrence  near 
strength  of  tne  ^th  Degree  of  Northern  Latitude  form  a  Body  of  about  Three  Thousand  liv  e  Hundred. 
Souriugffh"    They  are  in  Alliance  with  and  held  in  great  Esteem  by  the  rest,  are  good^  Warriors,  and 
have  behaved  Well  since  they  became  allies  to  the  English  previous  to  the  Reduction  of 

Canada. 

The  Tribes  of  Indians  within  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay  and  the  Colonies  of  Conecticut  & 
Rhode  Island  &c.  are  under  similar  circumstances  with  those  denominated  River  Indians  and  the 
Stockbridge  Indians  living  on  the  Eastern  Borders  of  New  York  may  be  considered  as  within  it,  as 
they  formerly  claimed  the  Lands  near  Albany,  and  still  hold  up  some  claim  in  that  Vicinity.  They 
served  as  a  Corps  during  the  late  War  and  are  in  number  about  three  Hundred. 

Of  the  Susquehana  Tribes  many  are  retired  further  Westward,  among  which  are  some  not  well 
affected  to  the  British  Government — They  are  all  dependants  and  allies  of  the  Six  Nations. 
Within  the  Department  of  Sir  William  Johnson  His  Majesty's  Superintendant  of  Indian  Affairs  there 
Total  number  are  Twenty  Five  Thousand  Four  Hundred  and  Twenty  Fighting  Men,  and  may  be  about 
NorthernDe-  One  Hundred  and  Thirty  Thousand  Indians  in  the  Whole,  extending  Westward  to  the 

par.mem.  MiSSisippa. 

Question  JVb.  19. 

What  is  the  Revenue  arising  within  your  Government,  and  how  is  it  appropriated  and  applied  I 

Answer. 

The  Revenue  of  the  Province  arises  as  follows — First  from  the  Duties  on  articles  imported  viz. 

Slaves — Wines,  Distilfd  Liquors,  Cocoa,  and  all  European  and  East  India  Goods  from  the 

Revenue.  ' 

British  Islands  in  the  West  Indies — Also  a  Duty  of  Two  per  Cent,  on  certain  species  of 
Goods  sold  at  Public  Auction  or  Outcry,  and  from  Lycences  granted  to  Hawkers  and  Pedlars. 

The  annual  amount  of  the  several  Duties  on  an  average  of  the  last  Five  Years  is  £5000  Currency. 
Secondly  from  the  Interest  of  £120,000  in  Bills  of  Credit  emitted  by  a  Law  of  the 

Colony  passed  the  16th  of  February  1771  and  put  out  on  Loan  at  5  per  cent,  by 

which  a  clear  Revenue  until  1776  is  to  be  paid  into  the  Treasury  of  5602 

From  the  year  1776  One  Tenth  Part  of  the  Principal  Sum  is  to  be  paid  yearly  into  the  Treasury 
until  the  whole  sum  of  £120,000  is  paid,  So  that  this  Branch  of  Revenue  decreasing  annually  in 
that  proportion,  will  totally  cease  in  1785. 

The  Revenue  arising  from  the  Articles  under  the  first  Head  as  it  is  grounded  on  Laws  annually 
Application  of  Passed,  (except  the  Duty  on  Goods  sold  at  Auction  granted  for  three  years)  is  appropriated 
the  Revenue,  annuai  Laws  towards  payment  of  the  salaries  of  the  Officers  of  Government  and  other 
necessary  Expenses  for  the  Public  Service  enumerated  in  such  Laws.  . 

And  the  Interest  Money  arising  from  the  Loan  above  mentioned,  which  is  the  Second  Branch  of 
Revenue,  is  annually  applied  in  furnishing  necessaries  for  His  Majesty's  Troops  quartered  in  this 
Colony,  for  which  there  is  usually  granted  £2000  Currency,  and  the  Residue  is  occasionally  applied 
to  the  payment  of  Debts  contracted  by  the  Province,  such  as  repairs  to  the  Fort  &  Batteries,  the 
Governor's  House,  the  making  of  gun  carriages  &c. 

A  Third  Branch  of  the  Revenue  is  the  Excise  on  spirituous  Liquors. 


520 


GOV.  TRYOis's  REPORT  OM  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


By  a  Law  passed  the  8th  of  March  1773  This  Fund  is  appropriated  for  Twenty  Years  as  follows— The 
sum  of  ,£800  (part  of  £1000  to  be  raised  by  the  Excise  in  the  City  and  County  of  New 

ESStoo'r York) is  t0  be  Pai(1  Annually  for  Twenty  years  to  the  Governors  of  the  Hospital  now  erect- 

s!ron?XK1q11or5inS  in  the  citv  of  New  York  for  the  support  of  that  Institution,  and  the  remaining  sum  of 
£200  is  for  the  First  Five  years  to  be  paid  to  the  Corporation  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce, 

for  encouraging  a  Fishery  on  the  Sea  Coast  for  the  better  supplying  the  Public  Markets  of  the  City, 

and  during 'the  remaining  Fifteen  Years  this  sum  is  appropriated  for  repairing  the  Public  Roads. 
By  the  same  Law  the  sums  which  shall  be  raised  by  the  Excise  in  the  other  Counties  subject  to  this 

Duty,  are  directed  to  be  appropriated  for  the  same  period  of  Twenty  years  towards  repairing  the 

Highways  and^defraying  the  necessary  Charges  of  the  respective  Counties. 
The  wholejproduce  of  the  Excise  Fund  before  the  passing  of  this  Law  usually  amounted  to  about 

£1-150  per  annum. 

Question  J\'o.  20. 

What  are  the  ordinary  and  extraordinary  Expences  of  Government'? 

,'lnswcr. 

The  ordinary  Expences  are  the  Sallaries  allowed  by  the  Province  to-  the  Officers  of  Government, 
Ordinary  Ex-  which  exclusive  of  the  Salary  of  the  Governor  now  paid  by  the  Crown,  amounted  in  1773 

pense   of  Go-        •  n 

vcrnmem.    to  the  sum  01         -       -       -  -    £3120 .  2 . — 

and  will  continue' nearly  the  same  while  the  salaries  remain  on  the  present  footing. — 
The  Extraordinary  Expenses  of  Government  are  the  allowance  for  the  necessaries 
Extraordinary  w^tn  which  the  Troops  quartered  in  the  Colony  are  furnished  usually 

Expenses.      am0Unting  to     -  ...  .....  2000  .— .— 

And  the  Expences  arising  from  the  settlement  of  the  Boundary  Lines  of  the  Colony, 
Repairs  to  the  Fortifications  &  the  Governors  House, — Carriages  and  Utensils 
for  Guns,  Barracks  &c.  which  in  the  year  1773  amounted  to    ....       1807  .11.1 1 

For  payment 'of  Expresses  and  other  small  contingent  articles  of  Expence  there  is 

annually  allowed  -----------       -         100  . — . — 

Question  No.  21. 

What  are  the  Establishments  Civil  &  Military  within  your  Government  and  by  what  Authority  do 
the  Officers  hold  their  Places,  What  is  the  annual  value  of  each  office  Civil  &  Military,  how  are  they 
respectively  'appointed  and  who  are  the  present  Possessors? 

Answer. 

The  Civil  Establishments  in  this  Province  consist  either  of  the  Officers  whose  salaries  are  paid  by 
„.  ,  _  .    the  Crown;  or  of  such  Officers  as  receive  their  Salaries  by  virtue  of  a  law  annually  passed 

Civil  nwll)-  1 

iwwnu.    by  the  Provincial  Legislature. 


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GOVERNOR  TRYON's  REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW- YORK. 


523 


There  is  no  other  Provincial  Civil  Establishment  in  the  Colony.    Most  of  the  abovementioned 
Officers  have  Fees  appertaining  to  their  offices,  the  amount  of  which  (if  within  the  objectof  the  pre 
sent  Enquiry)  can  only  be  ascertained  by  the  Respective  officers. 

The  Province  has  a  Court  of  Chancery,  the  Governor  is  Chancellor,  and  the  Officers  of  the  Court  are 
a  Master  of  the  Rolls  newly  created : — Two  Masters  : — Two  Clerks : — a  Register : — An  Examiner, 
and  a  Serjeant  at  Arms. — There  is  also  a  Prerogative  Court  of  winch  the  Governor  is  Judge  :  Its 
officers  are  a  Register  and  one  or  more  Surrogates  in  every  County. — In  each  of  the  Cities  of  New 
York  and  Albany  there  is  a  Mayor,  Sheriff,  Clerk  and  Corroner,  and  in  each  of  the  other  Counties  of 
the  Province  there  are  three  or  more  Judges,  and  a  number  of  Justices  of  the  Peace  :  One  Sheriff", 
one  Clerk  and  one  or  more  Coroners. — None  of  these  Officers  have  any  Salary,  but  have  Fees  annexed 
to  their  offices,  and  they  are  all  appointed  by  the  Governor. 

Military  Establishments  have  only  taken  place  in  Time  of  War.  The  Province  during  the  late  War, 
Military  ES-  raised,  cloathed,  and  paid  a  large  Body  of  Forces,  which  was  disbanded  at  the  Peace,  and 
labhshments.  ^here  is  at  present  no  Provincial  Military  Establishment  unless  the  Militia  may  be  regarded 
as  such;  The  Officers  of  this  Corps  are  as  already  observed  appointed  by  the  Governor,  and  having 
no  pay  their  offices  must  be  rather  expensive  than  lucrative. 

The  Militia  are  not  Subject  to  Garrison  Duty,  and  all  the  posts  where  any  Garrisons  are  Kept  are 
occupied  by  the4Kings  Troops. 

Wm.  Trvon. 

London  11th  June  1774. 


« 


APPENDIX  NO.  I. 

DEED  TO  KING  GEORGE  THE  FIRST  RECITING  THE  SURRENDER  BY  THE  FIVE  NATIONS  OF  THEIR  BEAVER  HUNT- 
ING COUNTRY,  AND  CONTAINING  AN  ACTUAL  SURRENDER  OF  THE  CASTLES  OR  HABITATIONS  OF  THE  SENNECAS, 
CAYOUGAS  AND  ONONDAGAS. 

To  all  People  to  whom  this  present  Instrument  of  Writing  shall  come. 

Whereas  the  Sachems  of  the  Five  Nations  did  on  the  19th  day  of  July  One  Thousand  Seven  Hun- 
dred and  One  in  a  Conference  held  at  Albany,  Between  John  Nanfan  Esqr  late  Lieutenant  Governor 
of  the  Province  of  New  York  give  and  render  up  All  their  Land  where  the  Beaver  Hunting  is,  which 
they  won  with  the  Sword  then  Eighty  years  ago  to  Coorachkoo  Our  Great  King  praying  that  he  might 
be  their  Protector  and  Defender  there  for  which  they  desired  that  their  Secretary  might  then  draw 
an  instrument  for  them  to  sign  and  seal  that  it  might  be  carried  to  the  King  as  by  the  Minutes  thereof 
now  in  the  Custody  of  the  Secretary  for  Indian  Affairs  at  Albany  may  more  fully  and  at  large  appear — 
We  Kanakazighton  and  Shanintzarouwee  Sinneke  Sachinis,  Ottsoghkoree,  DeKanisoree  and  Aenje- 
weeratt  Cayouge  Sachims,  Rachjakadorodon  and  Sadegeenagh tie,  Confirm,  Submit  and  Grant  And  by 
these  presents  do  (for  Ourselves,  our  Heirs  and  Successors  and  in  behalf  of  the  whole  Nations  of 
Sinnekes,  Cayouges  and  Onnondages,)  ratify,  Confirm  and  Submit  and  Grant  unto  our  most  Sovereign 
Lord  George  by  the  Grace  of  God,  King  of  Great  Britain  France  &  Ireland,  Defender  of  the  Faith 
&c.  His  Heirs  and  Successors  for  ever  All  the  said  Land  &  Beaver  Hunting  to  be  protected  &  Defended 
by  his  said  Majesty,  His  Heirs  and  Successors  to  and  for  the  Use  of  Us,  our  Heirs  and  Successors, 
And  the  said  three  Nations ;  And  we  do  also  of  our  own  accord  free  &  voluntary  Will  give,  render, 
submit  and  grant,  and  by  these  presents  do  for  Ourselves  our  Heirs  and  Successors  give,  render, 
submit  and  Grant  unto  our  said  Sovereign  Lord  King  George,  his  Heirs  &  Successors  for  ever,  All 
that  Land  lying  &  being  sixty  Miles  Distance  taken  Directly  from  the  Water  into  the  Country,  Be- 
ginning from  a  Creek  called  Canahogue  on  the  Lake  Oswego,  all  along  the  said  Lake  and  all  along  the 
Narrow  passage  from  the  said  Lake  to  the  Falls  of  Oniagara  called  Canaguaraghe  and  all  along  the 
River  of  Oniagara  and  all  along  the  Lake  Catarackqui  to  the  Creek  called  Sodoms  belonging  to  the 
Senekes  &  from  Sodoms  to  the  Hill  called  Tegerhunkserode  belonging  to  the  Cayouges  and  from 
Tegerhunckserode  to  the  Creek  called  Caynunghage  belonging  to  the  Onnondages  All  the  said  Land 
being  of  the  Breadth  of  sixty  English  miles  as  aforesaid.  All  the  way  from  the  aforesaid  Lakes  or 
Rivers  directly  into  the  Country  and  thereby  including  all  the  Castles  of  the  aforesaid  Three  Nations 
with  all  the  Rivers,  Creeks  &.  Lakes  within  the  said  Limits  to  be  protected  and  defended  by  his  said 
Majesty  his  Heirs  and  Successors  for  ever  to  and  for  Our  Use  our  Heirs  and  Successors  &  the  said 
Three  Nations. 

In  Testimony  Whereof  We  have  hereunto  set  our  Marks  and  affixed  our  Seals  in  the  City  of  Albany 
this  Fourteenth  Day  of  September  in  the  Thirteenth  year  of  His  Majesty's  Reign  Anno  Domini  1726. 


INDEX. 

» 


Accountant  General,  salary  of  the,  in  1693,  199. 

Admiralty,  the  Court  of,  in  1698,  60 ;  in  1693,  202. 

Albanel,  Rev.  Father,  accompanies  the  French  expe- 
dition against  the  Mohawks,  49. 

Albany,  a  delegation  from  the  town  of,  meets  the  French 
at  Schenectady,  50 ;  description  of  the  Garrison  at, 
51  ;  fort  at  60  ;  intelligence  from  the  Indian  coun- 
try received  at,  91;  description  of  the  fort  at,  in 
1686,  96  ;  town  of,  declared  by  the  law  officers  of 
the  Crown  to  be  a  part  of  Ranslaer's  Colonie,  112; 
Ranslaer  surrenders  his  claim  to,  113;  incorporated 
ib. ;  the  pasture  granted  to  the  city  of,  ib. ;  people 
of,  in  great  consternation  in  consequence  of  a  threat- 
ened visit  from  the  French,  166  ;  M.  Calliere's  plan 
for  the  capture  of,  179  ;  number  of  houses  and 
adults  in,  in  1659,  180  ;  proceedings  of  the  autho- 
rities of,  on  receiving  intelligence  of  the  burning 
of  Schenectady,  188 ;  city  and  county  officers  of, 
in  1693,  200 ; 'strength  of  the  militia'of,  in  1693, 
202  ;  names  of  the  militia  officers  for  the  city  and 
county  of,  in  1700,  234  ;  of  the  freeholders  of  the 
city  and  county  of,  in  1720,  241 ;  Albany  in  1691, 
268  ;  in  1756,  341  ;  population  of  the  city  and  coun- 
ty of,  in  1698,  467 ;  in  1689,  468 ;  in  1703,  469  ; 
in  1723,  471 ;  in  1731,  ib.;  in  1737,  472  ;  in  1749, 
473;  in  1756,  ib.  ;  in  1771,  474. 


Algonquins  the,  the  most  warlike  and  polished  of  the 

Indian  nations,  18. 
Allainville,  Seigniory  of,  347,  et  seq.,  373,  375. 
Amboy,  inconvenience  of  making  a  port  of  entry  of,  98. 
Amersfort,  (see  Flatlands.) 
Anabaptists,  62,  116. 

Andaraque,  proceedings  of  the  French  at  the  Mohawk 
fort  of,  53. 

Andastogues,  conquered  by  the  Iroquois  and  the  Eng- 
lish, 66,  263. 

Andros,  Gov.,  report  of,  on  the  state  of  the  Province, 
60  ;  affords  effectual  relief  to  New  England,  99  ; 
ordered  to  put  the  Ranslaers  in  possession  of  Alba- 
ny, 112;  defeated  in  his  attempt  to  .educe  Con- 
necticut, 117;  notifies  M.  de  Denonville  that  he  has 
taken  the  Five  nations  under  his  protection,  179. 

Angleran,  Rev.  Father,  Superior  of  the  Outaouac 
Missions,  74;  Missionary  at  Michilimakinac,  125; 
wounded  in  the  engagement  with  theSenecas,  146. 

Army  List  of  the  Province  of  New  York  in  1700,  227. 

Assembly,  salaries  of  the  officers  of  the  New  York 
in  1693,  200. 

Assizes,  Court  of  General,  Legislative  powers  vested 
in  the,  59;  how  often  it  sits,  60;  succeeded  by  a 
Court  of  Oyer  and  Terminer,  96. 

Auditor  General,  allowance  to  the,  in  1693,  199. 


B. 


Baptism,  scruples  of  a  Squaw  to  administer,  31 ;  first  ] 
adult,  at  Onondaga,  ib. 

Barbadoes,  Jacob  Leisler  to  the  Governor  of,  194. 

Barre,  M.  de  la,  instructions  of  the  king  of  France  to,  I 
70,  72;  notifies  Gov.  Dongan  of  his  intention  to 
attack  the  Five  Nations,  67  ;  declared  by  the  king 
to  be  the  cause  of  the  trouble  with  the  Indians,  73;  J 
ordered  to  send  some  of  the  Iroquois  to  France  to  \ 
be  employed  in  the  galleys,  ib.  ;  memoir  of,  ib.  ; 
starts  on  his  expedition  against  the  Senecas,  74  ;  j 
motives  of,  for  making  peace,  75;  quits  Hungry 
Bay,  76  ;  arrives  at  Montreal,  77  ;  treaty  between  j 
the  Iroquois  and,  ib. ;  strength  of  his  army,  79 ; 
M.  de  Meulles'  report  against,  ib.  ;  general  dissat-  j 
isfaction  with,  ib.  ;  bad  management  of,  80,  81  ;  j 
charged  with  having  converted  to  his  private  spec-  \ 
illations  the  vessels  intended  for  the  conveyance  of  { 


supplies  to  the  army,  SO;  and  with  having  declared 
war  on  his  own  responsibility,  81 ;  evil  effects  of 
the  policy  of,  82  ;  letters  from  M.  de  Lamberville 
to,  83  et  seq.  ;  M.  de  Denonville  succeeds,  92;  Gov. 
Dongan's  allusion  to  the  expedition  of,  100  ;  addic- 
ted to  big  words,  130. 

Bayard,  Nicholas,  called  to  the  Council,  1818. 

Beauharnois,  M.  de,  protests  against  the  erection  of 
Fort  Oswego,  292 ;  despatches  an  officer  to  sum- 
mon Oswego,  293  ;  Gov.  Burnet's  replv  to,  295. 

Beaujeu,  M.  de,  applies  for  an  extention  of  time  to 
produce  his  titles  to  a  Seigniory  on  the  river  Sara- 
nac,  362. 

Bear,  Indian  name  for  the  tribe  of  the,  11. 
Beavers,  number  of  sent  from  N.  York  to  England  in 
1687,  158. 

Bellomont,  Lord,  his  design  ragarding  Oswego,  291. 


528 


INDEX. 


Beschefer,  Rev.  Father,  56,  65. 
Blair,  Lt.,  killed  on  the  Oswego  River,  309. 
Board  for  the  management  of  Indian  affairs  establish- 
ed, 218. 
Bois,  Revd.  M.,  49. 

Boston,  Lt.  Gov.  Leisler  to  the  Gov.  of,  192. 
Boundaries  of  the  Prov.  of  N.  Y.  in  1678,  60  ;  be- 

tween  the  Indians  and  whites,  377. 
Braddock,  General,  artillery  taken  from,  used  against 

Oswego,  321. 

Bradstreet,  Col.,  advises  Sir  Wm.  Johnson  that  Os-  ; 
wego  is  surrounded  by  French  Indians,  308 ;  bat- 
tle between  the  French  and  a  party  under  com- 
mand of,  309. 

Brebeuf,  Father  de,  bible  of,  recovered,  33. 

Breucklyn,  names  of  the  inhabitants  of,  in  16S7,  429.  i 

Briare,  (or  Brias)  Rev.  Father,  73,  76  ;  on  the  custom  ! 
observed  by  the  King  of  China  towards  the  Jesu- 
ites,  165. 

Brockholles,  Mayor  of  New-York,  112;  member  of 
council,  1 18. 


Brookhaven,  names  of  the  officers  of  the  militia  of, 
in  1700,  229. 

Brookland,  officers  of  the  militia  of  the  town  of,  231. 
Bruyas,  Father,  87. 

Buildings  at  Niagara  in  16S8,  description  of  the,  169. 

Bull,  instructions  to  Capt.  Jonathan,  on  the  burning 
of  Schenectady,  189  ;  account  of  the  capture  by  the 
French,  of  Fort,  329,  el  seq. 

Burk,  Mr.  Edm.,  opposes  the  French  claims  for  land 
on  Lake  Champlain,  369  ;  letter  of,  to  the  Sec.  of 
the  board,  372. 

Burnet,  Gov.,  forms  a  settlement  in  Western  New- 
York,  2S9  ;  informs  the  Board  of  Trade  of  his  de- 
sign to  build  a  fort  at  Oswego,  291  ;  replies  to  M. 
de  Beauharnois,  295 ;  letter  of,  to  the  Board  of 
Trade,  297. 

Burning  of  the  Onondaga  village,  33  ;  of  Schenecta- 
dy, papers  relating  to  the,  177,  et  seq.;  of  German 
Flatts,  332,  et  seq. 

Bushwyck,  officers  of  the  militia  of  the  town  of, 
232." 


C. 


Callieres,  M.  de,  letter  from,  announcing  that  some 
Iroquois  are  to  be  shipped  to  the  French  galleys, 
146  ;  project  for  the  reduction  of  Albany  and  New- 
York  by,  179 ;  recommends  the  French  court  to 
obtain  James  the  Second's  approval  of  the  design, 
182 ;  to  be  governor  of  New-York  when  reduced 
by  the  French,  185. 

Canada,  enumeration  of  the  Indian  tribes  connected 
with,  17,  24;  account  of  the  march  into  the  Pro- 
vince of  New-York  of  the  Governor  of,  50  ;  the  cold 
of,  fatal  to  the  French  troops,  101  ;  population  of, 
in  1685,  ib.;  memoirs  on,  123,  132 ;  state  of,  in 
1687,  141;  state  of  the  British  Province  in  1743, 

.    with  reference  to,  301. 

Cannatchocari  fort  described,  340. 

Capitulation  of  Oswego,  articles  of,  319. 

Cayugas,  numerical  strength  of  the,  16,  21,  44,  123  ; 
date  of  the  first  mission  to  the,  44. 

Census  tables,  467,  173,  237,  395. 

Champlain  Lake,  papers  relating  to  French  Seignio- 
ries on,  345. 

Chancery,  the  court  of,  who  composed  in  1687,95; 

officers  and  powers  of,  202. 
Charter  of  New-York,  antient,  389,  390,  392. 
Chassaigne,  M.  de,  sent  on  a  mission  to  Gov.  Burnet, 

293. 

Chaumont,  Father,  embarks  for  Onondaga,  35. 
Chauvignerie,  M.  de  la,  particulars  of  his  visit  to  Os- 
wego, 298. 

Chazy,  grant  of  Seigniory  at  the  river,  362. 
<  'Iiomimtii,  (sec  ( hwego.) 

Christians,  denominations  of,  in  New- York  in  1687, 
116 

Churches  in  1678,  62. 

Civil  list  of  the  Province  of  New- York  in  1693,  197; 
in  1767,  480. 

Clarke,  Gov.,  reproves  the  commander  at  Oswego, 
300  ;  his  letter  to  the  Board  of  Trade,  301  ;  report 


of,  on  the  state  of  the  Province,  ib.;  demands  that 
a  regiment  be  sent  from  England  to  defend  the 
western  frontier,  303. 

Climate  of  the  Iroquois  country,  44. 

Colden,  Cadwallader,  report  of,  on  the  public  lands, 
247  ;  prejudicial  to,  255  ;  Board  of  Plantations,  in- 
struction to,  relative  to  lands  on  Lake  Champlain, 
347;  on  the  trade  of  New-York  in  1723,  487. 

Collins,  Mr.,  Collector  at  Westchester,  105. 

Colve,  Gov.,  charter  of,  to  the  city  of  N.  Orange,  392; 
to  the  towns  on  Long  Island,  426. 

Commission  of  the  board  for  the  management  of  In- 
dian affairs,  218. 

Common  Pleas,  officers  of  the  courts  of,  200. 

Confederacy,  numerical  force  of  the  Iroquois,  24;  of 
the  Ottawa,  25. 

Connecticut,  defeat  of  Sir  E.  Andros'  attempt  to  re- 
duce, 117;  Gov.  Dongan  recommends  the  annexa- 
tion of,  to  N.  Y.,  97,  117,  157,  159;  population  of, 
in  1686,  101. 

Conscience,  liberty  of,  in  New- York  in  1668,  59. 

Copper,  sample  of,  from  Lake  Superior,  148. 

Collar,  through  respect  for  a  Dutchman  the  Indians 
call  the  Governors  of  New-York,  100. 

Cornbury,  Lord,  on  the  trade  and  manufactures  of 
the  Province  of  New-York,  485. 

Corn  forbid  to  be  exported  from  certain  places,  163. 

Cosby,  Gov.,  his  character  of  the  people  of  New- 
York,  722. 

Cosson,  Rev.  Mr.,  49. 

Cotton  imported,  4SS. 

Council,  names  of  the  members  of  H.  M.'s,  in  16S7, 
118;  extracts  from  the  minutes  of,  150,  154,  162, 
et  seq;  members  of,  in  1693,  199  ;  officers  of  the, 
200;  minute  of  the  Quebec,  372. 

Council  of  New- York,  names  of  the  members  of  the, 
under  Dongan,  118;  members  of,  under  Fletcher, 
199;  officers  of  the,  200;  proceedings  of  the,  on 


INDEX . 


529 


receiving  intelligence  of  the  invasion  of  the  Onon- 
daga Country,  207,  et  seq.;  resolve  to  supply  the 
Oneidas  with  grain,  217;  concur  in  the  propriety 
of  strengthening  Oswego,  305;  names  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the,  under  Gov.  Tryon,  357;  order  of,  noti- 
fying claimants  to  land  on  Lake  Champlain,  under 
the  French,  to  produce  their  titles,  ib.;  report  of 
the,  on  French  seigniories  on  Lake  Champlain, 
365;  minute  of  the  Quebec,  372. 

County  courts,  powers  of,  in  1693,  202. 

Courcelles,  M.  de,  expedition  of,  against  the  Mohawks, 

D 

Dablon,  Father  Claude,  embarks  for  Onondaga,  35, 
65. 

Dartmouth,  the  Earl  of,  discountenances  the  preten- 
sions of  New- York  to  all  Lands  south  of  the  St. 
Lawrence,  368,  371. 

Delancey,  Mr.  informing  the  Board  of  Trade  of  the 
burning  of  the  German  Flatts,  334. 

Delaware,  the  three  lower  counties  on  the,  recom- 
mended to  be  annexed  to  New- York,  98;  a  fort 
recommended  to  be  built  on  the,,  99. 

Denonville,  M.  de,  succeeds  M.  de  la  Barre  as  Gov. 
of  Canada,  92;  letters  of,  to  Gov.  Dongan,  100, 
129,  131,  159;  instructions  of  the  king  to,  121; 
endeavors  to  gain  over  the  Western  tribes,  125; 
proposed  means  for  a  war  against  the  Senecas,  126; 
recommends  that  New- York  be  purchased  from  the 
English,  ib.;  attempts  to  deceive  Gov.  Dongan, 
129,  133;  complains  of  French  refugees  being  re- 
ceived at  New-York;  130;  charges  Gov.  Dongan 
with  having  caused  the  Indians  to  plunder  the 
French,  131;  and  with  entertaining  bankrupts  and 
thieves,  ib.;  memoir  of,  on  the  state  of  Canada, 
132;  designs  to  build  a  fort  at  Niagara,  135;  diffi- 
culties in  the  way  of,  ib.;  calls  for  regular  troops, 
137;  informs  the  minister  that  Gov.  Dongan  has 
sent  agents  to  winter  among  the  Senecas,  138; 
with  intention  to  proceed  to  Michilimakina,  139; 
further  instructions  from  the  French  king  to,  143; 
informs  the  French  minister  that  Gov.  Dongan  has 
advised  the  Senecas  of  the  meditated  attack  on 
them,  144;  his  account  of  his  expedition  lo  the 
Genesee  country,  146;  erects  a  fort  at  Niagara, 
150;  accuses  Gov.  Dongan  of  duplicity,  159;  re- 
leases Major  McGregory  and  the  other  English 
prisoners,  166. 

Desbergeres,  Sieur,  commandant  at  Niagara,  168. 

Detroit,  garrison  at,  136;  M.  du  Lhut  arrives  at,  138. 

Dieskau  Baron,  appointed  commander  of  the  expedi- 
tion against  Oswego,  307. 

Dionondade,  155. 

Discovery  of  the  Onondaga  Salt  Springs,  34. 

Dogs  draw  the  sleds  of  the  French  in  their  expedi- 
tion against  the  Mohawks,  50. 

Dollier,  Rev.  M.,  65,  66,  73,  283. 

Dongan,  Gov.,  letters  of,  to  M.  de  la  Barre,  68,  69, 
71;  forbids  the  Iroquois  treating  with  the  French 
without  his  permission,  76;  promises  the  In- 
dians a  reinforcement,  76 ;  sends  an  emissary  to  the 


41,  46,  50;  a  delegation  from  Albany  meet,  .)0. 
Courts  of  Justice  in  16P7,  95. 

Croghan,  Geo.,  his  report  on  the  conduct  of  the  Onei- 
das, 336. 

Cross,  the,  why  selected  as  an  Indian  Totutn,  20; 

planted  in  the  Mohawk  country,  53;  at  Niagara, 

169;  at  Oswego,  319. 
Cumberland,  population  of  the  county  of,  in  1771, 

474. 

Customs,  officers  of  the,  in  1693,  199;  produce  of 
the,  from  1690  to  1795,  477. 


Five  Nations,  87;  complained  of  by  the  French 
Court,  92;  Report  of,  on  the  state  of  the  Province, 
95;  recommends  Catholic  Missionaries  to  be  sent 
from  England  to  the  Five  Nations  100;  sends 
Maps  of  the  Province  to  England,  101,  102;  accu- 
sations of,  against  Collector  Santen,  106;  answer 
of,  to  charges  against  him,  110,  et  seq.;  grants  a 
Charter  to  the  City  of  Albany,  113;  fees  received 
for  Patents  by,  114;  sends  Collector  Santen  to  Eng- 
land, 118;  proposes  the  names  of  new  Councillor-, 
ib.;  letters  of,  to  M.  de  Denonville,  128,  130,  139, 
145,  156;  remonstrates  against  garrisoning  Fort 
Frontenac,  and  building  a  fort  at  Niagara,  128; 
claims  25,000  liv.  from  the  French  Government, 
130;  charged  with  exciting  the  Indians  against  the 
French,  131,  132;  proposes  an  English  post  at 
Niagara,  134 ;  vindicates  his  conduct  regarding 
the  Indian  trade,  140;  propositions  of,  to  the  Iro- 
quois, 141;  the  F  ench  king  rejects  the  claim  of, 
143;  letter  of,  to  Father  de  Lamberville,  ib.;  re- 
monstrates against  that  Jesuit  meddling  with  the 
Five  Nations,  145;  denies  having  ordered  the  In- 
dians to  rob  the  French,  ib.;  sends  a  present  -  of 
Oranges  to  M.  de  Denonville,  ib.;  letters  of,  to  the 
Lord  President,  156,165;  recommends  his  nephew 
to  be  employed  in  bringing  settlers  from  Ireland  to 
N.  York,  157  ;  proceedings  of,  on  learning  the 
French  movements  against  the  Senecas,  ib.;  pro- 
poses erecting  forts  on  Lake  Champlain,  Hungry 
Bay,  the  Mohawk  river  and  Niagara,  15S;  demands 
a  surrender  of  English  taken  prisoners  by  the 
French,  165;  obtains  a  conveyance  of  the  Upper 
Susquehannah  river,  264. 
Duke's  county,  places  composing,  201. 
Duperon,  Father  Frs.,  proceeds  to  Onondaga,  35. 
Dupuis,  M.,  commander  of  a  French  Colony  at  Onon- 
daga, 36,  38. 
D'Urfe,  Abbe,  283. 

Dutch,  the,  supply  the  French  army  at  Schenectady 
with  provisions,  50;  supposed  to  be  friendly  to 
William  III.,  182. 

Dutchess  county  forms  part  of  Ulster,  201 ;  names  of 
the  militia  officers  of,  in  1700,  233;  names  and 
number  of  the  inhabitants  of,  in  1714,  240;  popula- 
tion of,  in  1723,  471 ;  in  1731,  ib.;  in  1737,  172;  in 
1746, ib.;  in  1749, 473;  in  1756,473;  in  1771,474. 

Duties  on  imports  and  exports  in  1678,  61;  tariff  of, 
in  1686,  103. 


|  Vol.  LI 


67 


530 


INDEX. 


E. 


East  Hampton,  officers  of  militia  in  the  town  of,  in 
1700,  230;  Lion  Gardiner's  Observations  on,  457. 

Effingham,  Lord,  Gov.  of  Virginia,  buries  the  hatchet 
with  the  Iroquois,  99;  the  Indian  name  of,  99;  ar- 
rives at  New  York,  151. 

Elephant's  teeth  imported  into  New  Jersey,  98. 

England,  the  Church  of,  62,  116. 

English,  the,  date  when  they  first  went  beyond  the 
Seneca  country,  100;  Denonville  orders  the  seizure 
of  the,  on  Lake  Erie,  126;  accused  of  inciting  the 
Indians  against  the  French,  141  ;  design  of,  to 
monopolize  the  fur  trade,  179. 


Enumeration  of  the  Indian  tribes  connected  with 
Canada,  17;  of  the  Northern  Indians,  24,  of  the 
Five  Nations,  468. 

Esopus  in  1691,  268;  number  of  Germans  settled  at, 
in  1718,  46S. 

Estates,  value  of  the,  in  1678,  61. 

Exchequer,  court  of,  jurisdiction  of  the,  95. 

Expense  incurred  by  N.York,  through  the  French  in- 
vasion of  the  Seneca  country,  167,  et  seq. 

Exports,  in  1678,  61;  in  1686, 102;  tables  of  Imports, 
&c,  481. 


Famine,  La,  (see  Hungry  Bay.) 

Fecundity,  remarkable  instance  of,  96. 

First  English  settlement  in  Western  New  York,  289; 
launch  of  the  English  vessel  on  Lake  Ontario,  305. 

Five  Nations,  the,  (see  Iroquois.) 

Flag,  the  English,  planted  in  the  Iroquois  country, 67; 
the  English,  captured  at  Oswego  deposited  in  the 
churches  in  Canada,  321. 

Flatbush,  militia  officers  of  the  town  of,  in  1700,  231 ; 
list  of  male  adults  in,  anno  1687,  429. 

Flatlands,  militia  officers  of  the  town  of,  231;  male 
adults  in,  in  1687,  431. 

Fletcher,  Gov.  Benjamin,  brings  the  subject  of 
Count  de  Frontenac's  expedition  before  the  Coun- 
cil of  N.  York,  207;  his  report  thereon  to  the 
Committee  of  Trade,  216;  fails  in  obtaining  assist- 
ance from  the  neighbouring  Colonies,  ib.;  report  of 
his  proceedings  regarding  the  Indians  at  Albany, 
217;  establishes  a  Board  at  Albany  for  the  manage- 
ment of  Indian  affairs,  218;  his  instructions  to  the 
same,  ib.;  his  letter  to  Mr.  Blathwayte  on  the 
French  invasion  of  the  Onondaga  Country,  220; 
a  journal  of  his  expedition  to  Albany  to  renew  the 
treaty  with  the  Five  Nations,  ib.;  extract  of  his 
speech  to  the  Assembly  of  N.  York,  226. 


Flushing,  officers  of  the  militia  in  the  town  of,  in  1700, 
231 ;  names  of  the  inhabitants  of,  in  1698,  432. 

Forces  levied  in  the  Province  of  New  York,  150. 

Foreigners,  the  Major  part  of  the  Province  of  New 
York  in  1686,  inhabited  by,  103. 

Forts,  description  of  the  first  on  the  Iroquois  river,  43  ; 
of  the  Mohawk  in  the  Province  of  New  York  in 
1678,  60  ;  in  1687,  96  ;  built  by  the  French,  158  ; 
between  Oswego  and  Albany,  in  1756,  338. 

Foundries  in  N.  Y.,  499. 

Freight,  price  of,  between  Montreal  and  Fort  Fronte- 

nac,  in  1686,  127. 
Fremin,  Rev.  Mr.,  65. 

French,  names  given  by  the,  to  the  several  Indian 
tribes,  17;  the,  invited  to  settle  at  Onondaga,  33;  re- 
tire from  Onondaga,  39  ;  the,  take  possession  of  the 
Mohawk  country,  53  ;  canoes  of  the,  plundered,  70, 
73  ;  number  of  the  forces  brought  by  the,  from  the 
West,  to  aid  M.  de  la  Barre,  79 ;  the,  claim  as  far 
as  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  99 ;  defeat  of  the,  on  the 
Oswego  river,  313;  capture  Oswego,  315;  Seig- 
niories on  Lake  Champlain,  345. 

Frontenac,  M.  de,  instructions  to,  183;  account  of  his 
expedition  against  the  Senecas,  205,  et  seq. 

Furs,  value  of  the,  exported  from  1717  to  1723,  481. 


G. 


Ganantaa,  Lake,  where  situate,  35. 

Gardiner,  Lion,  observations  of,  on  the  town  of  East 

Hampton,  457. 
Gamier,  Rev.  Chs.,  reference  to,  33. 
Garton,  Thomas,  collector  at  Esopus,  105. 
Genesee  Country,  papers  relating  to  the  119  ;  Indian 

name  of  the  river,  284. 
German  Flatts,  account  of  the  burning  of  the,  332  ; 

another  attack  on,  337. 
Gloucester,  population  of  the  county  of,  in  1771,  474. 


Government,  constitution  of  the  provincial,  in  1678, 
60. 

Grant  by  the  Five  Nations  of  their  hunting  ground 

to  the  King  of  England,  525. 
Greenhalgh,  Wentworth,  observations  of,  among  the 

Iroquois,  15. 

Gravesend,  militia  officers  of  the  town  of,  in  1700, 
231  ;  first  patent  for  the  town  of,  412 ;  males  of, 
in  1687,  432. 


II. 


Hats,  manufactory  of  in  New  York,  498. 
Heathcote,  Col.,  on  the  trade  and  manufactures  of  the 

Province  of  New  York,  436. 
Hempstead,  laws  passed  at,  60;  extent  of  plain  of, 

113;  amount  paid  Gov.  Dongan  for  the  patent  for, 

114;  names  of  the  militia  officers  of,  230;  of  the 

inhabitants  of,  427. 


Herkimer  fort,  descriptions  of,  333,  339. 
Hillsborough,  Lord,  to  Gov.  Moore,  directing  that  the 

French  should  not  be  disturbed  in  the  possession  of 

land  settled  by  them  on  Lake  Champlain,  354  ; 

approving  of  the  boundary  line  between  the  Pro- 

nince  of  New  York  and  Quebec,  ib. 


INDEX. 


531 


History  of  the  first  settlement  of  New  Utrecht,  413 ; 
of  East  Hampton,  457. 

Hocquart,  Seigniory  of,  349,  351,  376. 

Houses,  description  of  the,  in  the  Province  of  New 
York,  in  1686,  102. 

Hugenots,  arrival  of,  from  the  West  Indies,  139  ;  pro- 
posed disposition  of  the,  in  case  N.  York  were 
conquered  hy  the  French,  185. 


Hungry  Bay,  account  of  De  la  Barre's  expedition  to, 
73;  the  French  encamp  at,  75  ;  sickness  among 
the  troops  at,  76  ;  treaty  between  the  French  and 
Indians  at,  77  ;  Indian  name  of,  89,  159,  163. 

Hunter,  fort,  description  of,  340;  Gov.,  on  the  trade 
and  manufactures  of  New  York,  486. 

Huntington,  militia  officers  of  the  town  of,  in  1700, 
229. 


I. 


Illinois,  the,  attacked  by  Iroquois,  66  ;  M.  de  la  Barre 
abandons  the,  82  ;  distance  of  the,  fromNiagara,  126. 
Imports,  value  of,  in  1678,  61. 

Indians,  papers  relating  to  the  several  tribes  of,  9,  et 
seq;  numerical  strength  of  the,  16,  21,  24,  43,  66, 
123,  468  ;  totums  of  the,  17  ;  why  the  flesh  of  the 
French  was  considered  salty  by  the,  84 ;  their  lands 
annexed  to  New  York,  98 ;  traders  sent  by  Gov. 
Dongan  to  the  Far,  100;  the,  as  far  as  the  South 
Sea  claimed  by  the  English,  130,  133  ;  cruelties 
after  the  attack  on  the  Senecas,  exercised  by,  146  ; 
Indian  account  of  the  French  attack  on  the  Sene- 
ca, 151,  153;  notices  of  the,  with  pipes  through 
their  noses,  162,  164;  a  board  established  for  the 
management  of  the  affairs  of  the,  218  ;  proceed- 
ings at  the  conference  between  Gov.  Fletcher  and 
the,  222 ;  conveyance  of  lands  on  the  Susquehan- 
na by  the,  261  ;  complaints  of  the,  against  Penn- 
sylvania, 271,  et  se.q  ;  deed  establishing  a  line  of 
division  between  the  whites  and  the,  379. 

Ireland,  Gov.  Dongan  recommends  people  to  be  sent 
over  from,  to  colonize  New- York,  157. 

Irish  Brigade,  some  of  the,  serve  at  the  siege  of  Os- 
wego, 317,  324. 


Iron  rolling  Mills,  495,  496. 

Irondequot  bay,  85,  90,  146;  an  English  colony  sent 
to  settle  at,  289. 

Iroquois,  papers  relating  to  the,  9;  names  of  the  sev- 
eral tribes  of,  11;  customs  of  the,  12;  explanations 
of  illustrations  relating  to  the,  13,  et  seq.;  Went- 
worth  Greenhalgh's  observations  among  the,  15; 
first  forts  on  the  river  of  the,  43;  location,  climate 
and  products  of  the  country  of  the,  44;  the  river 
of  the,  45;  the  Illinois  attacked  by  the,  66;  gene- 
ral council  convoked  at  Onondaga  by  the,  84;  the 
best  season  to  wage  war  against,  ib.;  reason  of  the 
missionaries  returning  from  among  the,  86;  plan  of 
the,  if  attacked,  90;  Gov.  Dongan's  character  of 
the,  99;  number  of  the  castles  of  the,  100;  means 
adopted  by  the,  to  increase  their  numbers,  123;  nu- 
merical force  of  the,  123,  142;  Fort  St.  Louis,  111. 
attacked  by  the,  141;  plan  of  the  French  attack 
on  the,  142;  a  number  of  the,  sent  to  the  French 
galleys,  146;  the,  taken  under  the  protection  of 
Gov.  Andros,  179;  report  of  the  council  for  the  se- 
curing the  friend:  aip  of  the,  217;  conference  with 
the,  at  Albany,  220. 


Jamaica,  names  of  the  militia  officers  of  the  town  of, 
in  1700,  230. 

Jerseys,  the,  evils  arising  from  their  being  separated 
from  New-York,  97;  their  annexatian  to  the  latter 
Government  earnestly  recommended  by  Gov.  Don- 
gan, 98,  157,  159. 

Jesuit  missions  to  Onondaga,  29. 

Jews,  62,  116. 

Johnson,  Sir  Win,,  report  of,  on  the  numerical  force 
of  the  Indians  in  1736,  24;  remarks  of,  on  the  pro- 
ceedings of  Pennsylvania  regarding  the  Susque- 
hanna river,  270;  sends  a  party  of  savages  against 
the  French  settlement  of  Oswegatchie,  279;  gives 


the  name  of  "  George"  to  Lake  St.  Sacrament,  280; 
news  from  Oswego,  communicated  by,  308;  Indian 
name  of,  336;  description  of  the  mansion  of,  342. 
Joncaire,  M.  de,  adopted  into  the  tribe  of  the  Plover, 
21. 

Journal  of  Gov.  Fletcher's  expedition  to  Albany  in 
1691,  220;  of  the  siege  and  capture  of  Oswego, 
315. 

Juries  take  cognizance  of  all  cases  in  1668,  59. 
Justices  of  the  Peace  allowed  to  marry,  61;  names 

of  the,  in  the  Province  of  New- York  in  1693,  200; 

powers  of  the,  202. 


K. 

Kaniatarontaquat,  (see  Irondequot.) 

King's  county,  names  of  the  sheriff  and  justices  of, 
in  1693,  201;  strength  of  the  militia  of,  202;  names 
of  the  militia  officers  of,  in  1700,  231;  list  of  the  1 
inhabitants  of,  in  1687,  429;  population  of,  in  169S, ! 


467;  in  1703  '12,  469;  in  1723,  471;  in  1731,  ib.; 
in  1737,  472;  in  1746,  ib.;  in  1749,  473;  in  1756, 
ib.;  in  1771,  474. 

ing's  farm,  allowed  to  Gov.  Dongan  during  his  ad- 
ministration, 115. 


L 

Lamberville,  Rev.  J.  de,  74,  76;  confers  with  De  la 
Barre,  77;  letters  of,  from  Onondaga,  83,  et  seq; 
advises  De  la  Barra  against  hostilities,  84;  reasons 


of,  for  such  views,  85;  suggests  mildness  towards 
the  Senecas,  ib.;  urges  the  Onondagas  to  give  sat- 
isfaction to  De  la  Barre,  ib.;  recommends  Sieur 


532  INDEX. 


le  Moine  to  be  employed  as  negotiator  with  the  I 
Indians,  ih.;  reports  proceedings  of  a  council  at 
Onondaga,  86;  further  reports  from,  87;  distributes 
presents  among  the  Indians,  ib.;  counteracts  Gov- 
ernor Dongan's  schemes,  8S;  endeavors  to  gain 
over  the  Senecas,  89,  90;  letter  of,  to  Gov.  Don- 
gan,  122;  Indian  name  of,  123;  at  Onondaga,  125; 
bearer  of  a  letter  from  Gov.  Dongan  to  M.  de  De- 
nonville,  130;  exerts  himself  to  preserve  peace 
between  the  Indians  and  the  French,  133;  per- 
suades the  Indians  by  underground  presents,  134; 
length  of  time  he  has  been  a  missionary  at  Onon- 
daga, ib.;  sends  M.  de  Denonville  copy  of  Gov. 
Dongan's  speech  to  the  Indians,  139,  141. 

Lands,  tenure  and  price  of,  in  1668,  59;  Cadwallader 
Gulden's  report  on  the  public,  247. 

Latitude  of  New- York  and  Albany,  60,  504. 

Laws  in  force  in  16S7,  96. 

Leather  manufactories  in  New-York,  499. 

Legislative  power  in  New-York,  in  whom  vested  in 
1668,  59;  in  1678,  60. 

Leisler,  Jacob,  letters  of,  on  the  burning  of  Schenec- 
tady, 192,  el  seq. 

Le  Moyne,  Father  Simon,  voyage  of,  to  Onondaga, 
29;  speeches  of,  to  the  Indians,  30,  31  ;  recovurs 
Father  Brebouf's  bible,  33;  discovers  the  salt 
springs,  34  ;  returns  to  Quebec,  35,  36,  38  ;  notice 
of  the  death  of,  46  ;  Sieur,  sent  to  Onondaga,  75  ; 
result  of  his  negotiations,  76,  et  seq. 

Lespinart,  Antoine,  communicates  Gov.  Dongan's 


movements  toM.  de  Denonville,  137  ;  gives  intelli- 
gence from  Canada  to  Gov.  Dongan,  155. 

Lighthouse,  when  erected,  480 ;  how  supported,  ib. 

Littlehales,  Major  John,  appointed  to  the  1st  Ameri- 
can Regiment,  319  ;  capitulates  at  Oswego,  ib.;  re- 
flections on  the  conduct  of,  322. 

Livingston,  Robt.,  collector  and  town  clerk  of  Albanv, 
105;  letters  of,  on  the  burning  of  Schenectady, 
193,  195. 

Long  Island,  excise  of,  farmed,  105,  112;  character 
of  the  people  on  the  east  end  of,  105 ;  in  1691,  268 ; 
papers  relating  to,  409. 
Longueuil,  M.  de,  obliged  by  the  English  at  Oswego, 
to  exhibit  his  pastport,  290  ;  endeavors  to  turn  the 
Indians  against  the  English,  ib.;  directs  his  son  to 
plunder  any  English  canoes  he  may  meet  with  on 
Lake  Ontario,  291. 
Lotbiniere,  M.  de,  his  representations  regarding  his 
Seigniories  on  Lake  Champlain,  360  ;  report  of  the 
Board  of  Trade  on,  373. 
Louis  XIV.,  instructions  of,  to  M.  de  la  Barre,  regard- 
ing the  Indians,  65,  72;  to  his  Minister  at  London, 
to  prevail  on  the  Duke  of  York  to  order  his  Gov.  at 
N.  Y.  not  to  supply  the  Indians  with  arms,  ib.;  di- 
rects the  Iroquois  prisoners  to  be  sent  to  the  galleys, 
73;  all  things  said  to  be  possible  to,  132;  approves 
of  the  proposed  attack  on  the  Senecas,  143;  repeats 
his  orders  for  the  transmission  of  the  Iroquois  to  the 
French  galleys,  ib.;  instructions  to  Count  Fronte- 
nac  relative  to  the  conquest  of  New- York,  183. 


Mamaroneck,  names  of  the  militia  officers  of,  in  1700, 
233. 

Manaudiere,  La,  deed  of  sale  of  the  Seigniory  of, 
363;  location  of,  364,  365. 

Manufactures  of  N.  York,  papers  on  the  trade  and,  483. 

Map,  an  Italian,  of  New  Netherland,  (faces  Title;)  of 
the  Province  and  harbor  of  New- York,  sent  to  Eng- 
land, 101,  102;  early,  of  the  Susquehanah  river 
mentioned,  260 ;  of  the  south  side  of  the  Mohawk 
river,  274;  showing  situations  of  Forts  Bull  and 
Williams,  329  ;  of  French  grants  on  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  359  ;  of  English  grants  on  Lake  Champlain, 
368;  of  the  Province  of  New- York,  in  1779,  526. 

Maryland,  Iroquois  name  for,  264. 

Mayor  of  New-York,  bv  whom  appointed  in  1687, 
95  ;  powers  of  the  courts  of,  in  1693,  200,  202. 

McGregory,  Major,  sent  by  Gov.  Dongan  to  the  Far 
Indians,  100;  taken  prisoner  by  the  French,  158; 
detained  at  Montreal,  161  ;  the  Council  propose 
measures  for  the  release  of,  162;  liberated  by  or- 
ders from  France,  166. 

Mercer,  Col.,  appointed  to  the  2d  American  Regi- 
ment, 319  ;  killed  at  Oswego,  ib. 

Meulles,  M.  de,  report  against  M.  de  la  Barre,  79. 

Wiamis,  numerical  strength  of  the,  25;  attack  the 
Iroquois,  134. 

Mii  hiliinakinak,  the  English  visit,  133  ;  Gov.  Don- 
gan despotches  an  expedition  to,  138;  Indians  ar- 


rive at  Albany  from,  488. 

Militia,  number  of  the  Provincial,  in  1678,60;  in 
1687,96;  in  1693,  203;  in  1700,  227;  in  1716 
and  1720,  469. 

Milet,  Rev.  Father,  missionary  among  the  Oneidas. 
74;  retires  from  that  mission,  85;  at  Catarakoui, 
125  ;  at  Fort  Niagara,  168. 

Ministers,  the  several  sorts  of,  in  the  city  of  New- 
York,  in  1687,  116;  the  King's  natural  born  sub- 
jects disinclined  to  pay  their,  117;  of  the  Dutch 
Church,  list  of  the,  406. 

Missionaries,  reason  why  the  French  withdrew  from 
the  Iroquois,  S6. 

Mississippi,  discovery  of  the,  101. 

Mohaws,  names  and  deM'ription  of  the  towns  belong- 
ing to  the,  15  ;  numerical  strength  of  the,  15,  21,24, 
43,468;  French  expeditions  against  the,  41,  et  seq.; 
some  French  officers  murdered  by  the,  47  ;  verifi- 
cation'of  the  French  conquest  of  the  country  of  the, 
53  ;  the  English  flag  planted  in  the  villages  of  the, 
67  ;  map  of  the  land  on  the  south  side  of  the  river, 
274  ;  topographical  description  of  the  valley  of  the, 
338; 

Moore,  Gov.,  on  the  French  grants  on  Lake  Chain- 
plain,  353,  356;  instructions  to,  not  to  make  any 
grants  of  Land  within  the  French  Seigniories, 
north  of  Crown  Point,  356;  report  of,  on  the  manu- 
factures in  N.  Y.,  493. 


INDEX. 


533 


Names  of  the  Iroquois  tribes,  11;  and  towns,  15,  el 
seq.;  of  the  members  of  Gov.  Dongan's  Council, 
118;  of  the  inhabitants  of  Ulster  county  in  1689, 
173;  of  those  killed  and  taken  prisoners  at  Schen- 
ectady in  1691,  190;  of  the  Indian  Board,  218;  of 
inhabitants  of  Orange  county  in  1702,  239;  of 
Dutchess  in  1714,  240;  of  Albany  in  1720,  241; 
of  all  the  civil  and  militia  officers  of  the  Province 
of  New-York  in  1693,  230 ;  of  the  killed  and  miss- 
ing in  an  action  near  Oswego,  309;  of  the  me- 
chanics and  sailors  taken  prisoners  at  Oswego,  326; 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  of  New- York  in  1703, 
395;  of  the  ministers  of  the  Dutch  churches,  406; 
of  the  first  patentees  of  New  Utrecht,  413;  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  present  county  of  Kings  in  1687, 
429. 

Negroes  imported  into  New- York,  from  1701  to  1726, 
482. 

New  Amsterdam,  first  application  for  a  municipal 
form  of  Government  for,  386;  instructions  for  the 
Sheriff  of,  388. 

New  England  saved  by  the  Government  of  New- 
York,  99. 

New  Orange,  charters  of  the  city  of,  3Pt  392. 

New  Eochelle,  names  of  the  militia  officers  of  the 
town  of,  in  1700,  233. 

Newtown,  militia  officers  of,  in  1700,  230. 

New  Utrecht,  officers  of  the  militia  in  the  town  of, 
231 ;  history  of  the  first  settlement  of,  413;  inhabi- 
tants of,  in  1687,  430. 

New-York,  Courts  of  the  city  of,  59, 60, 95;  Governor's 
Reports  on  the  prov.  of,  57,  93;  boundaries,  lati- 
tude and  places  of  trade  of  the  Province  of,  60 ; 
population  of,  61;  description  of  buildings  in  the 
city  of,  in  1678,  ib.;  description  of  the  fort  at,  in 
1686,  96;  Dongan's  char,  of  the  people  of,  ib.; 
Maps  of  the  harbor  and  prov.  of,  sent  to  England, 
101, 102;  M.  de  Denonville  recommends  the  French 
government  to  purchase,  126;  taxes  levied  in  1688, 
for  the  support  of  the  government  of,  167;  M.  de 
Callieres'  project  for  the  conquest  of  the  province 


of,  179;  number  of  the  houses  and  adults  in,  in 
1689,  181;  proposed  disposition  of  the  people  of, 
and  their  property  when  conquered  by  the  French, 
183,  el  seq.;  officers  of  the  corporation  of,  1693, 
200;  militia  of  the  prov.  of,  in  1693,  203;  names 
of  the  militia  officers  of  the  prov.  of,  229;  address 
of  the  Gov.  and  Council  on  the  state  of  the  prov 
of,  in  1691,  267;  city  of,  in  1691,  ib.;  first  settle- 
ment of  the  English  in  Western,  2S9;  papers  re- 
lating to  the  city  of,  383;  Nichol's  charter  for  the 
city  of,  389;  Bencks  and  Evertsen's  charter,  3(j0; 
Colve's  charter,  392;  census  of  the  city  of,  in  1703, 
395;  Dutch  Ministers  of,  1758,  406;  tables  of 
population  of  the  prov.  of,  465 ;  population  of,  in 
1647,  1673  and  1712,467;  in  1723,471;  in  1731, 
ib.;  and  1737,  472;  in  1746,  ib.;  and  1749,  473; 
in  1756,  ib.;  in  4771  and  1744,  474;  revenue,  &c, 
of  the  prov.  of,  475 ;  trade  and  manufactures  of, 
483 ;  Gov  Tryon's  report  on  the  state  of  the  pro- 
vince of,  501  ;  civil  establishment  of  the  prov.  of, 
paid  by  the  Crown,  521  ;  do.,  paid  by  the  province, 
522. 

Niagara,  Gov.  Dongan  recommends  the  construction 
of  a  fort  at,  99 ;  the  Duke  of  York's  arms  put  up 
as  far  as,  100 ;  distance  from  Illinois  and  Lake 
Superior  to,  123 ;  M.  de  Denonville  recommends 
the  erection  of  a  fort  at,  127  ;  advantages  of  a  post 
at,  ib.;  situation  and  soil  of,  ib.;  Gov.  Dongan  re- 
monstrates against  the  erection  by  the  French  of  a 
fort  at,  128 ;  the  French  propose  establishing  a  post 
at,  143;  erectiu.i  of  a  French  fort  at,  147;  M.  de 
Denonville  takes  possession  of,  149 ;  date  of  the 
erection  of  La  Salle's  fort  at,  ib.;  French  garrison 
at,  150;  French  fort  at,  154,  158;  abandoned,  168; 
condition  in  16S8,  of  fort,  169;  names  ot  the  offi- 
cers then  at  fort,  ib.;  height  of  the  falls  of,  283; 
the  French  erect  another  fort  at,  290. 

Nicolls,  Gov.  to  M.  de  Tracy,  53 ;  served  in  the 
French  army,  ib.;  his  report  on  the  state  of  the 
prov.,  59;  his  charter  to  N.  York,  389. 


O. 

Observations  of  Wentworth  Greenhalgh  among  the 
Five  Nations,  15. 

Officers,  civil,  in  1693,  197;  of  the  militia  in  1700,  < 
names  of  the,  229. 

Ogdensburgh,  papers  relating  to  an  early  French 
settlement  at,  275.    (See,  Presentation.) 

Oneagorah,  Oneigra,  Onyegra.    (See  Niagara.) 

Oneida,  strength  of  the,  in  1677,  15;  in  the  year 
1736,  21;  in  1763,  24;  speech  of  a  chief  of  "the, 
33;  number  of  the,  in  1664,  44;  sue  for  peace  from 
the  French,  4V;  treaty  between  the  French  and 
the,  51;  acknowledge  themselves  subjects  of  France, 
52;  Father  Milet,  missionary  among  the,  74;  num- 
ber of  the,  capable  of  bearing  arms  in  16S5,  123; 
M.  de  Vaudrueil  leads  an  expedition  against  the, 
213;  and  lays  waste  the  settlements  of  the,  216; 
papers  relating  to  the  country  of  the,  205;  yindi- 1 


cation  of  the  conduct  of  the,  previous  to  the  burn- 
ing of  the  German  Flatts,  336. 
nondagas,  numerical  strength  of  the,  at  different 
periods,  15,  21,  24,  44,  468;  papers  relating  to  the 
first  French  settlement  among  the,  27;  Father  Le 
Moine's  mission  to  the,  29;  first  adult  baptism 
among  the,  31;  the  French  invited  to  settle  among 
the,  33;  discovery  of  the  salt  springs  of  the,  34; 
Jesuit  missionaries  proceed  to  the,  35;  conspiracy 
of  the,  against  the  French,  ib.;  surprise  of  the,  on 
learning  of  the  withdrawal  of  the,  40;  the  council 
of  the,  assert  their  freedom,  76;  negotiations  be- 
tween Father  de  Lamberville  and  the,  86,  88;  the, 
pursuade  the  Senecasto  accept  their  mediation,  87; 
decline  Gov.  Dongan's  belts,  SS;  papers  relating  to 
Count  de  Frontenac's  expedition  against  the,  205; 
send   intelligence  to  Albany  of  the  march  of  the 


INDEX. 


French  against  them,  207;  details  of  Frontenac's 
expedition  against  the,  208. 

Ontario  Lake,  44;  extent  of,  45;  distance  from  Alba- 
ny to,  123;  early  naval  operations  on,  310,  311. 

Orange,  number  of  the  inhabitants  in  1693,  of  the 
county  of,  201;  in  1702,  239;  population  of,  in 
1693/467;  in  1703  and  '12,  469;  in  1723,  471; 
in  1731,  ib.j  in  1737,  472;  in  1746,  ib.;  in  1749, 
473;  in  1756,  ib.;  in  1771,  474. 

Oswegatchie  River,  the  Abbe  Picquet  forms  an  estab- 
lishment on  the,  278;  different  names  for  the,  286. 

Oswego,  description  by  Abbe  Picquet  of  the  fort  at, 
234:  condition  of,  in  1725,  290;  the  French  en- 
deavor to  persuade  the  Indians  not  to  permit  the 
English  to  settle  at,  ib.;  a  stone  wall  built  around 
foit,  291;  distance  from  Schenectady  to,  ib.;  M.  de 
Beaubarnois  protests  against  the  English  erecting 
a  fort  at,  292;  summoned  by  a  French  officer,  294; 
formalities  observed  on  that  occasion,  ib.;  visited 
by  M.  de  Chauvignerie,  304;  garrison  at,  in  727, 
291;  in  1742,  301;  the  Indian  traders,  in  a  panic, 


abandon,  304;  the  council  approve  of  strengthen- 
ing, 305;  M.  de  Vaudreuil  determines  to  reduce, 
306;  description  of  the  fort  at,  ib.;  M.  de  Louvig- 
ny  makes  a  reconnoissance  of,  308;  the  French 
Indians  snrround,  309;  and  attack  some  ship  car- 
penters near,  ib.;  Lieut.  Blair  killed  in  the  vicinity 
of,  ib.;  names  of  the  killed  and  missing  at  the  fight 
near,  ib.;  early  naval  operations  before,  310;  Col. 
Bradstreet  defeats  a  French  force  above,  312;  de- 
scription of  in  1756,  315;  journal  of  the  seige  of, 
ib.,  et  seq.;  articles  of  capitulation  of,  319 ;  return 
of  stores  captured  at,  320;  further  particulars  of 
the  capture  of,  321,  et  seq.;  names  of  the  mechanics 
and  sailors  taken  prisoners  at,  326;  description  of 
the  country  between  Albany  and,  338;  distance 
from  Albany  to,  341. 

Ottawas,  confederacy  of  the,  number  of  the,  25;  first 
visit  of  the  English  to  the,  100. 

Oyer  &  Terminer,  court  of,  erected,  95. 

Oysterbay,  officers  of  militia,  in  1700,  belonging  to, 
231. 


P. 

Palatines,  settlement  of  the,  on  the  Mohawk  river,  I 
burnt,  332;  number  of  the,  in  1718,  468. 

Palmer,  Judge,  called  to  the  Council,  118;  sent  by  I 
Gov.  Dongan  as  agent  to  England,  156;  his  in- 
structions, 157. 

Papers  relating  to  the  Iroquois,  9;  to  the  settlement 
at  Onondaga,  27;  to  French  expeditions  against 
the  Mohawks,  41;  to  the  state  of  the  province,  57, 
93,  267;  to  De  la  Barre's  expedition  to  the  Black 
River  country,  63;  to  Denonville's  invasion  of  the 
Genesee  country,  119;  to  the  invasion  of  New- 
York,  and  the  burning  of  Schenectady,  177;  to 
Frontenac's  expedition  against  the  Onondagas,  205; 
to  the  population  of  Ulster,  Orange,  Dutchess  and 
Albany  and  New- York  counties,  237;  to  the  Sus- 
quehannah  river,  257;  to  early  settlement  at  Og- 
densburgh,  275;  to  Oswego,  287;  to  the  Oneida 
and  Mohawk  country,  327;  to  French  Seigniories 
on  Lake  Champlain,  345;  to  the  city  of  New-York, 
383;  to  Long  Island,  409;  to  the  population  of  the 
province,  465;  to  revenue,  &c,  475;  to  trade  and 
manufactures,  483. 

Pawling,  Mr.  Sheriff,  at  Esopus,  105. 

Peinaquid,  60  ;  recommended  to  be  annexed  to  Bos- 
ton, 97. 

Perm,  William,  endeavors  to  acquire  the  lands  on 
the  Susquenannah  river,  261,  et  seq. 

Pennsylvania,  evils  arising  from  its  being  independ- 
ent of  New- York,  99;  the  proposed  boundary  be- 
tween New-York  and,  ib.;  evils  arising  from  the 
purchase  of  land  on  the  Susquehannah  by,  270, 
el  seq. 

Picquet  Abb:>,  proceeds  from  Quebec  to  establish  a 
mission  among  the  Iroquois,  277 ;  selects  a  site  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Oswegatchie  river,  ib.  ;  proposes  a  | 


mode  to  render  the  upper  part  of  the  St.  Lawrence 
navigable,  278  ;  expense  incurred  for  improve- 
ments by,  ib. ;  biographical  sketch  of  the,  280  ; 
leads  an  expedition  against  Saratoga,  ib. ;  burns 
fort  Edward,  ib. ;  builds  a  fort,  &c,  at  Oswegatch- 
ie, 282 ;  establishes  a  form  of  government  among 
the  Indians,  283 ;  visits  the  bay  of  Quinte,  Toron- 
to, ib.  ;  measures  the  height  of  the  falls  of  Niaga- 
ra, ib. ;  explores  the  Genesee  river,  284  ;  describes 
fort  Oswego,  ib.  ;  distinguishes  himself  in  the  war 
of  1755,  285  ;  withdraws  from  Canada  and  returns 
to  France,  286  ;  his  death,  ib.  ;  plants  ft  cross  at 
Oswego  on  the  reduction  of  that  place  by  the 
French,  319. 

Plan  of  La  Presentation,  281  ;  of  Oswego,  292,  312, 
315. 

Poor,  provision  for  the  maintenance  of  the,  62,  117. 
Population  of  the  Province  of  N.  York,  in  1678,  61  ; 
in  1687,  96  ;  statistics  of,  from  1647  to  1774,  467, 
et  seq. 

Powder,  price  of,  in  1696,  215. 

Prerogative  court,  in  1693,  officers  and  functions  of 

the,  202. 
Presbyterians,  62,  116. 

Presentation  la,  the  Abbe  Picquet  establishes  the 
mission  of,  on  the  Oswegatchie  river,  277,  282  ; 
distance  of,  from  Montreal,  Kingston  and  Oswego, 
278  ;  post  of,  fortified,  278,  28 i  ;  attacked  and 
burnt,  ib.  ;  latitude  and  longitude  of,  281  ;  advan- 
tages of  a  post  at,  2S2  ;  number  of  Indians  at,  ib. ; 
the  Bishop  of  Quebec  visits,  233;  names  of  maps 
in  which  mention  is  made  of,  286. 
Pretty,  Mr.,  sheriff  of  Albany,  112. 
Printer,  allowance  in  1693,  to  the  public,  200. 


INDEX. 


535 


Q. 


Quakers,  62,  116. 

Quarter  Sessions,  in  1693,  powers  of  the,  202. 

Queens  county,  names  of  the  sheriff,  clerk  and  justi- 
ces of,  in  1693,  £01  ;  strength  of  the  militia  of, 
202  ;  names  of  the  militia  officers  of  in  1700,  230  ; 


population  of,  in  1698,  467;  in  1703,  469  ;  in  1723, 
471  ;  in  1731,  ib.  ;  in  1737,  472  ;  in  1746,  ih.  j  in 
1749,  473  ;  in  1756,  ib ;  in  1771,  474. 
Quitrents,  mode  adopted  by  Gov.  Dongan  to  collect, 
104  ;  amount  of,  in  1767,  4S0  ;  how  expended,  ib. 


RafTelx,  Rev.  Father,  accompanies  the  French  expe- 
dition against  the  Mohawks,  46,  49. 

Ragueneau,  Father  Paul,  35;  describes  the  expulsion 
of  the  French  from  Onondaga,  37. 

Ranslaer's  Colohie,  Albany  declared  to  be  within, 
118. 

Relation  of  the  Governor  of  Canada's  march  into  the 
territories  of  the  Duke  of  York,  50. 

Revenue  officers  in  1686,  104  ;  papers  relating  to  the 
provincial,  475,  et  seq. 

Rhode  Island,  annexation  of,  to  New  York  recom- 
mended, 97. 

Richelieu,  fort,  by  whom  built,  43  ;  river,  44  ;  why  so 
called,  45. 


Richmond  county,  names  of  the  officers  of,  in  1693, 
200;  strength  of  the  militia  of,  203;  militia  offi- 
cers of,  in  1700,  232  ;  population  of,  in  1698,  467; 
in  1703  and  1721,  469;  in  1723,  471  ;  in  1731, 
ib. ;  in  1737,  472  ;  in  1746,  ib.  ;  in  1749,  473;  in 
1756,  ib. ;  in  1771,  474. 

Ridings,  number  of,  in  1678,  61. 

Rigolle,  situation  of,  La,  211. 

Religions,  variety  of,  in  New  York,  in  1678,  61,  62  ; 

in  1687,  116. 
Rome,  early  forts  at,  329. 

Rum  considered  by  Christians  better  fur  Indians  than 
brandy,  140. 


Saguinam,  location  of  the  country  called,  132.  i 
Salle,  M.  de  la,  sent  back  to  France  by  M.  de  la  Bar- 
re,  67 ;  the  Cayugas  and  Senecas  demand  that  he 
withdraw  from  the  Illinois  country,  70  ;  Louis  XIV. 
directs  that  he  be  left  in  possession  of  Fort  Fron- 
tenac,  73  ;  discovery  of  a  great  river  by,  101 ;  al- 
lusion to  his  having  built  a  fort  on  the  Illinois  river, 
141;  and  above  the  Falls  of  Niagara,  150;  his 
fort  burnt  by  the  Senecas,  ib. 
Salt  Petre,  none  found  in  the  Province  of  New  York,  i 

Salt  Springs,  papers  relating  to  the  discovery  of  the, 
27  ;  encampment  of  M.  de  Frontenac's  army  at  the, 
211. 

Santen,  Lucas,  collector  of  customs  at  N.  York,  104 ;  i 

charges  against,  106  ;  suspended  from  office  and  j 

imprisoned,  107  ;  Gov.  Dongan's  character  of,  108; 

a  defaulter,  ib. ;  sent  back  to  England,  118. 
Saratoga,  some  of  the  Five  Nations  established  at,  i 

99  ;  settlement  at  destroyed,  280. 
Schenectady,  M.  de  Courcelles  arrives  with  his  army 

at,  50  ;  accounts  of  the  burning  of,  186,  et  seq.;  de-  : 

scription  of,  in  1756,  341. 
Schuyler,  Peter,  155,  218;  Abram,  289. 
Scious,  French  canoes  plundered  on  their  way  to  trade  | 

with  the,  70. 

Seabrook,  Sir  E.  Andros  resisted  by  the  garrison  of,  j 
117. 

Seigniories,  French,  on  Lake  Champlain,  instruc- 
tions  to  the  government  of  New-York  not  to  make 
any  grants  within  the,  348,  354,  356 ;  order  of  the  j 
king  in  council  relative  to  the,  355;  council  of! 
New- York  call  on  the  owners  of  the,  to  produce  ! 
their  titles,  357  ;  Lt.  Gov.  Cramahe  communicates  ! 
list  of  the,  35S;  list  of  papers  relating  to  the,  359;  j 
French  ordinance  reuniting  several  of  the,  to  the  i 


public  domain,  360;  report  of  the  New- York  coun- 
cil on  the,  365  ;  report  of  the  Board  of  Trade  on 
M.  de  Lotbiniere's,  373,  375. 

enecas,  numerical  strength  of  the,  16,21,  44,  66, 
sue  for  peace  from  the  French,  47  ;  unite  with  the 
Cayugas  in  plundering  French  canoas,  ib.,  70,  74  ; 
account  of  M.  de  la  Barre's  operations  against  the, 
81 ;  hide  their  grain  and  prepare  for  war,  85  ;  the 
Duke  of  York's  arms  erected  in  the  country  of  the, 
and  torn  down,  87  ;  description  of  the  forts  of  the, 
90;  surrender  their  country  to  the  English,  100; 
an  account  of  M.  de  Denonville's  attack  on  the, 
146;  number  of  the  killed  and  wounded,  147; 
quantity  of  grain  possessed  by  the,  ib.;  verification 
of  the  French  possession  of  the  country  of  the,  149 ; 
M.  de  la  Salle's  fort  burnt  by  the,  150  ;  account  of 
the  French  attack  on  the,  151,  et  seq. 
Sessions,  County,  in  166S,  59  ;  in  1678,  60  ;  in  1687, 
95. 

Shaw,  Wm.,  Surveyor  of  Customs  in  Albany,  112  ; 

Sheriff,  by  whom  appointed,  95  ;  in  16^3,  of  New- 
York,  Albany,  Westchester,  200;  of  Richmond, 
Ulster,  Suffolk,  Queens,  King,  201  :  names  of  each 
in  1731,  471. 

Ships,  number  of,  trading  to  the  Province  in  1678, 
61;  in  1686,  102. 

Slaves,  in  1678,  prices  of,  61;  number  of,  imported 
into  New-York,  from  1701  to  1726,  482. 

Snow  shoes,  the  French  march  from  the  St.  Law- 
rence to  the  Mohawk  on,  46,  50. 

Southampton,  names  of  the  officers  of  militia  of,  in 
1700,  229;  of  the  inhabitants  of,  in  1698,  437. 

Southold,  names  of  the  militia  officers  of,  in  1700, 
229  ;  of  the  inhabitants  of,  447. 

Stanwix,  Fort,  boundary  between  the  whites  and  In- 
dians agreed  on  at,  379. 


536 


INDEX. 


St.  Francis'  Lake,  44. 

St.  Lawrence  river,  44  ;  difficulties  of  the  navigation 
of  the,  ib.;  Abbe  Picquet  proposes  to  improve  the 
rapids  of  the,  278;  Gov.  Tryon  claims  for  N.  Y. 
all  the  lands  south  of  the,  368. 

St.  Louis,  Fort,  on  the  river  Richelieu,  by  whom  built, 
43;  in  Illinois  attacked  bv  the  Iroquois,  70,  72, 
73. 

St.  Marie  of  the  Iroquois,  where,  39. 

St.  Therese,  Fort,  when  built,  43. 

Suffolk  county,  names  of  the  civil  officers  of,  in  1693, 
201 ;  strength  of  the  militia  of,  202  ;  names  of  the 
militia  officers  of,  229  ;  population  of,  in  1698,  467  ; 
in  1703,  469;  in  1723,  471  ;  in  1731,  ib.;  in  1737, 
472;  in  1746,  ib.;  in  1749,  473;  in  1756,  ib.;  in 
1771,  474. 

Superior,  Lake,  distance  from  Niagara  to,  126 ;  sam- 
ple of  the  coper  at,  148. 

Tariff  of  1687,  103. 
Toronto,  French  commander  at,  136. 
Tobacco,  the  condemned,  manufactured  for  the  Indian 
trade,  98. 

Tonty,  Chev.  de,  commander  at  Fort  St.  Louis,  125; 

despatched  to  the  Illinois  country,  136 ;  proceeds 

in  search  of  M.  de  la  Salle,  ib.;  his  success  among 

the  Illinois,  147. 
Tortoise  tribe,  Indian  name  of  the,  11. 
Totums,  enumeration  of  the  several  Indian,  17. 
Towns,  number  of  the,  in  the  Province  in  1678,  61; 

in  1686,  102. 

Tracy,  Marq.  de,  expedition  of  the,  against  the  Mo- 
hawks, 41  ;  destroys  their  forts,  49;  suffers  from 
the  gout  on  the  march,  54 ;  correspondence  between 
Gov.  Nicolls  and,  55  ;  his  testimony  in  favor  of  the 


Supreme  court,  justices  of  the,  in  1693,  199;  powers 
of  the,  202. 

Susquehanna  river,  efforts  made  to  engage  New- York 
•  traders  to  move  to  the,  09;  fall  of  the,  recommend- 
ed as  line  of  division  between  New- York  and  Penn- 
sylvania, ib.;  papers  relating  to  the,  257  ;  distance 
of  the,  from  the  different  tribes  of  the  Five  Nations, 
259;  map  of  the,  sent  to  New- York,  260  ;  Win. 
Penn  wants  to  purchase  the,  261 ;  belongs  alone  to 
the  Cayugas  and  Onondagas,  ib.;  price  paid  for  the 
lands  on  the,  by  the  English,  261  ;  the  Onondagas 
and  Cayugas  confirm  their  conveyance  of  their  lands 
on  the,  to  New-York,  263,  '4  *  '5 ;  address  of  the 
Governor  and  council  of  New- York  in  1691,  on  the 
subject  of  the,  267;  letter  of  Sir  W.  Johnson  on 
the  evils  resulting  from  the  purchase  of  lands  on 
the,  270;  evils  produced  by  the  Pennsylvania  pur- 
chases on  the,  271. 


T. 


Dutch  of  New- York,  ib.;  served  in  Germany,  56; 
vessel  belonging  to,  seized  by  the  English,  ib.; 
Gov.  Dongan  alludes  to  the  expedition  of,  100. 
Trade,  obstructions  to,  in  1686,  103  ;  papers  relating 
to,  482. 

Tribes,  Indian  names  of  the  several  Iroquois,  11,  et 
seq.;  illustration  of  the,  13,  14. 

Tryon,  Gov.,  to  Lord  Hillsborough,  claims  for  New- 
York  all  the  lands  north  of  the  river  St.  Lawrence, 
368;  Lord  Dartmouth  to,  -reproving  such  a  preten- 
sion, ib.;  letter  of,  to  Lord  Dartmouth,  in  support 
of  his  views,  369  ;  Lord  Dartmouth  in  reply  to, 
371  ;  to  Lt.  Gov.  Cramahe,  subscribing  to  certain 
conditions  proposed  by  the  Council  at  Quebec,  373; 
report  of,  on  the  state  of  the  Province,  503. 


u. 


Ulster  county,  list  of  the  inhabitants  of,  in  1689,  171; 
names  of  the  civil  officers  of,  in  1693,  201  ;  Dutch- 
ess annexed  to,  ib.;  strength  of  the  militia  of,  203 ; 
names  of  the  officers  of  militia  of,  in  1700,  233; 


population  of,  in  1700,  1703,  1712  and  1714,  469; 
in  1723,  471  ;  in  1731,  ib.;  in  1737,472;  in  1746, 
ib.;  in  1749,  473;  in  1756,  ib.;  in  1771,  474. 


V. 


Vaillant,  Rev.  Father,  155. 

Van  Cortlant,  Mr.,  on  the  burning  of  Schenectady, 
194. 

Vaudreuil,  M.  de,  expedition  of,  against  the  Oneidas, 
213;  informs  the  minister  of  the  English  move- 
ments at  Oswego,  305  ;  describes  a  naval  fight  on 
Lake  Ontario,  31 1. 


w. 


Washington,  Col.,  272. 

Westchester  county,  officers  of,  in  1693,  200;  strength 
of  the  militia  of,  203  ;  names  of  the  militia  officers 
of,  in  1700.  233;  population  of,  in  1698,  467;  in 
1703  and  '12,  469;  in  1723,  471;  in  1731,  ib.; 
in  1737,472;  in  1716,  ib.;  in  1749,473;  in  1756, 
ib.;  in  1771,  471. 


Vessels  captured  at  Oswego,  return  of  the,  320. 

Viele,  Arnaud  Cornelis,  sent  by  Col.  Dongan  to  plant 
the  Duke  of  York's  arms  in  the  several  Iroquois 
villages,  76 ;  meets  with  opposition  at  Onondaga, 
87 ;  supposed  to  be  an  emissary  from  the  Albany 
merchants,  91. 

Virginia,  the  Iroquois  name  for,  264. 

Western  New-York,  first  English  settlement  in, 
2S9. 

Wheat,  price  of,  in  1696,  215. 
Williams  fort,  location  of,  329 ;  abandoned,  33S. 
Wolf,  Indian  name  of  the  tribe  of  the,  11. 
Wyoming,  Indian  name  for,  271. 


York,  Duke  of,  applied  to  by  the  French  ambassador 
to  prevent  his  governor  supplying  the  Indians  with 


arms,  72  ;  the  arms  of  the,  erected  in  the  Iroquois 
villages,  76 ;  torn  down  by  a  drunken  Indian,  87. 


